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Copsrig^b, 1880, bs %- S^- ^uxm§ 4t Co. 




Route of the Allies, King's Ferry to Head of Elk, by John Austin Stevens, i 
Smith's House at Haverstraw, N. Y., Washington's Headquarters, by Charles 

A. Campbell, 21 

Archaeological Discovery — Remains of an Ancient Indian Work on Fish 

Creek, near Saratoga Springs, N. Y., by William L. Stone, ... 34 
Journal of Miss Powell of a tour from Montreal to Detroit, 1789, with Notes, 

by Eliza Susan Quincy, 37 

Descriptions of the Falls of Niagara, 47 

Notes, Queries and Replies, 56, 134, 214, 369, 450 

Literary Notices, • . . . 67, 147, 227, 384, 461 

Register of Books received 1880, . 74, 477 

Obituary Notices. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan, D. D., LL. D., by John 

Gilmary Shea, 77 ; Samuel Osgood, D. D., LL. D., by Jacob B. Moore, 399 
The Traditional Washington Vindicated, by B. F. de Costa, ... 81 

The De Wint House, at Tappan, N. Y., Washington's Headquarters, by John 

Austin Stevens, 105 

Washington Manor House, Sulgrave, England, by John Austin Stevens, . 113 
Letters of Washington, now first published (thirty-two), 1 782-1 783, . .116 
Washington Portraits — Four letters from Rembrandt Peale, . . .129 

The Affair at Block House Point, 1780, by Charles H. Winfield, . . . 161 
The Massacre of the Stockbridge Indians, 1778, by Thomas F. De Voe, . 187 

George Clymer, the Signer, by Wharton Dickenson, 196 

Liguest, the Founder of St. Louis, by E. N. Lander, 204 

Eloquence of the North American Indians, by Caleb Atwater, . . .211 
The Southern Campaign, 1780 — Gates at Camden, by John Austin Stevens, . 241 
Letters of Major-Gen. Gates, from June 21st to August 31st, 1780, . . 281 
Orders issued by Major-Gen. Gates to Southern Army, 1780, . . .310 
The Pawnee Indians — their habits and customs, by John B. Dunbar, . .321 
Pitalesharu — Chief of the Pawnees, by John B. Dunbar, .... 343 
Centres of Primitive Manufacture in Georgia, by Charles C. Jones, Jr., . 346 

Battle of King's Mountain, reprinted from the Shelby tract, . . . .351 
The Affair at King's Mountain, by J. Watts de Peyster, . . . .401 
The Southern Campaign, 1780 — Gates at Camden, by John Austin Stevens, 425 
Tracts of the American Revolution, by J. C. Stockbridge, .... 427 
French Hill and the Tradition of the French in Northern Westchester, by 

William J. Gumming, 442 

The St. M^min Portraits, by the Editor, 446 

The Case of Osceola, 447 




Portrait of Count de Rochambeau, steel etching, by Hall, . . . . i 

Map of the West of the Hudson, from Erskine's MS. Survey, ... 8 
Map of the Route of the Allies from Chatham to Head of Elk, from Lieut. 

Hill's Survey, 17 

View of Old King's Ferry at Stony Point, N. Y., by A. Hosier, ... 20 
Joshua Hett Smith House, Haverstraw, N. Y. — Washington's Headquarters — 

by A. Hosier, 24 

View of Andre's Room, . . . ' . , . . . . .33 
View of Niagara Falls in 1790 — fac-simile of a cut in the Massachusetts 

Magazine, .- • • 55 

Portrait of Washington, steel engraving, by Holl 85 

The Washington Tomb, by A. Hosier, 104 

The De Wint House, Tappan, N. Y. — Washington's Headquarters — by A. 

Hosier, 105 

View of Washington's Room at the De Wint House, 112 

View of theWashington Manor House, Sulgrave, Northamptonshire, England, 115 
View of Block House Point, Hudson River, by A. Hosier, . . . .165 
Map of the West of the Hudson, from Closter to Paulus Hook, . . .170 

Plan of Attack on the Block House, 172 

Erskine's Data for ascertaining the width of the North River, . . .174 

Scene of the Massacre of the Stockbridge Indians, August 31st, 1778, . . 195 

Portrait of George Clymer, steel engraving, by Sartain, 196 

The Clymer House, Philadelphia, Pa., by A Hosier, 200 

Portrait of Major-General Horatio Gates, steel etching, by Hall, . . . 241 
Part of the plan of the Seat of War in the Southern States, from Johnson's 

Life of Greene, 269 

Plan of the Battle near Camden, by Col. Senff, from the Steuben Papers, . 275 
Plan of the Battle fought near Camden, engraved for Stedman's History of 

the American War, 281 

Portrait of Pitalesharu — head chief of the Pawnees — ^wood engraving, by 

Richardson, after an original photograph, 321 

Map of the Pawnee Territory 333 

Plan of the Battle of King's Mountain, from Ramsey's History of Tennessee, 415 

Chart of the Route of the French from Providence to King's Ferry, . . 444 
Portraits of Governor George Clinton and Lady Clinton, from the original 

copper plates of St. M^min, 446 





Vol. V JULY 1880 No. 1 




THE operations of the allied armies before New York in the months 
of July and August, 1781, thoroughly alarmed Sir Henry Clinton 
as to the safety of his position ; even the heavy reinforcements 
received from Europe were not sufficient in his opinion to warrant any 
offensive movement against his enterprising enemies. Twice the defenses 
of the upper part of the island were approached almost to the muzzles 
of his guns. Twice the French and American armies were drawn up 
in line of battle inviting an engagement, and once their commanders, 
Washington and Rochambeau, with their staffs and an escort of cavalry 
rode down the northern front of the British position from its western 
outpost on the Hudson to its eastern batteries on the Harlem and the 
Sound. The American troops were no longer the untrained militia of 
the earlier years. The French contingent were veterans of hard con- 
tested fields. Discretion here seemed to Clinton the better part of valor. 
Nor was Clinton wrong in his belief that New York was the true ob- 
jective point of the movements of the allies. Washington himself did 
not definitely change his plans until the 14th August, when he received 
certain information that the Count de Grasse would be within a very 
short space of time at the mouth of the Chesapeake with a powerful 
army and land force. On this day he records in his diary that *' mat- 
ters having come to a crisis and a decisive plan to be determined on, he 
was obhged, from the shortness of Count de Grasse's promised stay on 
the coast, the apparent disinclination of the French naval officers to 
force the harbor of New York, the feeble compliance of the States with 
his requisitions for men hitherto and with prospect of no greater exertion 
in future, to give up the idea of attacking New York; and instead 
thereof, to remove the French troops and a detachment from the Ameri- 


can army to the Head of Elk, to be transported to Virginia for the 
purpose of cooperating with the force from the West Indies against the 
troops in that State." The next day he despatched a courier to the 
Marquis de Lafayette with the joyful news and directed him to be in 
perfect readiness to second his views and prevent, if possible, the retreat 
of Cornwallis towards the Carolinas. 

In these words are found the first practical inception of the York- 
town campaign which was the alternative plan discussed by the allied 
commanders and from the time of the conference at Weathersfield, the 
desire of de Rochambeau. Later letters from Lafayette the next day 
brought information that Lord Cornwallis, with the troops from Hamp- 
ton Roads, had proceeded up York River and landed at York and 
Gloucester where they were throwing up earth works. 

While hastening the movement to which the happy coincidence of 
the imprudence of Cornwallis and the expected arrival of the French 
squadron promised brilliant and signal success, Washington neglected 
no measure to conceal his changed tactics. While heavy working par- 
ties were engaged in repairing roads over which the army was to 
move, and extensive ovens were built by the French at Chatham for the 
baking of bread for the troops, the roads leading toward Staten 
Island were also repaired in order to threaten a movement on New 
York by the flank, and confirm the opinion of Clinton that the French 
fleet would shortly be at the entrance of the harbor of New York. 

The detachment from the American army, as Washington invariably 
terms it, was " composed of the Light Infantry under Colonel Scammel, 
consisting of two light companies from the York and two from the Con- 
necticut line, the remainder of the Jersey line, two regiments of York, 
Hazen's regiment, and the regiment of Rhode Island, together with 
Lamb's regiment of artillery, with cannon and other ordnance for the 
field and siege." Hazen's was the regiment selected to divert the atten- 
tion of the British commander. This was the regiment of Canadian 
volunteers. Thrown over directly from Dobbs' Ferry to Sneden's 
landing opposite, it was ordered with the Jersey troops to march 
and take post between Springfield and Chatham. This position also 
covered the French bakery, which was in full operation. The 
crossing was made on the i8th August. The same day the Amer- 
ican Quartermaster-General was sent forward to King's Ferry, which 
Washington sets down in his own hand as " the only secure passage " 
of the Hudson, to prepare for the rapid transportation of the troops. 
Marching orders were issued from the camp at Philipsburg on the 


morning of the 19th. The light troops moved rapidly in advance, 
crossed King's Ferry in the night, and pushed forward immediately to 
Kakeat, where they went into camp. Washington, who went in 
advance of the army, halted at Haverstraw to look personally to the 
details of the crossing of the Hudson. 

The head of the American column reached King's Ferry at ten 
o'clock on the morning of the 20th, and by the close of the 21st the 
entire force, with all their baggage, artillery and stores, were safely car- 
ried over, only a few wagons of the Commissary and Quartermaster- 
General's department remaining, which were detained to allow of the 
crossing of the French, some of whose artillery and part of the infantry 
arrived on the 21st During the time occupied in this movement Wash- 
ington mounted thirty flat boats, to carry about forty men each, upon 
carriages, as well with a design, as he wrote in his diary, " to 
deceive the enemy as to be useful in Virginia." On Wednesday, the 
22d also, in General Orders, dated Haverstraw, he reminded the army 
of his explicit orders, issued on the 19th June, at the opening of the 
campaign, and again particularly charged it upon the detachment under 
the direction of General Lincoln that, as they were to " consider them- 
selves as Light Troops, who are always supposed to be fit for imme- 
diate action, they should free themselves from every incumbrance which 
might interfere with the activity of the movement." The crossing of the 
French troops with their cavalry and heavy siege trains was a long 
and difficult operation. Notwithstanding the large number of ferryboats 
gathered by the indefatigable efforts of the American Quartermaster, 
their rear guard was not over until the 26th. 

Before entering upon a relation of the route of the Allies in their 
southward march, a brief description of King's Ferry, the terminus of 
the famous old revolutionary road, may prove of interest. The colonial 
records of the State of New York make no mention of this river cross- 
ing. The communication between the two sides of the Hudson was 
slight until the strategic necessity of war made of the old road, 
as similar necessity has made of the thousand arteries of European 
travel, a military highway. It assumed its first prominence in history 
when Washington, after the check of the British at White Plains and 
North Castle, and the withdrawal of Sir William Howe and his baffled 
army to New York city, moved his army in the late autumn of 1776 
across the Hudson, and began the policy of offensive defense which 
earned for him the name of the American Fabius. It lies at the foot of 
the western slope of the eminence known as Stony Point. Well does 


this historic hill deserve its name. Heavy boulders of granite rock lie 
gaunt and rough upon the hills, scatterings of the glaciers which split 
the Hudson highlands and the palisades below, cleanly as with a chisel, 
in nature's grand impulsion, from the Polar platform to the sea. No- 
where on the Atlantic slope are such massive boulders to be found as 
here. They equal in size the deposits of the Alpine glaciers on the 
Savoy shore of the lake of Geneva, near the celebrated chestnut grove, 
and are more remarkable in their distance from the elevations from 
which they were detached and hurled. 

In the struggle to obtain control of the North River, the northern 
division line of the colonies, the importance of Stony Point was early 
recognized by the commanders of the contending armies. In his solici- 
tude for the safety of the Highlands, Washington undertook its 
defense, notwithstanding his limited resources in men and material, but 
the prosecution of the unfinished work was interrupted by the formid- 
able movement, led by Sir Henry Clinton in person, and was aban- 
doned to his superior force on the last day of May, 1779. Fort Lafa- 
yette, on Verplanck's Point, the terminus of the ferry on the east side of 
the Hudson, was surrendered a few days later, and Clinton at once 
strengthened the two posts, a movement which Washington considered 
one of the best of the enemy. King's Ferry he pronounced, in a letter 
to his friend, Fitzhugh of Maryland, written from New Windsor, at this 
period, " as the best, indeed for us the only passage of the river below 
the Highlands." Washington, anticipating an immediate attempt to 
force the passage of the Highlands, at once broke up his encampment 
at Middlebrook, and shifted his headquarters to New Windsor. Sir 
Henry Clinton showed no disposition, however, to try conclusions in the 
fastnesses above, and shortly withdrew his main body to New York city, 
leaving, however, a strong garrison in the works. The gallant surprise 
and capture of the post by Mad Anthony Wayne with his light infantry 
on the night of the isth July was fully commemorated on its recent cen- 
tennial anniversary. Too weak to garrison the post, Washington con- 
tented himself with razing the works and removing the guns. Sir Henry 
Clinton in turn sent up a strong force, which took possession of the fort, 
and followed with his whole army, in the hope of drawing Washington 
to a general engagement on disadvantageous ground, but Washington 
was not to be drawn into action, except at times and on ground of his 
own choosing. The British repaired the works, but soon abandoned them ; 
Sir Henry Clinton advising Lord George Germaine on the 21st August 
that '* he had not troops enough without hazard and difficulty to main- 


tain them during the winter," and on the ist November Washmgton is 
found writing to Pendleton that Stony Point, " which has been a bone of 
contention the whole campaign, and the principal business of it on the 
part of the enemy, is now wholly evacuated by them." In the spring of 
1780 the posts were re-established by Washington to control the water 
communication against temporary interruption, and during the summer 
held by militia, who were ordered to withdraw on the first appearance 
of the enemy in force, and to remove the cannon. No further attempts 
were however made by the British commanders, and the post remained 
in undisputed possession of the Americans till the close of the war. 

Verplanck's Point opposite is about eight miles below Peekskill, 
whose rocky passes form the impregnable eastern gateway of the Hud- 
son Highlands. The point itself is the extremity of a peninsula of 
land which gently slopes from the higher ground behind to the water's 
edge. This has always been the eastern terminus of King's Ferry. 

The curious enquirer, however, would find it difficult to ascertain the 
exact location of the western landing from any printed authority, and as 
difficult from any tradition of the neighborhood. Dr. Lossing, the very 
best authority on all questions of revolutionary topography, does not pre- 
cisely designate it. There are known to have been three different land- 
ing places on the western shore of the Hudson. The one at which Dr. 
Lossing crossed while engaged in researches for his Field Book, the 
vade mecum of historic enquirers, was the middle one of the three, and 
the second in age ; it is at the foot of a steep hill about a quarter of a 
mile by the river shore from Stony Point ; there are remains of the 
masonry of a narrow causeway ; the third and last is still further to the 
northward about a quarter of a mile to the north of Stony Point at 
the mouth of a small creek, which flows into the Hudson, but 
the old King's Ferry was at the very foot of the Stony Point eminence. 
Here, not far distant from it, jutting into the stream, and to the 
northward, under the protection of its sheltering flank, lies a miniature 
cove with a hard graveled shore, which is known by the name of 
Teneyck's Beach ; the Teneycks having had an imprescriptible right to 
this ferriage from colonial time immemorial. The stone foundations 
and heavy bulwarks of the old dock still mark the landing, but the place 
is better known in the neighborhood from the enormous willow tree 
which grows at the water's edge and deserves to be mentioned among 
the most famous American trees. It is a wonderful specimen of the 
Pollard variety and perfect in dome-like form. Its branches hang al- 
most to the ground. Its sufficient, abundant and close foliage is imper- 


vious to rain. Its massive trunk measures at a height of four feet from 
the ground, seventeen feet ten inches. Its roots, interwoven in a net- 
work platform, cover an extensive circumference. From the beach 
the broad causeway leads up the ravine between the Stony Point 
hill and that to the northward. It is now entirely covered with grass» 
but its breadth and evident strength are sufhcient evidence that it was 
constructed by competent engineers for the rough uses of army move- 
ment. The slope of the northern hill is now covered with a fine or- 
chard. The causeway runs between the hills nearly at right angles 
with the river and strikes the main road, the Albany turnpike, at a dis- 
tance of about half a mile. ' 

Washington watched the crossing of the allied forces from a 
marquee prepared for him at Verplanck's Point by the French officers ; 
a brilliant pageant it was he witnessed these bright summer days. 
The broad stream glittering in the sunlight, flecked with innumerable 
boats bearing their martial array, in continuous line from Verplanck's 
Point, where the American colors waved from the little post of Fort 
Lafayette, to the beach beneath the guns of Stony Point. The chivalry 
of France, the war-worn veteran, de Rochambeau, the elegant and 
learned de Chastellux, the brilliant brothers de Viom^nil, followed by 
their staffs, in which rode the flower of French nobility, Dukes, 
Barons, Knights and Squires of high degree. The reading of their 
names sounds like a page from the Chronicles of Froissart. The 
feeling with which Washington regarded this initial move of the 
Southern campaign is related with charming naturalness by RI. 
Blanchard, the Commissary of the French army, who was at his 
side. " He seemed," says the French officer, " in this crossing, in the 
march of our troops toward the Chesapeake Bay, and our reunion with 
M. de Grasse, to see a better destiny arise at the period of the war^ 
when, exhausted and destitute of resources, he needed a great success 
which might raise courage and hope." Blanchard adds that Wash- 
ington pressed his hand with much affection when he left Verplanck's 
Point and crossed the river himself, at two o'clock on the afternoon of 
the 25th, to rejoin the army. 

During the days from the 21st to the 25th August, Washington had 
his headquarters at Belmont, an elegant mansion still standing, and 
famous in American history as the residence of Joshua Hett Smith, and 
the spot where the final details of the plot to deliver over West Point 
to Sir Henry Clinton were completed by the traitor, Arnold, who com- 
manded the post, and Major Andr6, Adjutant-General of the British 


army, and it was the owner who, ignorantly perhaps, but more probably 
with entire cognizance of the general purposes of the chief actors, 
guided the disguised officer through the American lines, beyond which 
he fell prisoner. 

The building, which had acquired the name of Treason House, had 
lost somewhat of its grandeur, and \%ith its grounds had suffered depre- 
dation from marauders, but its situation for the headquarters of a 
commander-in-chief was unrivalled. Standing on high tableland, it 
overlooks the whole of the broad bay of Haverstraw, here five miles 
wide, and the Hudson southerly for a far greater distance. Not a ves- 
sel could pass the points of the shore, on upward or downward course, 
not a boat or canoe ply between the river banks, without being seen 
from this natural observatory. Washington knew it well, and had often 
been the guest of its old owner on his many passages to and fro from 
West Point to the Jerseys to threaten or defend the Jersey plains or 
the Highland approaches. This was the house to which he invited 
Rochambeau to a farm breakfast on the morning of the 21st of August, 
and it was here that M. Blanchard, bearing a dispatch to him from 
the French commander, took a cup of tea with the American chief on 
the evening of the same day ; and it was in the commanding position of 
the neighboring fields that the French troops made and held their 


On the morning of Friday, the 24th August, Washington in General 
Orders directed that the troops be supplied with three days* rations, 
and hold themselves in perfect readiness to march ; and in after Gen- 
eral Orders of the same day they were detailed to march in two col- 
umns the next morning, by the right, at four o'clock ; the right column 
to consist of Olney's regiment, park of artillery, sappers and miners, 
the Commander-in-Chief's baggage, baggage of the artillery, spare am- 
munition, baggage and stores of every kind. The next morning, Sat- 
urday, the 25th, the army moved. General Lincoln, with the light 
infantry and the First New York Regiment, which had lain in camp at 
Kakeat since the night of the 19th, was ordered to pursue the route by 
Paramus to Springfield, while Colonel Lamb, with his regiment of 
artillery, the park and stores, covered by Olney's Rhode Island regi- 
ment, proceeded to Chatham by the way of Pompton and the two 
bridges. The same day the French broke camp, the Legion of Lauzun 
leading the van, followed by the first division of the French army, com- 


posed of the regiments of Bourbonnais and Deux-Ponts, with their 
parks of heavy artillery. The Baron de Viom^nil commanded this 
corps. Their line of march was to Percipany, by way of Suffern's and 
Pompton. They took the route through Hackensack, reached Suf- 
fern's, about fifteen miles distant, where they encamped. 

Washington left the Ferry in th/5 afternoon, and joined the advance of 
the right column, which had reached Ramapo and gone into camp, 
whence he issued his orders for the next day's march, which was to be 
continued in the same order, save that the baggage of the Commander- 
in-Chief was to precede the park. So long as there was business and 
danger in the rear, Washington remained behind. He now passed to the 
front of the army to remove all obstructions and hasten its movement. 

On the 26th the Light Infantry marched from Kakeat to Paramus, 
the right column to the forks of the Passaic, where they encamped, and 
orders were issued for a renewal of the march on the next morning, 
shortly after daybreak, in the same order. The first division of the French 
moved from Suffem's to Pompton, crossing the river Pompton three 
times over the wooden bridges, which were in excellent repair. The 
distance was about fifteen miles. So entirely were all but the chiefs in the 
dark as to the real objective point of the campaign, that even on this 
day the Duke de Deux-Ponts, who commanded the regiment which 
bore his name, sets it down in his diary that the corps under Wash- 
ington's immediate command had taken another direction, and seemed 
to be about to move towards Paulus Hook (now Jersey City) or Staten 
Island; and he expresses himself as unable to form a fixed opinion 
as to the object of the march. The same day the second division of 
the French army left their encampment at Haverstraw and marched to 
Suffern's, where they encamped on the ground the first had left in the 
morning. This division, consisting of the regiments of Soissonnais and 
Saintonge, was commanded by the Vicomte de Viom^nil; they 
brought up the rear with all the baggage and stores. 

On the 27th the American troops continued the feint upon New 
York, manoeuvering at Springfield, preceded and covered by the Light 
Infantry. On this day the Duke de Deux-Ponts records that he was 
for the first time informed under injunction of the strictest secrecy, that 
the real purpose of the campaign was the capture of Cornwallis. The 
first division of the French marched from Pompton to Whippany or 
Hanover. Whippany lies on the stream of the same name, and is not 
far from Morristown. The same day the second division of the French 
continued over the same route. In his general orders of the 28th, is- 



sued at Springfield, Washington changed the formation of his army. 
Part of General Lincoln's command were formed into three brigades in 
the following order : The Light Infantry were placed under Colonel 
Scammel on the right ; the two New York regiments under Brigadier- 
General James Clinton on the left ; the Jersey and Rhode Island regi- 
ments in the centre. Two field pieces were annexed to the Jersey Brig- 
ade. Marching orders for the next day assigned the following orders : 
The left of the line to consist of the three brigades named ; the right 
column of the Park of Artillery, the boats (those which Washington had 
mounted on carriages at King's Ferry), the baggage and stores under 
escort of Brigadier-General Hazen's regiment and the corps of sappers 
and miners. The first division of the French army halted during the day 
and were joined by the second division. In the afternoon the Count de 
Rochambeau left the army for Philadelphia, taking with him the Counts 
de Fersen, de Vauban and the Baron de Closen of his staff. The Cheva- 
lier de la Luzerne, the French Ambassador, resided at Philadelphia, 
where Congress was in session, and tidings of the appearance of the 
squadron of the Count de Grasse were awaited with the greatest impa- 
tience and anxiety. 

On the morning of the 29th, the French moved to Bullion's Tavern, 
and the right column of the Americans to Bound Brook. The feint 
against New York having served its purpose, and its continuance being 
of no further advantage, Washington issued his orders for the march 
southward. His own admirable diary, in itself a complete his- 
tory of the campaign, gives the best account of his purposes and his 
measures. "As our intentions could be concealed one march more 
(under the idea of marching to Sandy Hook to facilitate the entrance 
of the French fleet within the Bay), the whole army was put in motion 
in three columns. The left consisted of the Light Infantry, First York 
Regiment and the Regiment of Rhode Island ; the middle column con- 
sisted of the Park, stores and baggage. Lamb's regiment of Artillery, 
Hazen's and the corps of sappers and miners ; the right column con- 
sisted of the whole French army, baggage, stores, etc. This last was to 
march by the route of Morristown, Bullion's Tavern, Somerset Court 
House and Princeton. The middle was to go by Bound Brook to Som- 
erset, etc., and the left to proceed by the way of Brunswick to Trenton, 
to which place the whole were to march, transports being ordered to 
meet them there." These orders issued, Washington set out for Phila- 
delphia for further arrangements to provide vessels and transportation 
for the ordnance and stores. 


It is not necessary to trace the movement of each of these columns 
on the road over which they moved. The Light Infantry, under Scam- 
mel, reached Brunswick on the 29th, Princeton on the 30th, Trenton 'on 
the 31st. They crossed the Delaware on the ist September, marched 
seventeen miles and encamped at Lower Doublan, twelve miles from 
Philadelphia; on the second they marched through the city. 

The right column of the Americans with the Artillery marched from 
Bound Brook to Princeton on the 29th, which they left on the 30th. 

The route of the French has been carefully preserved in the numer- 
ous diaries of the officers. The First Brigade marched from Whippany 
to Bullion's Tavern on the 29th, a distance of sixteen miles. On the 
30th they reached Somerset Court House, fifteen miles; the 31st 
marched from Somerset to Princeton, eighteen miles : the ist of 
September from Princeton to Trenton, twelve miles. The 2d they 
went into camp to the northward of Red Lion Tavern, sixteen miles 
from Philadelphia. The distance between King's Ferry and Philadel- 
phia is about one hundred and thirty miles, and the country traversed 
on this famous march, which is still full of the memories of the allied 
armies that trod its soil, passed through its villages, and enjoyed its 
hospitality, is celebrated for its picturesque beauty. 

From the high tableland under the shadow of Mount Thor, one of 
the boldest peaks of the western Hudson Highlands, the country drops 
in gradual descent to the flat and fertile plains of the Jerseys. The road 
from King's Ferry to Suffern's, which was the first day's journey of the 
troops, still retains many of its ancient landmarks, to which there is a 
thoroughly accurate guide in the map which Erskine drew from the 
surveys, which he made in 1779, as Geographer to the Continental army. 
His charts are to-day the best possible guide for the traveler ; every house 
which was standing in the last century is laid down, the taverns marked 
with their keepers' names, and even the smallest streams traced in their 
winding courses, crossing and recrossing the road. The first of the 
taverns, though a short distance to the eastward of the turnpike, was 
Benson's; though now deserted, it has been used as a public house until a 
quite recent period. Its situation is delightful, on a plateau which com- 
mands an extensive view to the south and eastward ; down the river are 
seen the sharp angles of Grassy and Teller's Points, which jut out far 
into the broad bosom of the river. 

Just below Benson's Corners is a once romantic dale, swept by a dark, 
wild stream, the roar of whose waters is now mingled with the thousand 
wheels of extensive factories ; here is one of the finest groves of elms 


in Rockland County. Leaving old North Haverstraw high perched on 
the hillside to the eastward, the old revolutionary road takes a more 
southwesterly direction, passing through the hamlet of Kakeat, v/here 
John Coe kept a tavern, a familiar halting place of the troopers. It was 
here that Major Tallmadge halted with his dragoons when taking Andr6 
down from West Point to Tappan. Beyond Kakeat the road passes 
the Hollow-way, which lies between the ridge, upon which it runs, and 
the eastern base of the Ramapo hills, which it gradually approaches 
and finallv reaches a short distance above SufTern*s, at the head of 
Anthony's lake. Here stands the oldest house in the valley, built by 
Ludowick Carlow, in 1756. Suffern's is in the State of New York, 
just to the northward of the New Jersey line. It was an important 
strategic point, situated at the end of the Ramapo range where the 
valley passes to the mountain ranges converge. 

On the maps of the old Indian War it is marked as the site of a 
fort, Fort George, but there are no remains of its works, and no tra- 
dition of it remains in the neighborhood. The formation of the land 
has been greatly altered to lay the base of the railroad track. A 
high flat plain to the eastward of the fort site still retains the 
name of the American camp-ground. It lies at the foot of a hill, whose 
impassable rocky sides rise almost perpendicularly, and afford a perfect 
protection to the rear. At the northern extremity of this broad field 
there are visible remains of earthworks, probably a tCte de chcmin to 
cover the old northern turnpike which passed directly through the 
camp. On the west runs the Ramapo stream. There is a tradition 
that this was only a quarantine or invalid camp, but the better opinion 
is that it was thrown up to prevent the British movements up the valley. 
Beyond the river also, at what is now entitled Woodburn, are the 
remains of an encampment, where Harlem bricks and traces of fire- 
places have been found. The Harlem bricks indicate a much older 
camp ground than that of 1781. Suffern*s takes its name from an 
old innkeeper, John Suffern, who emigrated from Antrim, Ireland, in 
1763. He landed at Philadelphia, but first settled at Haverstraw. He 
established himself in the Ramapo valley in 1773, where his descendants 
still reside. The old stone house was a famous resort of the patriots. 
Washington made his headquarters here, and here also was the scene of 
one of Burr's dashing exploits. Not far beyond on the northern side of 
the old post-road was Wannemacker's tavern, still standing, a deserted 
ruin. Near by, also, is the house where Andrew Hopper resided. 
Washington was a constant visitor at this house. Hopper maintained 


his relations with New York, and it is said kept Washington constantly 
informed of the movements of the enemy. It is impossible to con- 
ceive of a road of more changing and picturesque beauty, lined with 
magnificent trees, oaks, elms, chestnuts, hemlocks and larches in endless 
variety ; broad green pastures, threaded by bright cr}'stal streams, and 
a perpetual winding way around the hillsides and deep down in the 
heart of the dales ; some of them, like the Dark Road or Tinker's Gap, 
have their tale of horror to enhance the interest of nature with super- 
natural charm. 

Running through the valley at the foot of the steep Wynockie cliff, 
the westernmost hills of the Ramapo range, the old revolutionary road 
passes the Pond, a pretty sheet of water, fed from the springs of neigh- 
boring hills, and soon crosses the Ramapo at a most picturesque spot, 
marked by the homestead of the Schuylers of New Jersey. This was 
the first of the bridges over the Ramapo ; the second crossing was by 
the Norton tavern, near which was the old Pompton furnace which 
Ryerson kept in full blaze in the days of the Revolution. The Pompton 
Plains in which the French pitched their tents, are at the foot of one of 
the Wynockie hills. One of these hills is called Federal Hill ; there an 
old cannon was found some years ago, but it is more probable that 
this took its name from the celebration of the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion by the Jersey Blues. The roads over all this country are admirable, 
hard and firm, fit for the movement of the heaviest trains. The country 
abounds in forest groves, rich in foliage of unexampled luxuriance, and 
the atmosphere is exhilarating beyond idea. The act of living is a delight 
in the crisp bracing air of these plains. No wonder that the French of- 
ficers wrote that the route was superb — an open country they found it 
and well cultivated, inhabited by Hollanders, quite rich. Curious to 
see the natural beauties of the western hemisphere the French officers, 
after looking to the encampment of their men, paid a visit to the Totawa 
Fall. They note the extensive farms, the great numbers of cattle and 
the abundance of fruit ; the apples trees found fewer than in the northern 
provinces, but peach trees numerous ; the cultivation chiefly of buck- 
wheat and maize. The land they found to need manuring and not 
equal to the best in France. One of them notices the total absence of 
gardens and walls and the rarity of fences even ; everywhere a strik- 
ing contrast to the high masonry which to this day divides the French 
farms in the neighborhood of the towns, and it must be admitted, sadly 
detracts from the picturesqueness of the scenery of that beautiful 
country. The inhabitants of New Jersey the French set down as mostly 


of Alsacian and Holland extraction; easy, hospitable and contented. 
Provisions arrived at the French camp from all sides, not brought by 
trading hucksters or marketwomen, but by ladies, with their heads 
dressed and adorned with jewels, driving their own rustic wagons drawn 
by spirited horses in double and sometimes treble front. They cor- 
rectly describe the Totowa Fall as more singular and imposing than 

Of Bullion's Tavern on the road beyond Chatham, the French me- 
moirs give no description, nor yet of Somerset Court House. From 
Somerset to Princeton the road led through thick woods. Princeton 
they found a pleasant and well built town of about sixty houses. The 
college, with its fifty students, is noticed, and the curious orrery of David 
Rittenhouse described. One French account gives the number of the 
windows in the front of the building ; there were twenty-five. Tren- 
ton is described as containing about one hundred houses. Here the 
Delaware was crossed, the wagons by the ford, the troops in ferry 
boats. From Trenton to Philadelphia the road is broad. It follows 
the bank of the Delaware through a flat country covered with fine 
farms and occasional woodland. The beauty of .Burlington is remarked ; 
and Bristol is pronounced a pretty town of forty or fifty houses. The old 
Red Lion Tavern, about sixteen miles to the northward of Philadelphia, 
finds mention in all of the memoirs of the time. The banks of the 
Delaware reminded the French of the Loire in its flat and smiling 
beauty. The North River, they found sombre and wild ; as it is indeed ; 
resembling more the dark Danube than any other European stream. 


Washington arrived in Philadelphia on the 30th August. The best 
account of this interesting event appears in the Pennsylvania Packet, of 
the 1st September. It runs as follows: 

" On Thursday, the 30th of August, at one o'clock in the afternoon, 
his Excellency the Commander-in-chief of the American armies, accom- 
panied by the Generals Rochambeau and Chastellux, with their 
respective suites, arrived in this city. The General was received by 
the militia light horse in the suburbs, and escorted into the town ; he 
stopped at the City Tavern and received the visit of several gentlemen ; 
from thence he proceeded to the house of the Superintendent of Finance, 
where he now has his headquarters. About three o*clock he went up 

lllli I •' 


After the review was over the President sent the following letter to 
the Count : 

Sir, I have the honour to express to your Excellency the satisfaction of 
Congress in the compliment which has been paid to them by the troops of his 
Most Christian Majesty under your command. The brilliant appearance and ex- 
act discipline of the several corps do the highest honour to their officers, and 
afford a happy presage of the most distinguished services in a cause which they 
have so zealously espoused. 

I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excel- 
lency's most obedient and most humble servant, Thomas McKean. v 

His Excellency Count De Rochambeau, 

Commander of the French Army. 

Philadelphia, September 4, 1781. 

The next day the Regiment of Soissonnais, commanded by the 
Count de Saint-Maime, went through its manoeuvres, including that of 
firing. According to a French account, at least twenty thousand persons 
were present, and many carriages remarkable for their elegance and 
lightness, admiring the martial scene, to which the beauty of the locality 
and the perfection of the day added fresh charm. The rapidity of the 
evolutions of the troops, their ensemble and precision excited the enthu- 
siasm of the spectators. 

Among the spectators was the President of Congress in a long, 
black velvet coat, which surprised the French by its simplicity. 
Upon this good Abb6 Robin, who served as chaplain, comments ; 
considering "the good Pennsylvanians as far below the French in 
etiquette as the French were below them in the science of legislation." 
Much were the French amused at what they considered the mistake of 
the people, who seemed to take for a General a servant of one of the 
French Grand Seigneurs. This important personage wore a short close 
jacket, rich silver fringed coat, pink shoes, hat emblazoned with armo- 
rial bearings and cane with enormous head, which appeared to them as 
signs of high dignity. Every time, says the Abb6, that he approached 
his master to receive his orders the people supposed that he went to 
g^ve them. The incident is amusing, the explanation simple. The 
comments of the Abb6 may be dismissed with a smile. The race of 
badauds is not confined to one continent. 

And here is given to complete the narrative, the American ac- 
count of this military display which appeared in the Pennsylvania 
Packet of the 8th September. 


" Last Wednesday afternoon His Most Christian Majesty's regiment 
of Soissonnais was exercised on the commons near this city in the pres- 
ence of their Excellencies the President of Congress, the Minister of 
France, and the Count de Rochambeau, General Chattelaux, M. de 
Marbois, and a vast concourse of the inhabitants, who expressed the 
highest satisfaction at the various evolutions and firings exhibited by 
this truly veteran corps, which was accompanied by four field pieces. 
And we are happy to assure the public of the great harmony which 
exists between all ranks of the allied army ; and it is a fact too deeply 
impressed on the heart of every honest American to need our mention- 
ing the great affection shown by the people individually, as well as at 
larg-e, toward these troops. It is w||h much pleasure we also relate that 
no accident happened on the above occasion." 

The day so happily opened closed with a joyous enthusiasm to 
which there had been no parallel in Philadelphia since the remarkable 
fourth of July, 1776. Then the excitement, though founded on fixed 
pur[>ose and high motive, was yet tinged with gloom ; now suddenly all 
apprehensions were dispelled and independence seemed to be assured. 

At the close of the manoeuvres the Chevalier de la Luzerne, whose 
state and hospitality were princely, invited the French officers to dine. 
Hardly were the guests seated when a courier arrived. The dispatch 
was handed to the Chevalier. It contained the announcement of the 
arrival in the Chesapeake of the Count de Grasse with thirty-six ships 
of the line and three thousand troops, who had already landed and 
opened communication with the Marquis de Lafayette. Impossible to 
describe the enthusiasm of the officers. Healths were drunk in rapid 
succession; notably that of the Duke de Castries, the French Minister 
of Marine, to which the presence of his son the Count de Charlus, 
Colonel in second of the Regiment of Saintonge, gave peculiar zest. 
While the gayety was at its height, Mr. Thompson, the Secretary of 
Congress, arrived to tender his congratulations. His thin and wrinkled 
face, his deep sunk and sparkling eyes, and straight white hair, worn 
plain and hardly reaching his ears, and his plain costume, attracted the 
attention of the company, and presented a strong contrast to their 
courtly costumes, with gay colors, periwigs military decorations and 
knig^htly orders. 

The joyful news of the arrival of the fleet and the blockade of the 
Chesapeake soon spread through the city, the excited population of 
which thronged to the hotel of the Minister with shouts of Vivf le Rat/ 
Our histories preserve but slight details of these popular outbursts, but 



in this time of centennial remembrance which mark the anniversaries 
of these gala days, those of 1781 will surely not be forgotten by the 
patriotic city of Philadelphia. 


The light troops under Scammel, which passed through Philadelphia, 
on the 2d September, went into camp on the banks of the Schuylkill. 
On the 3d they marched ten miles and encamped about three miles 
above Chester. The next day they marched through Chester, Brandy- 
wine and Wilmington, and on the 5th through Christiana, where was 
the park of artillery which had been brought down by boats. Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Stevens, of Lamb's regiment, and its active officer, in conse- 
quence of the invalid condition of The Colonel, was in charge. 

On the morning of the 5th the entire American force having passed 
Philadelphia, the French arrived and in camp, and the necessary 
arrangements " in a tolerable train," Washington left for the head of 
Elk to hasten the embarkation there. At Chester, fifteen miles distant, 
he was met by a courier from General Gist, who was at Baltimore, 
dated the day before (the 4th), announcing the arrival there of the Ser- 
pent cutter. Captain Arne de Laune, with dispatches from the Count de 
Grasse, who had arrived in Chesapeake Bay on the 26th, and the next day 
landed his troops and taken station with his ships from the middle ground 
to Cape Henry. As the French*officer who bore the dispatches was not 
in readiness to continue his journey immediately, General Gist gave a 
circumstantial account of the number of vessels and their further 
movements, and announced that he had ordered all the vessels in 
Baltimore harbor to sail immediately to the head of Elk to receive the 
troops. Washington instantly sent a courier to the President of Con- 
gress with the joyful news, the effect of which has already been related. 
Fortunately and of great value, as showing an insight into Washington's 
nature, there is contemporaneous testimony to his feelings on this 

Not waiting to take part in the military display of the day, or the 
festivities at the hotel of the Ambassador in the evening, Count de 
Rochambeau, who was as fully alive as Washington himself to the value 
of time, the most important factor in military problems, marched his first 
division early in the morning of the 5th to Chester. But desirous of 
examining the position of Mud Island and Red Bank, he sailed down 
the Delaware by boat, accompanied by M. de Mauduit, the hero of 
Red Bank in the famous defence of 1777 against Donop and his Hes- 


sians. The fort was no longer standing, and Fort Mifflin, on the right 
bank, was not as yet finished. Continuing his route by water, de Ro- 
chambeau drew near to Chester, when "his attention was attracted by 
Washington standing on the bank and waving his hat with signs of 
delight. The Duke de Deux-Ponts testifies to the manner in which 
Washington's bearing affected him on this occasion. " Cold by nature," he 
says " and of a grave and noble demeanor, which in him is only the true 
dignity becoming the head of an entire nation, his features, his counte- 
nance, his manner immediately changed. He threw off his character as 
arbiter of North America, and was for a moment content with that of 
a citizen, happy in the good fortune of his country. A child, whose 
wishes had been satisfied, could not have experienced a more lively 
sensation of pleasure, and I think I am honoring the feelings of this 
rare man in seeking to describe them in all their vivacity." 

De Rochambeau was equally delighted, and the young officers, who 
saw near triumph, glory and reward in the almost certain capture of 
Cornwallis, were wild with joy. On the 6th the march was continued to 
the pretty town of Wilmington, eleven miles distant, over an extremely 
fine road. The French staff officers again turned aside to visit the battle- 
field of Brandywinc, where Lafayette first distinguished himself as an 
officer, and the next day (the 7th) the first division crossed Chris- 
tiana Bridge and marched to Elktown, where they were joined the day 
after by the second division, which arrived full of the same ardor to 
reach the enemy and close the campaign. At Elktown, Washington, 
finding a great deficiency in transports, brought to the remedy his own 
commanding personal influence, writing numerous letters to gentlemen 
of position on the eastern shore, " beseeching them,*' to use his own 
words, "to exert themselves in drawing forth every kind of vessel 
which would answer the purpose." None of these letters appear in 
Sparks* writings of Washington, nor have recent researches brought 
any of them to light, but there is hope that the new interest awakened 
in this interesting period of our history may draw these invaluable doc- 
uments from their resting places. He then agreed with de Rochambeau 
that the first embarkation should consist of one thousand of the Amer- 
ican troops, including Lamb's regiment of artillery, and the grenadiers 
and chasseurs of the brigade of Bourbonnois, with the infantry of de 
Lauzun, while the remainder of the troops should continue their march 
to Baltimore by land or water, according to circumstances, and the 
cavalry and necessary teams of both armies should go round by land. 
These dispositions made, and feeling his presence to be necessary 


with the army in Virginia, Washington set out on the 8th for the camp 
of the Marquis de Lafayette, accompanied by the Count de Rocham- 
beau, the Chevalier de Chastellux and the Counts de Fersen and de 
Damas of the French general staff. 

Military records present no account of a combined movement of 
troops of different nationalities executed with more order and precision 
than this historic march from the embattled cliffs of the Hudson to the 
quiet waters ol the Head of Elk. 



« • < , I 




Between two and three miles above the village of Haverstraw, on 
the west side of the road leading to Stony Point, stands the old Smith 
mansion, memorable as the house wherein Andr6 and Arnold met to 
concert the details of the latter's treason. It is a square, two-storied 
stone house, with wooden wings, and looks out from an eminence above 
the road over many a mile of woodland, field and river. A dwelling of 
considerable size and elegance, it was well known in the Revolution, 
and " Smith's White House," as it was called, would still be remembered 
in connection with the contest, even apart from the story of the traitor 
and the spy. 

There were three brothers of the Smith family residing at Haver- 
straw when the war broke out. Their father, the Hon. William Smith, 
an eminent lawyer and member of the Council, emigrated from Buck- 
inghamshire, England, in 171 5, and died in 1769. Of his sons, all men 
of position and influence in the colony, the best known was William, 
the historian and renowned Tory Chief Justice of New York. Judge 
Smith seems to have wavered at first in his espousal of the royal side. 
September 24, 1776, Tryon wrote to Lord George Germaine that Smith 
had withdrawn to his plantation up the North River, and had not been 
seen or heard from in five months. Suspected by the Committee of 
Safety, his house at Haverstraw was considered to be in too close prox- 
imity to New York city, and he accordingly was ordered to reside at 
Livingston manor, whence we find him writing to Schuyler, in Decem- 
ber, 1777, begging for some books to read : " Anything, French or Eng- 
lish, provided it be neither law nor mathematics, nor anything in favor 
of a Republican form of government." * Later he came to be looked 
on by the Whigs as an arch-enemy. September 15, 1780, only eight 
days before Andre's capture, Thomas Smith asked the privilege of an 
interview with his brother in reference to family affairs — a request 
which was peremptorily refused by Governor Clinton (to whom the 
petition was addressed) on the ground that it was his duty to pre- 
vent any communication with him. Thomas Smith is said to have 


been the only one of the three who professed attachment to the Ameri- 
can cause. This, however, is hardly correct, as Joshua Hett Smith, the 
remaining brother, was a member of the Provincial Convention of New 
York, which declared Independence, and in his trial brought forward 
testimony to his general character in favor of the country. Another 
witness testified that his character at New York stood very high as a 
Whig. He it was that later become Arnold's associate and tool. He 
was, it is said, a physician. There would seem to have been another 
of the Smiths in London at the time " charged with seditious practices 
there," and it may be this person to whom Dunlap (History of the 
Arts of Design, I., 145) refers, as living at a most extraordinary age at 
Florence in 1834. It is, however, with Joshua Hett Smith only that we 
have to do. 

Arnold having resolved on a personal interview with Andr6 inside 
our lines, at once selected Smith's house as the place and its owner as 
his go-between. Early in the war Smith had more than once been in 
communication with General Robert Howe, of the Continental Army, 
who recommended him to Arnold as a man worthy of confidence, and 
one from whom valuable aid might be expected. The motives which 
led the traitor to choose Smith as his agent in the Andr6 affair can only 
be surmised ; whatever they were, they must have been sufficient, for 
Smith appears to have entered into the arrangement with alacrity. 
Andr6, after receiving Clinton's instructions in regard to his mission, 
among which were strict injunctions not to part with his uniform or 
receive any papers, left New York on the morning of the 20th of 
September and proceeded up the river to join the Vulture, which he 
boarded that evening near Haverstraw Bay, where he passed the night 
awaiting the expected messenger from Arnold, but none made their 
appearance. On the next night, however, the 21st, the long-delayed 
envoy arrived. 

Smith had taken the precaution to send his family on a visit to their 
relations in Fishkill, and his house being empty, he was joined by 
Arnold on the 21st. The latter, before reaching the house, had sent a 
messenger to Continental Village, near Peekskill, with orders to bring 
down a rowboat to Stony Point, and directed Major Kierse, the quar- 
termaster there, to send the boat immediately upon its arrival to a cer- 
tain place he designated in Haverstraw Creek. Arnold had resolved 
that Smith should take this boat, go to the Vulture, and bring Andr6 on 
shore at a place about two miles below Haverstraw, the foot of one of 
the spurs of Tom Mountain, a gloomy, solitary spot, where they could 


smith's house at haverstraw 23 

confer together without fear of interruption. Accordingly, Arnold at 
nightfall proceeded to this place on horseback, accompanied by a negro 
servant of Smith, there to await the arrival of the latter with Andr6. 

All was now ready. Smith had secured the services of two of his 
tenants, Samuel and Joseph Colquhoun, as oarsmen, and towards mid- 
night they pulled softly with muffled oars out of Haverstraw Creek. It 
was a clear, starlit night, with the tide in their favor. They glided along 
in the deep shadows of the hills on the shore, and the five miles or 
more between them and the Vulture were soon passed over. As they 
approached the vessel, they were hailed from her deck and asked who 
they were and whither they were going. Smith, who was seated in the 
stern, answered that they were from King's Ferry and were bound for 
Dobbs' Ferry. The three men stood up in the boat warding it off from 
the ship's side, and while the startled watcher was abusing the oarsmen 
for daring to come so near the vessel at such an hour, a boy appeared 
from the cabin with orders from the captain that the man was to come 
on board. Smith, accordingly, climbed up on to the deck and descended 
to the cabin. On entering, he found Beverley Robinson, whom he well 
knew, who introduced him to Captain Sutherland, who was lying ill in 
a berth. Robinson, no doubt, expected Arnold himself, but Smith was 
the bearer of a letter from him, which he delivered. This letter was so 
artfully worded, that there would have been no danger had it fallen 
into other hands than those for whom it was intended. Robinson, after 
reading it, left the room (with an apology to Smith for absenting him- 
self for a short time), and went to show the letter to Andr6, who was in 
bed. After some discussion, it was decided that the latter should accom- 
pany Smith on shore. Robinson, accordingly, returned to the cabin 
with Andr6, who was introduced to Smith as Mr. Anderson, Robinson 
adding at the same time that as his own health would not permit him to 
go ashore, this gentleman would go in his place. Andr6 was dressed 
in his uniform, but had on a long blue coat over it, so that his dress was 
not visible, and Smith affirmed to the end of his life that he had no sus- 
picion of the stranger's real rank and name. As there was an evident 
distrust on the part of Robinson in regard to anybody going ashore 
from the vessel, Captain Sutherland proposed that one of his own boats, 
manned by an armed crew, should go and tow the other, but this sug- 
gestion, for some reason, was not complied with. Some of the Vulture's 
men, who had found their way into Smith's boat to chat with the two 
Colquhoun's, were now ordered out of it, and Andr6 and Smith got in 
and took their seats. Little was said but a few remarks about the 


24 smith's house at haverstraw 

weather as they rowed towards the shore where Arnold was expecting 
them. As the prow of the boat grated on the strand. Smith jumped 
out and, groping his way up amongst the dense growth of trees and 
bushes on the bank, found where Arnold was; to which place, after 
returning to the shore, he conducted Andr6, and then, at Arnold's 
request, left them to confer together and rejoined the men waiting in 
the boat. 

Slowly passed the waning hours of the night. The boatmen laid 
themselves down and slept, but Smith could not. Racked in body by a 
tertian ague, with a mind disturbed by the business in which he was 
taking part, but of which, however much he did know, he could not 
have known all, he anxiously awaited the termination of the interview. 

At last, wearied out, he sought the two conspirators and informed 
them that the day was breaking, and it would not do for the boat to be 
seen where it was after the dawn. His own statement is that upon this 
intimation both Andr6 and Arnold joined him in urging the two men 
to row the former back to the Vulture, but that they refused, saying 
they were fatigued. The men themselves, however, testified on Smith's 
trial that they did not see Arnold at all, they only heard a noise as of 
a man hidden in the bushes. 

The true reason why Andr6 did not return to the Vulture that night 
is probably that the details of the affair were not yet settled. However 
this may be, it was finally decided that he should accompany Arnold to 
Smith's house, and that Smith and the waterman should row the boat 
up to Crom Island in Haverstraw Creek. Accordingly, the two officers 
emerged from the wood into the main road, where Smith's servant was 
stationed with the horses. Andr6, mounting the negro's horse, rode 
along in the darkness by Arnold's side towards the Smith house. 
Between them and their destination lay the village of Haverstraw. As 
they entered it, the stillness of the early morning was broken by the call 
of a sentry demanding the countersign. This was the first intimation to 
Andr6 that he was within the American lines. It was now too late for 
him to withdraw, and the pair soon after arrived at Smith's house, which 
they reached at daylight. They had scarcely entered the house when 
the report of a cannon was heard echoing along the river from the 
direction of Teller's Point, and Andr6, hurrying to one of the front 
windows, saw that a fire had been opened on the Vulture (which was 
full in view), and in a short period, to his dismay, the vessel dropped 
down the river out of sight. 

It seems that Colonel Livingston, commanding at Verplanck's Point, 

It. . 

smith's house at haverstravv 25 

having become disturbed by the Vulture's prolonged stay in such near 
proximity to the American works, planted a small field piece on Gallows* 
Point (a promontory at the end of Teller's Point), and with it opened 
such a cannonnade on the vessel that for a time, before she could slip 
her moorings, it appeared as if she was on fire. However annoying this 
proceeding must have been to the plotters at Smith's house, they sat 
down to breakfast, which was now ready, and during the meal kept up 
a conversation on indifferent subjects. After it was over, Andr6 and 
Arnold repaired to a room in the second story, where, secure from 
interruption, they arranged the particulars of the treason. Exactly what 
was said and agreed upon between the two can never be known. There 
is little doubt, however, that Arnold stipulated for a very large sum of 
money for himself in the event of success, and that he moreover settled 
the plan for the capture of West Point. The post was to be weakened 
in every possible way. The British were to be ready at a given signal 
to ascend the river and make an attack at once by land and water. 

The morning was wearing away, and towards ten o'clock Arnold 
prepared to return in his barge to his headquarters.* Before going, he 
gave Andr6 a number of plans and specifications, which had been used 
in their conference, which the latter placed between his stockings and 
feet Andr6 supposed, of course, he was to be taken back to the Vul- 
ture the way he came, and such seems to have been the understanding 
when Arnold left him. In any event, the traitor had given him three 
passports for himself and Smith to use in either route they might con- 
elude to take, by land or water. 

After Arnold's departure they seem to have made an attempt to 
obtain possession of a uniform coat belonging to Lieutenant John Webb, 
of our army, in the keeping of Mrs. Beekman, at the old Philipse castle 
in Sleepy Hollow. But the lady, suspecting something wrong, refused 
to deliver it up. Smith avowed his unwillingness to return to the Vul- 
ture, but offered to accompany Andr6 part of the way should he take 
a land route. The reason given by Smith for refusing to take Andr6 
back to the Vulture was the state of his own health, from fever and 
ague. But this excuse, as Sparks observes, was absurd. That a man, 
afraid to sit an hour or two in a boat for fear of being ill, should yet be 
willing to mount a horse and ride many miles on an autumn night, is 
mere foolishness. The fact is, that the whole proceedings of Smith 
in the affair are mysterious and inexplicable, and the confused statements 
of his narrative, generally at variance with the testimony elicited on his 
trial, serve only to deepen the obscurity of his actions. 

26 smith's house at haverstraw 

But, whatever may be thought of him, he evidently wished to rid 
himself of his guest, whom he at last persuaded to attempt the mad 
project of crossing the river and trying to ride down through our lines 
in Westchester County. Accordingly, towards nightfall, Andr6, Smith 
and the latter's black servant, started from the house. Arnold had 
prevailed on Andr6 to change his military uniform for a citizen's dress 
furnished by Smith. Few words were spoken by Andr6 as they rode 
along towards Stony Point to take the King's Ferry across, but Smith 
had much to say to various acquaintances he met on the road, and even 
stopped at a sutler's tent to partake of a bowl of punch, his companion 
meanwhile riding slowly on. Judge Allison, of Haverstraw, now living 
at the age of eighty-eight, states that in the early part of this century 
he knew a man who had been a soldier at Stony Point in the Revolu- 
tion. This person related that he was on duty as a guard when Smith 
and another (whom he afterwards heard was Andr6) passing along the 
road, met the commander of the post and his adjutant coming out 
from the works. Smith expressed his desire to cross the river, and 
asked if they could get over, to which the adjutant replied that if they 
hurried they could catch the Government boat which was just about 
to go. 

Darkness was closing in on the Hudson when they crossed the river. 
William Van Wert, the ferry-master at the King's Ferry, testified on 
Smith's trial : " Mr. Smith crossed the King's Ferry from Stony Point 
to Verplanck's Point on the evening of a day in the week before last, 
in company with another man, and a negro boy was with him ; each of 
them had a horse. The day of the month I do not recollect. I have 
not seen the person since to know him. He had a black, blue or brown 
great coat on, a round hat and a pair of boots. I did not hear any 
conversation pass between Mr. Smith and the person in the boat, neither 
did I hear Mr. Smith say which way he was going. Mr. Smith seemed 
to hurry us a good deal. Cornelius Lambert, Henry Lambert and 
Lambert Lambert, were boatmen along with me." 

Up from the landing-place at Verplanck's a long lane, still known 
as the ** Old King's Ferry Road," led into the post-road. It was 
probably at the entrance to this lane that the sign-board stood, bearing 
the inscription — 

** Dishe His di Roode toe de Ks king's Farry^ 

There were two ways to reach Crompond from here. One was to take 
the post-road up to Peekskill and proceed from there ; the other was to 


take a road which diverged from the post-road a short distance below 
Verplanck's, and which, leading to the northeast, opened into the Crum- 
pond road between that place and Peekskill. Which one of these routes 
was selected by Smith and Andr6 cannot now be told, but it was prob- 
ably the latter one. Their movements for an hour or two after they 
landed on the east side of the river are uncertain. My own supposition 
is that their first intention was to take the post-road itself straight 
down to New York, and that after riding down it some little distance 
they changed their minds and concluded to shape their course further 
in to the interior of the country. Between eight and nine o'clock that 
night they were stopped by a patrol on the road which leads from 
Peekskill east to Crumpond and about three or four miles from the 
former place Smith, on being challenged, dismounted from his horse, 
and, walking forward, asked who commanded the party. He was 
answered, "Captain Boyd," who at once approached, and enquired 
of Smith who he was, where he belonged, and what he and his com- 
panions were doing out on the road at such an hour. Smith answered 
the Captain that they had a pass from General Arnold, and were going 
as far that night as either Colonel Drake's or Major Strang's, but this 
proved to be an unlucky reply for Smith, for Boyd immediately told 
him that Major Strang was away from home and Colonel Drake had 
moved to another part of the country. Boyd now demanded to see the 
pass, and they accordingly proceeded to a house near by where it was 
produced, and the Captain scrutinized it by a light. He was satisfied, 
but his suspicion now gave place to inquisitiveness. He became very 
curious to know what errand they could be journeying on so late at 
night. Smith told him that he and his companion, whom he called 
** Mr. Anderson," were employed to procure intelligence for General 
Arnold, and were going to meet a man at White Plains for that purpose. 
Boyd then endeavored to dissuade Smith from riding any further that 
night, and at last his arguments, greatly to Andr6's annoyance, were 

It is not quite clear where Andr6 and Smith passed the night 
According to the testimony of Captain Boyd, given on Smith's trial, 
they turned back by his advice to the house of one Andreas Miller, who 
lived but a little way off. Smith, in his narrative, disagreeing, as 
usual, with the evidence brought forward on his trial, says, that five or 
six miles below Verplanck*s they were challenged by Captain Bull, and 
returned, by his advice, several miles to a tavern kept by a man called 
McCoy. Both of these names are common in the neighborhood. Bol- 

28 smith's house at haverstraw 

ton, in his History of Westchester County, published in 1848, gives no 
information concerning the matter. The statement of Boyd was 
undoubtedly correct, and the house must have been on the Crumpond 
road between three and four miles out from Peekskill. Mr. Stephen H. 
Knapp, of Crumpond, whose family have long been settled in the 
vicinity, in a letter before me, dated in February of the present year, 
writes: **My father (Benjamin Knapp), who, if living now, would be 
ninety-nine years of age, has often pointed out to me the spot where the 
house stood in which Major Andr6 slept the night before his capture. 
The house was on what is known as the Levi Bailey place in Yorktown; 
on the south side of the Crumpond road, beside a small ravine, and only 
two or three rods east of the dwelling now standing on that place. 
Andreas Miller lived in the house at that time, but who was the actual 
owner I cannot say." 

It was a restless night for both of the travellers, and at the first indi- 
cation of dawn they were up and in the saddle again. Before leaving 
Crumpond, according to the authority of General Pierre Van Cort- 
landt, they met with another challenge. This time from a sentinel in 
the road, who took them to his officer, Ebenezer Foote (afterwards first 
Judge of Delaware County), who had a guard near by. Mr. Foote sub- 
sequently informed General Van Cortlandt that it was so early in the 
morning that he could not read the pass without the aid of a light burn- 
ing in the room. Smith made particular enquiry how our troops were 
stationed. Foote told him that we had no troops on the line except 
Col. Jameson's, and that they were at Robin's Mills (a place now called 
Kensico). Smith further inquired (for Andr6 said nothing), whether, if 
they went by way of Sing Sing to White Plains, they would meet with 
any of our troops. To which Foote replied, none, except Jameson's, and 
told them that if they would call on Jameson he would send an escort 
with them to White Plains. 

It was by this time daylight, and they resumed their way, Andr6 
now talking freely on various subjects to Smith, and occasionally 
expressing his admiration ot the blue peaks of the Highlands, seen in 
the far distance, uplifting themselves in the brighr light of the morn- 
ing sun. So they rode along the Crumpond road, up the steep hill and 
by the ruins of Yorktown church, destroyed by fire the year before. 
Somewhere here Andre was dismayed at suddenly seeing coming Col. 
Samuel B. Webb, of our army. Col. Webb had been captured by the 
British and held prisoner in New York for a long period. His exer- 
tions to secure an exchange of prisoners had brought him into personal 

smith's house at haverstraw 29 

contact with the higher officers of the British Army. Andr6 after- 
wards said the Colonel stared at him and he thought he was lost ; but 
they kept moving and soon passed each other. As they went by Major 
Strang's house on the Pine's Bridge road, it is said they were noticed 
by the inmates, who supposed them to be Continental officers. A little 
below this they stopped to breakfast, and here Smith avowed his inten- 
tion of leaving his companion to make his way down alone. The under- 
standing had been that Smith was to go all the way with him to White 
Plains, and if this had been done Andr6 would probably never have 
been taken. This was not to be. Yet Andr6 himself, for many reasons, 
must have been glad to be rid of his fellow-traveller, and they parted 
with mutual good wishes ; Andr6 charging himself with some messages 
to Smith's brother, the Chief Justice of New York. 

The small farm-house in which they breakfasted still stands on the 
yrest side of the Pine's Bridge road, between two and three miles above 
the bridge. It has been somewhat altered in appearance since that 
period, the door, which then opened on the road, now being at the side 
of the house ; but the room is still shown, comparatively unchanged, 
where Andr6 and Smith were. At that time the house was occupied 
by Isaac Underbill and his wife, Sarah, the daughter of Robert Field. 
A few days previous to the event Mrs. Underbill had visited headquar- 
ters to recover some cattle carried off by a band of marauders, and on 
the morning in question had nothing to give the two but hasty pudding 
and milk. She noticed that Andr6 seemed nervous and confused, and 
acted as if anxious to be gone. 

The British Adjutant-General, left to himself, crossed the Croton at 
Pine's Bridge, and followed the road leading south from the bridge. 
David Hammond, of North Castle, who was living in 1847, ^^ an 
advanced age, stated that on the morning Andr6 was taken prisoner, 
he was standing at the door of his father's (Staats Hammond) house 
when he observed a person approaching on horseback. The stranger 
was enveloped in a light blue swan's down cloak, with high military 
boots, and rode a beautiful bay horse whose mane was thickly matted 
with burs. He asked for a drink, and it was given to him from the well. 
After drinking, Andr6 (for he it was) turned to Mrs. Hammond and 
asked the distance to Tarrytown. She replied, "Four miles." **I did 
not think it was so far," said he. Continuing on his way till near 
Chappaqua, he took a road which leads to the west, and came out into 
the New York post-road a short distance above Tarrytown, at which 
place he was captured. 


30 smith's house at haverstraw 

Joshua Hett Smith, after parting from Andr6, hastened with his servant 
back to Peekskill, and from there to Fishkill, where he had left his 
family at the house of his brother-in-law, four days before. His route 
leading by the Robinson house, Arnold's headquarters, he stopped and 
informed the latter where he had left Andr6, with which, according to 
Smith's own assertion, Arnold expressed himself as perfectly satisfied. 
In the evening of the day on which he parted from Andre, Smith had 
the impudence to pay a visit to General Washington, who was stopping 
at the house of Dr. McKnight, on his way to Robinson's House ; he was 
returning from his conference with Rochambeau at Hartford. Smith 
supped at the house. Washington came out for a few moments after 

On the night of the following Monday, the 25th of September, 
Smith was arrested at Fishkill, by Colonel Gouvion, a French officer, 
whom Washington had sent for the purpose, and conveyed early in the 
morning to Robinson's house ; where Andr6 was also brought. From 
there they were taken across the river to West Point. It is not known 
where they were confined at West Point, but it certainly was not, as 
popularly believed, in the powder magazine at Fort Putnam, for that 
work was rebuilding at the time. 

On the 27th Washington despatched orders to Greene, at Tappan, 
to be ready to receive the prisoners on the following day. " I wish you 
to have separate houses in camp for their reception," he wrote. " They 
have not been permitted to be together and must still be kept apart." 

The morning of the 28th, Smith and Andr6 were brought down to 
the landing place at West Point amongst a crowd of officers. Smith, on 
seeing Andr6, extended his hand, and was about to address him, but 
was told by Tallmadge that no conversation was to be permitted 
between them. Each was placed in an armed barge and taken down 
the river to King's Ferry dock at Stony Point, where they disem- 
barked. Here a detachment of the Second Light Dragoons was in 
waiting to convey them to their destination. At the house of Mr. John 
Coe, in the Clove at Kakiat, they halted to dine. After dinner they 
resumed their journey, and at dusk arrived at Tappan, where Smith 
was locked up in the church for the night, Andr6 being confined in 
the house of Casparus Mabie, a stone building still standing on the west 
side of the main road, a short distance south of the church. The church 
was torn down in 1836, and the present building erected on its site. 

Smith was tried by a court-martial which assembled on Saturday, 
the 30th of September, and continued by adjournments for about four 

smith's house at haverstraw 31 

weeks. The charge against him was, ** For aiding and assisting Bene- 
dict Arnold, late Major-General in our service, in a combination with 
the enemy to take, kill and seize such of the loyal citizens or soldiers of 
these United States, as were in garrison at West Point and its depen- 

There were a great many witnesses examined. Smith drew up in 
writing a defense which he read to the court, objecting to its jurisdic- 
tion on the ground that it was a military tribunal, and as such not 
qualified to try a civilian. The finding of the court was, that while it 
appeared that Smith no doubt aided and assisted Arnold, there was no 
positive evidence to show that he had any knowledge of the traitor's 
designs. He was, therefore, acquitted. Smith, after being released by 
the court-martial, was arrested by the civil authorities and imprisoned 
in Goshen jail. There is still preserved a letter written by him, while 
in the jail, to Governor Clinton, complaining that his health was being 
injured by confinement. After remaining there several months, without 
a trial, he contrived to make his escape, and made his way, sometimes 
disguised as a woman, through the country to Paulus Hook, and from 
there to New York. At the close of the war he went to England, where 
he published his "Authentic Narrative of the Causes which led to the 
Death of Major Andr6." * 

Smith's house, its owner being in trouble, occasionally served as 
quarters for our officers. Generals Wayne and Irvine were there on 
the 27th of September, 1780, two days after Smith's arrest, and there in 
the following summer Washington had his headquarters when on his 
way to the capture of Comwallis. In the intervals of such occupation 
it seems to have stood solitary and abandoned, for Chastellux, who 
passed it while its proprietor was still in prison, said the house was so 
deserted that there was not a single person to take care of it, although 
it was the mansion of a large farm. 

From the Smiths the property passed into the possession of a family 
named NicoU; from them to William C. Houseman, and' later to Adam 
Lilbum, the present occupant. Mr. Lilburn has obliged me with the 
following particulars : There is no reliable information as to the exact 
time the house was built, but it must have been long anterior to the 
Revolution. Tradition says Aaron Burr studied law in this house with 
Thomas Smith. There was an old stone house erected before this one, 
nsed by the slaves and for a kitchen, which I was compelled to take 
down, as it was in a falling condition." In the narrative already men- 
tioned Smith says that the name of the estate was '* Belmont," but I have 

» p 


not met with this designation of the house or grounds elsewhere. 
Smith's White House is the usual name. 

Joshua Hett and Thomas Smith both resided, for a time at least, in 
this house, and on the map made b}' Major Villefranche in 1780, it 
appears as " T. Smith's." These names also appear in Erskine's map 
of 1779. On the same map, next to it, is laid down another house as 
** W. Smith's." This latter was a wooden house and stood south of the 
Joshua-Hett-Smith house, on the same ridge of land. It was long ago 
destroyed by fire. 
l\ The interior of the house is spacious and handsome. The room the 

fi plotters were in is the southwest corner of the second story. In this 

} 1 room, it is believed, Andr6 changed his dress, and here still stands the 

|: wardrobe in which he deposited his uniform, and where it was found 

5? by Captain Cairnes, of Lee's Light Horse, who brought the order for 

I J it from Joshua Hett Smith to the house of his brother Thomas, where the 

i! the Captain was quartered: Mr. Lilburn states: " The mansion is in 

(> excellent preservation. In it there is a marble mantel-piece, of a style 

;; that would reach back 150 years or more. One of the same pattern is 

i| in the Philipse manor-hall at Yonkers; but the ceilings of this house 

I i are higher. The house is 45 by 55 feet in size, and was evidently built 

:1 by men of uncommon taste and culture." 

' ■ The outlook from the house is of great beauty. South, over the 

¥ ■ 

i ? 

roofs and steeples of Haverstraw, can be seen looming the High Tom 
[* { Mountain, at whose foot Arnold met the spy. Teller s Point, off which 

;1 the Vulture lay, is full in view, and a long sweep of the Hudson; from 

where it widens into Haverstraw Bay up to Seylmaker's Reach, one of 
the ancient reaches of the river, a point where the eye looking north- 
ward sees no break in the mountains to denote its course. 

** Never," wrote Smith long years after Major Andr6 was in the 
grave, ** can my memory cease to record the impassioned language of his 
countenance and the energy with which he expressed his wish to be on 
board the Vulture, when viewing that ship from an upper window of my 
house." In the pen and ink sketch of the midnight journey from the Vul- 
ture to the shore, which Andr6 drew the day before his execution, and 
which was found among his papers after his death, we see in the distance 
the Smith house. The shadows lie darkly upon it in the picture, as if the 
hapless soldier in his last hours on earth was recalling to himself the evil 
day he had spent there and vainly regretting that he had ever crossed what 
to him had been indeed its fatal threshold. 


smith's house at haverstraw 33 

' The letter is in the Am. Hist, Record (II., 38), edited by Benson J. Lossing, LL. D. I have 
been favored by this distinguished historian with a letter containing a passage so apropos to my sub- 
ject that I insert it here : " Smith was never really our Chief Justice." After he was sent within the 
enemy's lines at New York he was named Chief Justice of the Province, but, as Dr. O'Callaghan 
says, the appointment was never recogniied. In 1736, being then in England, he was made Chief 
Justice of Canada, He died in Quebec, Dec. 3, 1793. 

' Smith's story is that Andre passed the day a1 his house, and this would seem to be left to be 
inferred in Andre's own statement to the Ikiaid of Officers, It has been suggested, however, that 
Arnold took the opportunity to show the spy the West Point approaches, and this view finds 
confiimation in the precise knowledge Andre showed oC the locality in his conversation with 
Tallmadge on his way down in the boat from West Point to Stony Point. He even pointed 10 
the spot where he was himscir to " land with a select corps" for the American works. It is certain 
that in 1835, a man named Collins stated thai he had helped to row Arnold and Andre up from 
Smith's to the Robinson house; Arnold passing Andre oft as one of Mrs. Arnold's relations, 

* Smith's Narrative first appeared in England, "\n Aulheniic Narrative of the Causes which 
led to the Death of Major Andie, Adjutant-General of his Majesty's forces in North America," 
by Joshua Hett Smiih, Esq., Counsellor at Law, late member of the Convention of the State of 
New York, to which is added a Monody on the death of Major Andre, by Miss Seward. Svo. 
Matlhewi and Leigh, I^ndon, 1S08, The next year iSoi) it was reprinted for Evart Duyckinck. 
No. HO Pearl Street, New York. This Narrative of Smith has most justly been described as 
unworthy of the least credit, except when supported by other authority. The fact is and it should 
be remembered in this centenary year of the affair — that in the story of Major Andre there are 
some things we do not tnow— that we probably never shall know. Neither on his trial, when he 
was making the best case he could for himself with the Americans, nor in his book, where he 
endeavored to vindicate his conduct to the British public, did Smith reveal the whole truth. 
There were undoubtedly things he dared not tell, and the lips of the one other man who knew ol 
them were sealed in death. The remarkable suppression of all contemporary notices in the news- 
papers of the day regarding Andre's fate, and the assertion of Sir Henry Clinton that he had himself 
■* been over every part of the ground on which the fort (West Point) stood and bad of course made 
myself [himselfj perfectly acquainted with everything necessary for facilitating an attack upon 
them," are strange and mysterious circumstances. The words above qaoted are those of Sir Henry 
ClintoD, from his own MS. now in the John Carter Brown Library. 



~r- =— 1 J 







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"■■ -'^•mti 








Few residents of Saratoga Springs, I presume, are aware that there 
is near them one of the most interesting works of the North American 
Indians, yet such is the fact ; and the object of this paper is to endeavor 
to describe this work, and offer a probable explanation of the uses to 
which it was put. 

When at Saratoga recently, Mr. Benjamin R. Viele, who resides on 
the left or north bank of Fish Creek, called my attention to what he 
considered an Indian work; and, accordingly, the following day, in 
company with Mr. James M. Andrews, Jr., I drove over to his house* 
Mr. Viele took us in a boat across Fish Creek to the spot he had 
described ; and the afternoon was spent in a careful investigation of the 
work. At a point directly opposite the Viele farm-house, between the 
creek and the high slate bank, on the top of which runs the road to- 
Victory Mills, there is a large open swamp. In this swamp, extending 
in a semi-circular form from the high bank, is a solid wall built of cobble- 
stones regularly laid up, and ranging in width from six to eight feet, 
enclosing a* area of about one-half an acre. On each side of the wall 
a pole can be run down into the marshy muck from sixteen to twenty 
feet. In shape it is, as before stated, nearly a semi-circle, both ends rest- 
ing on, or rather terminating at, the bank, the latter forming the base 
of a segment or the chord of a circle. It is continuous save towards its 
eastern extremity, where there is break or gap of some twenty .four feet. 
The following diagram will make it plain to the reader : 









The stones with which the wall is built, have all been brought from a 
field three-fourths of a mile distant. That it is not the work of the 
whites, is evident from the fact — first, that the oldest settler has no 
record or tradition regarding it; and, secondly, that directly upon the 
top of the wall in different piaces are the stumps of white oak — one of 
the toughest and least decayable of our forest trees. The stumps them- 
selves are — so Mr. Viele, a man of unusual observation in matters of 
woodcraft, avers — at least fifty years old ; while their rings indicate an 
age of two centuries. The wall has so sunk that at present it is but two 
feet above the water of the swamp. 

The question now arises : for what purpose was this wall built ? 
Surely not for protection against an enemy, for the Iroquois in their 
strongholds always selected those sites with a view to having the natural 
features of the country aid their artificial defences. Hence, if they had 
designed this for a fortification, the high ground south of the wall would 
undoubtedly have been selected. 

That it was, however, meant to serve some important purpose, is 
evident from the great labor involved in its construction. To a nomad 
people, accustomed to depend almost solely on the uncertainties of the 
chase for support, the question of food for use in their warlike expedi- 
tions was of the first consequence. 

Now, the plan pursued by them in hunting deer and other wild 
animals, as described by an early Jesuit missionary, Father Brul6, who 
lived among them in the 17th century, was, in the words of Francis 
Parkman, as follows : 

** On the borders of a neighboring river twenty -five of the Indians 
had been busied ten days in preparing for their annual deer-hunt. They 
planted posts, interlaced with boughs, in two straight, converging lines, 
each extending more than half a mile through forests and swamps. At 
the angle where they met was made a strong enclosure, like a pound. 
At dawn of day the hunters spread themselves through the woods, and 
advanced with shouts and clattering of sticks, driving the deer before 
them into the enclosure, where others lay in wait to dispatch them with 
arrows and spears." 

Our belief, therefore, is that the same plan was followed in the taking 
of fish ; and that this enclosure was designed simply as a large trap in 
which to catch great quantities of that game, to be afterwards smoked 
and laid aside for the year's food. It is a well known fact that in colonial 
times, before the mills and dams were erected at Schuylerville by Gene- 
ral Philip Schuyler in 1760, herring and shad in immense schools were 


in the habit of running up the Hudson in the spring into Fish Creek 
(hence the name), and thence through Lake Saratoga and the Kayaderos- 
seras even to Rock City Falls.* At this season of the year the swamp 
along the sides of the creek is overflowed to the depth of several feet. 

Is it, then, not possible, probable even^that the Indians at this time 
of the year in their canoes beat the creek until, approaching nearer and 
nearer, large quantities of herring and shad would be driven through 
the gap in the wall into and within the inclosure ? And this appears 
the more reasonable when it is remembered that fish, season after 
season, have their ** run-ways" as well as deer. Observation had prob- 
ably shown the Indians that the fish at this part of the creek came 
across from the north to the south bank, and hence the opening left 
directly opposite this angle of the stream, thus affording the more easy 
driving of the fish into the inclosure. Then, having driven the fish into 
this immense " eel-pot " and closed the gap with brush, they could at 
their convenience either scoop them up or, awaiting the subsidence of 
the water, capture the fish thus left high and dry, an easy prize. 

Nor is it necessary even to assume that high water, then as now, 
covered the swamp in the spring. The lay of the land and the observa- 
tions of the settlers for the last seventy-five years, clearly show that the 
creek formerly washed the high bank seen in the above sketch, and that 
it has gradually been filling in. Indeed, every few years the Victory 
Mills Company are obliged to dredge out the creek to keep the supply 
of water from failing. This tallies also with my own observation ; for a 
spot in the middle of the creek over which, fifteen years since, I anchored 
my boat in ten feet of water, has now become a bank of mud rising a 
foot above the water. The rapidity of this filling-in process would seem 
to show that when the wall was erected it was built in the shallow water 
of the stream — a supposition which makes the use to which the inclosure 
was put, as before hinted, still more probable. 

I offer these suggestions to the readers of the Magazine of Ameri- 
can History simply in the hope that if any one has another theory to 
offer he will do so; for every effort to solve a question of this kind 
should be eagerly welcomed. In the present age of archaeological 
investigation, any fact that throws light upon the customs and habits of 
the aboriginals must be of great value. 


♦ Mr. Henry Wagman, of Old Saratoga, informs me that when his grandmother first came into 
the country she and the neighbors were in the habit of scooping up in their aprons out of Fish 
Creek quantities of those fish. 






Preliminary Note. — Ann Powell, the 
author of the following pages, was the 
daughter of John Powell, and was bom 
in Boston, Province of Massachusetts 
Bay, 1769. Her grandfather of the same 
name came from England as Secretary 
of Lt. Gov. Dummer, and married his 
sister, Ann Dummer, and also sister of 
the celebrated Jeremiah Dummer, agent 
for Massachusetts Bay at the Court of 
Queen Ann. Their eldest son, Wm. 
Dummer Powell, married Janet Grant, 
sister of Sir Alexander Grant. Their 
eldest son, John Powell, was born in 
Boston, Massachusetts Bay, in 1755. 
At the age of nine years he was sent to 
England to the care of his maternal 
uncle, Sir A. Grant, and placed at school 
at Tunbridge, Kent. From thence he 
was sent to Holland to acquire the 
French and Dutch languages, and in 
1772 rejoined his parents in Boston. In 
1775 he martied Ann Murray, daughter 
of J. Murray, M. D., of Norwich, Eng- 
land, then on a visit to Mrs. Inman in 

Previously to the breaking out of the 
war in 1775, ^^ ^^^ taken the side of 
the loyalists, and been declared an alien. 
During a short residence in Lower 
Canada, he was instrumental in obtain- 
ing for the N. E. loyalists settled in that 
Province, an assimilation of the English 
law, which was at that time needed, and 
which led ultimately to the constitutional 
Act 31, George 3d, now in force. 
When in England in 1782, he was 

called to the Bar and became a Barrister 
of the Middle Temple^ He was appointed 
Puisne Judge after his return to Mon- 
treal, and the Journal describes the 
tedious journey to Detroit which suc- 

On the removal of the Courts from 
Detroit he removed to Newark, now 
Niagara, until the establishment of the 
seat of Government at York, now 
Toronto. He became Chief Justice in 
1 81 6, and Ex-officio Speaker of the 
Legislative and President of the Execu- 
tive Councils of Upper Canada. Re- 
signed his office in 1825, and after three 
years spent in England accompanied by 
his wife and daughter, with his relations, 
he passed a quiet life at Toronto, and 
died there in 1834, in his 79th year. 
His widow survived him, and died in 

1849, ^^^ ^^^ 95^^ year. 

His sister, Anna Powell, married Mr. 
Isaac Winslow Clark, and passed her 
brief married life at Montreal. Mr. 
Clarlc was brother to Mrs. J. S. Copley, 
and uncle to Lord Lyndhurst. 

Judge Powell's MSS. papers are in 
the hands of one of his grandsons for 
the purpose of writing an account of his 
eventful life, — ^who is now in a high 
position in active service in Africa. It 
is hoped the papers are safe. 

John Powell, the father of Ann 
Powell, the writer of the diary, was the 
younger son of a Shropshire family 
residing in Montgomery County, Wales, 
where the ancient seat of the family, 
** Caer Howel,** was situated. The 
original family name was "Aphowl," 
anghcised to Powell in the 13th century. 
The younger sons of John Powell, Jere- 
miah and William, married Sarah and 



Susan Bromfield, sisters, daughters of 
Edward Bromfield, an eminent merchant 
of Boston. Their sister, Abigail, mar- 
ried William Phillips, and their daughter, 
Abigail Phillips, 1769, married Josiah 
Quincy, Jr., the eminent lawyer, leader 
in the American Revolution, who died 
177s, ^^d father of the late Prest. 
Josiah Quincy, 1772. 1864. 

Jeremiah Powell, who married Sarah 
Bromfield, inherited extensive lands in 
the Province of Maine, and died there, 
leaving no children. 

William Powell resided in Boston, 
where his numerous descendants in the 
female line yet reside, and they possess 
portraits by Kneller (it is presumed) of 
Gov. Dummer, Jeremiah Dummer, and 
their sister, Mrs. Powell, by Copley. 

The Bromfields originated also in 
Wales, where a Hundred in the County 
of Denbigh yet bears their name. One 
of the family emigrated from England 
to Boston, Mass., in 1675. * 

The youngest son of Judge Powell 
(Jeremiah Dummer Powell) a very ac- 
complished, talented and excellent young 
man, in 1801 went into business as a 
merchant in New York, became engaged 
in Miranda's Expedition, was captured 
by a Spanish vessel, and thrown into 
prison for more than a year. Judge 
Powell went to Europe to endeavor to 
procure his release, and was assisted by 
the celebrated Dr. Jenner and Lord 

A letter from Lord Holland, giving an 
account of the release of young Powell, 
is published in the '* Memoir of Blanco 
White," London, 1845. 

" A young English gentleman of the name of 
Powell, had before the war with Spain, engaged 

with Miranda, to liberate the Spanish colonies. 
He was taken. By law his life was forfeited, 
but he was condemned, by a sentence nearly 
equivalent, to perpetual imprisonment in the 
unwholesome fortress of Omoa. His father, 
Chief Justice of- Upper Canada, on hearing the 
sad tidings hastened to England. Unfortunately 
hostilities had conmienced under circumstances 
calculated to exasperate the government and 
people of Spain. The Chief Justice was deter- 
mined to try the efficacy of a personal applica- 
tion to alleviate the sufferings of hb son by a 
change of prison, since he despaired of obtain- 
ing his release. 

Having procured passports he proceeded to 
Spain furnished with a letter of introduction to 
the Prince of the Peace from me (Lord Holland), 
to whom he had applied as recently returned 
from thence, and not involved in the angry feel- 
ings or discussions, which had led to a rupture 
between the two countries. The Prince re- 
ceived him at Aranjuez, and immediately on 
reading the letter and hearing the story, bade 
the anxious father remain, till he had seen the 
King; and left the room for that purpose, with- 
out ceremony or delay. He soon returned with 
an order, not for a change of prison, but for the 
immediate release of the young man ; and added, 
with a smile of benevolence, that a parent who 
had come so far to render a service to his child, 
would like probably to be the bearer of the 
good intelligence himself, and accordingly fur- 
nished him with a passport, and permission to 
sail in a Spanish frigate, then preparing to leave 
Cadiz, for the West Indies." 

After the release and the return to 
New York of Mr. Powell, he became 
engaged to Miss Eliza Bard, daughter 
of Dr. Bard* of Hyde Park, N. Y., then 
15 years of age. He gave her a com- 
plete set of chess men, he had made 
with his knife, during the year he passed 
in the dungeon of Omoa, the Spanish 
prison. Their marriage was delayed by 
his receiving a lucrative appointment in 
the West Indies. He embarked from 
New York, to visit the place of his 



appointment, and his vessel was never 
heard of. 1806. His loss was most 
deeply regretted by Miss Bard and her 
family, and by his own family and friends. 
Miss Bard after some years married 
Prest. McVickar, of New York. In 
1840, after her death, some of the chess 
men made by Mr. Powell, were by a 
series of singular fortuitous circum- 
stances, conveyed to his mother, at 
Toronto, in her 85th year, to her great 

Eliza Susan Quincv. 

* For an account of Dr. Bard, see his ** Memoir 
hy President McVickar." 


When I talked of keeping a journal 
from Montreal to Detroit, I was not 
aware of the difficulties attending the 

I expected it would be tedious, and 
**thought writing would be a very pleasant 
employment, and so it might have 
proved, had it been practicable, but the 
opportunities for writing were so few, 
that I found it would be impossible to 
keep a journal with any degree of regu- 
larity, so I left it wholly alone, and 
trusted to my memory (which never de- 
served such a compliment) for recalling 
whatever was worth communicating. 

We left Montreal on the 1 1 th of May, 
1789, with a large party of our friends, 
who paid us the compliment of seeing us 
the first stage, where we took a farewell 

We then went to our boats ; one was 
fitted up with an awning to protect us 
from the weather, and held the family 
and bedding. It was well filled, eight- 
een persons in all, so you may suppose 

we had not much room ; as it happened 
that was of no consequence, it was cold 
on the water, and we were glad to sit 

This mode of traveling is very tedious; 
we are obliged to keep along shore and 
go on very slowly. 

The first night we slept at the house 
of a " Habitan," who turned out with his 
family, to give us the best room, where 
we spread our beds and slept in peace. 

I entertained myself with looking at 
the Canadian family who were eating 
their supper, saying their prayers, and 
conversing at the same time. 

The next day we reached a part of the 
St. Lawrence where our boats were 
obliged to be unloaded, and taken 
through a Lock, the rapids being too 
strong to pass ; these rapids were the 
first of any consequence that I had seen. 

Perhaps you do not know what I 
mean by a rapid ; it is when the water 
runs with swiftness over large rocks, 
every one of which forms a cascade, and 
the river here is all a bed of rocks. 

There is no describing the grandeur 
of the water when thrown into this kind 
of agitation ; the sea after a tempest is 
smooth to it. 

My brother had traveled the road be- 
fore, and knew the people, and the dis- 
tance from house to house. 

This part of the country has been set- 
tled since the Peace, and it was granted 
to the troops raised in America during 
the war. We went from a Colonel to a 
Captain, and from a Captain to a Major. 
They have most of them built good 
houses, and with the assistance of their 
half pay, live very comfortably. 

One night we reached the house of an 



old servant of Mrs. Powell's ; the chil- 
dren were delighted to see her, and I 
was well pleased to view a new scene of 
domestic life. This woman, it seems, 
had married a disbanded soldier, who 
had a small lot of land, where they 
immediately went to live, and cultivated 
it with so much care, that in a few years 
they were offered in exchange for it, a 
farm twice its value, to which they had 
just removed, and were obliged to live 
some time in a temporary log house, 
which consisted only of one room, in 
which was a very neat bed, where a 
lovely babe of three months old, lay 
crowing and laughing by itself. 

A large loom was on one side, on the 
other all the necessary utensils of a fam- 
ily, everything perfectly clean. 

Small as the place was, we chose to 
stay all night, so while Mrs. Powell was 
giving orders for arranging the beds, my 
brother and I walked out to enjoy a 
very fine evening. 

The banks of the river were very high 
and woody, the moon shone bright 
through the trees, some Indians were on 
the river taking fish with harpoons, a 
mode of fishing I had never seen before. 

They make large fires in their canoes, 
which attract the fish to the surface of 
the water, when they can see by the fire 
to strike them. 

The number of fires moving on the 
water had a pretty and singular effect. 

When we returned to the house, we 
found the whole floor covered with beds. 
The man and woman of the house, with 
their children, had retired to their own 
room, and left us to manage as we 

A blanket was hung before my mat- 

tress, which I drew aside, to see how the 
rest were accommodated. My brother 
and sister, myself, five children, and two 
maid servants made up the group ; a 
blazing fire (not in the chimney, for 
there was none, but in one side of the 
room, which was opened at the top to let 
out the smoke, and gave us a fine current 
of air) showed every object distinctly. 

I was in a humor to be easily diverted, 
and found a thousand things to laugh at. 
It struck me that we were like a strolling 
party of players. 

At night we always drest a dinner 
for the next day. When we were dis- 
posed to eat it, the cloth was laid in 
the boat, and our table served up with 
as much decency as could be expected, 
if we could be contented with cold pro- 

Not so our sailors ; they went on 
shore and boiled their pots, and smoked 
their pipes. 

One day we happened to anchor at a 
small Island, where the men themselves 
had some difficulty in climbing the 
banks, which were very steep. 

I finished my dinner before the rest of 
the party, and felt an inclination to w^k. 
I took one of the maids and made one of 
the men help us up the bank ; we strolled 
to the other side of the Island, and when 
we turned round, saw the whole of the 
ground covered with fire. The wind 
blew fresh, and the dried leaves had 
spread it from where the people were 

We had no alternative, so were 
obliged to make the best of our way 
back. I believe we took very few steps, 
for neither of us had our shoes burnt 



The weather was so fine that we ven- 
tured to sleep out, and I liked it so 
much that I regretted that we had ever 
gone into a house ; it is the pleasantest 
vagabond life you can imagine. 

We stopt before sunset, when a large 
fire was instantly made, and tea and 
chocolate were prepared ; while we were 
taking it the men erected a tent ; the 
sails of the boat served for the top, and 
blankets were fastened round the sides ; 
in a few minutes they had made a place 
large, enough to spread all our beds, 
where we slept with as much comfort as 
I ever did in any chamber in my life. It 
was our own fault if we did not choose a 
fine situation to encamp. 

You can scarcely conceive a more 
beautiful scene than was one night ex- 
hibited. The men had piled up boughs 
of trees for a fire, before our tent, till 
they made a noble bon-fire. In the 
course of the evening it spread more 
than half a mile ; the ground was cov- 
ered with dry leaves which burnt like so 
many lamps, with the fire running up the 
bushes and trees. The whole formed 
the most beautiful illumination you can 
form an idea of. 

The children were in ecstasies, run- 
ning about like so many savages, and 
our sailors were encamped near enough 
for us to hear them singing and laugh- 

We had, before we left Montreal, 
heard of his Majesty's recovery, so if 
you please you can set this all down as 
rejoicings on that account, though I 
doubt whether it once occurred to our 
minds, yet we are a very loyal people. 

On the tenth day we reached Kings- 
ton ; it is a small town, and stands on a 

beautiful bay at the foot of Lake 
Ontario. The moment we reached the 
wharf, a number of people came down 
to welcome us ; a gentleman in his 
hurry to hand out the ladies, brushed 
one of the children into the lake. He 
was immediately taken out, but that did 
not save his Mother a severe fright. 

We went to the house of a Mr. For- 
syth, a young bachelor, who very politely 
begged we would consider it as our own. 

Here we staid three days, and then 
sailed with a fair wind for Niagara. 

At Kingston we were overtaken by 
two officers of the artillery, one going to 
Niagara the other to Detroit. They 
both expressed themselves pleased with 
joining our party, and accepted an offer 
my brother made them, to cross the 
Lake in a vessel appointed for him. 
We were fifteen where there were only 
four berths. When the beds were put 
down at night, every one remained in the 
spot he had first taken, for there was no 
moving without general consent. 

One night after we had lain down and 
began to be composed, Mrs. Powell saw 
one of the maids standing where she 
had been making the children's beds, 
and asked her why she staid there ? 

The poor girl who speaks indifferent 
English answered : ** I am quazed, 
Ma'am.' Sure enough, she was wedged 
in beyond the power of moving without 

I heard a great laugh among the gen- 
tlemen, who were divided from us by a 
blanket partition. I suppose they were 
" quazed " too ! 

Lake Ontario is two hundred miles 
over. We were four days crossing it. 
We were certainly a very good hu- 



moured set of people, for no one com- 
plained or seemed rejoiced when we 
arrived at Niagara. 

The fort is by no means pleasantly 
situated. It is built close upon the 
Lake, which gains upon its foundations 
so fast, that in a few years they must be 
overflowed. There, however, we passed 
some days very agreeably, at the house 
of Mr. Hamilton. We received the most 
polite attentions from Colonel Hunter, 
the commanding officer, and all his' 
officers. Lord Edward Fitz-Gerald had 
been some months at Niagara before us, 
and was making excursions among the 
Indians, of whose society he seemed 
particularly fond. Joseph Brant, a cele- 
brated Indian chief, lives in that neigh- 

Lord Edward had spent some days at 
his house, and seemed charmed with his 
visit. Brant returned to Niagara with 
his Lordship. He was the first, and 
indeed the only savage I ever dined at 
table with. 

As the party was large, he was at too 
great a distance from me to hear him 
converse, and I was by no means 
pleased with his looks. These people 
pay great deference to rank ; with them 
it is only obtained by merit. They 
attended Lord Edward from the house 
of one Chief to another, and entertained 
him with dancing, which is the greatest 
compliment they can pay. Short as our 
stay was at Niagara, we made many 
acquaintances we were sorry to leave. 
Several gentlemen offered to escort us 
to the landing, which is eight miles from 
Fort Erie. 

There the Niagara river becomes 
impassable, and all the luggage was 

drawn up a steep hill in a cradle, a 
machine I never saw before. We walked 
up the hill, and were conducted to a 
good garden with an arbor in it, where 
we found a cloth laid for dinner, which 
was provided for us by the officers of 
the post. 

After dinner we went on seven miles 
to Fort Schlosher. The road was good, 
the weather charming, and this was the 
only opportunity we should have of see- 
ing the Falls. All our party collected 
half a mile above the Falls, and walked 
down to them. I was in raptures all the 
way. The Falls I had heard of forever, 
but no one had mentioned the Rapids ! 

For half a mile the river comes foam- 
ing down immense rocks, some of them 
forming cascades 30 or 40 feet high ! 
The banks are covered with woods, as 
are a number of Islands, some of them 
very high out of the water. One in the 
centre of the river, runs out into a point, 
and seems to divide the Falls, which 
would otherwise be quite across the 
river, into the form of a crescent. 

I believe no mind can form an idea of 
the immensity of the body of water, or 
the rapidity with which it hurries down. 
The height is 180 feet, and long before 
it reaches the bottom, it loses all appear- 
ance of a liquid. The spray rises like 
light summer clouds, and when the rays 
of the sun are reflected through it, they 
form innumerable rainbows, but the sun 
was not in a situation to show this effect 
when we were there. 

One thing I could find nobody to 
explain to me, which is, the stillness of 
the water at the bottom of the Falls ; it 
is as smooth as a lake, for half a mile, 
deep and narrow, the banks very high 



and steep, with trees hanging over them. 
I was never before sensible of the power 
of scenery, nor did I suppose the eye 
could carry to the mind such strange 
emotions of pleasure, wonder and so- 

For a time every other impression 
was erased from my memory ! Had I 
been left to myself, I am convinced I 
should not have thought of moving 
whilst there was light to distinguish 

With reluctance I at length attended 
to the proposal of going, determining in 
my own mind, that when I returned, I 
would be mistress of my own time, and 
stay a day or two at least. 

We were received at Fort Schlosher by 
Mr. Foster, of the 6oth Regt., one of the 
most elegant young men I ever saw. 
Here w« were extremely well accom- 
modated, and much pleased with the 
house and garden. I never saw a situation 
where retirement wore so many charms. 
The next day we went in a batteau to 
Fort Erie. When we arrived there we 
found the commanding officer, Mr. Boyd, 
was gone in a party with Lord Edward 
and Mr. Brisbane to the other side of 
the river, where the Indians were hold- 
ing a Council. The gentlemen all re- 
turned in the evening, and seemed so 
much pleased with their entertainment, 
that when they proposed our going over 
with them the next day, we very readily 
agreed to it. I thought it a peculiar piece 
of good fortune, having an opportunity 
of seeing a number of the most respect- 
able of these people collected together. 
We reached the spot where the Coun- 
cil began, and as we passed along, saw 
several of the chiefs at their toilets. 

They sat upon the ground with the most 
profound gravity, dressing themselves 
before a small looking-glass ; for they 
are very exact in fixing on their orna- 
ments, and not a little whimsical. I am 
told that one of these fellows will be an 
hour or two painting his face, and when 
anyone else would think him sufficiently 
horrible, some new conceit will strike hiip, 
and he will rub it all off, and begin again. 

The women dress with more sim- 
plicity than the men, at least all I have 
seen ; but at this meeting there were 
not many of the fair sex. Some old 
squaws who sat in council, and a few 
young ones to dress their provisions; 
for these great men, as well as those of 
our world, like a good dinner after 
spending their lungs for the good of 
their country. 

Some women we saw employed in 
taking fish in a basket ; a gentleman of 
our party took the ba.sket from one of 
them, and tried to catch the fish as she 
did, but failing, they laughed at his 
want of dexterity. One young squaw 
sat in a tent weaving a sort of worsted 
garter intermixed with beads. I sup- 
pose she was a lady of distinction, for 
her ears were bored in four different 
places, with ear-rings in them all. She 
would not speak English, but seemed to 
understand what was said to her. 

A gentleman introduced Mrs. Powell 
and me to her as white squaws, begging 
she would go on with her work, as we 
wished to see how it was done. She 
complied immediately, with great dig- 
nity, taking no more notice of us than if 
we were posts. A proof of her good 
breeding ! 

We then went up a steep bank to a 



very beautiful spot ; the tall trees were 
in full leaf, and the ground covered 
with wild flowers. We were seated on 
a log in the centre, where we could see 
all that passed. 

Upwards of 200 chiefs were assembled 
and seated in proper order. They were 
the delegates of six nations ; each tribe 
formed a circle under the shade of a 
tree, their faces towards each other ; 
they never changed their places, but sat 
or lay on the grass as they liked. The 
speaker of each tribe stood with his 
back against a tree. The old women 
walked one by one with great solemnity 
and seated themselves behind the men ; 
they were wholly covered with their 
blankets, and sought not by the effect of 
ornaments to attract, or fright, the other 
sex, for I cannot tell whether the men 
mean to make themselves charming, or 
horrible, by the pains they take with 
their persons. 

On seeing this respectable band of 
matrons I was struck with the different 
opinions of mankind. In England when 
a man grows infirm and his talents are 
obscured by age, the wits decide upon his 
character by calling him an old woman. 
On the banks of Lake Erie a woman 
becomes respectable as she grows old, 
and I suppose the greatest compliment 
you can pay a young hero, is that he is 
as wise as an old woman, a good trait of 
savage understanding. These ladies 
preserve a modest silence in the debates 
(I fear they are not like women of other 
countries) but nothing is determined 
without their advice and approbation. 

I was very much struck with the fig- 
ures of these Indians as they approached 
us. They are remarkably tall, and finely 

made, and walk with a degree of grace 
and dignity you can have no idea of. 
X declare our beaux looked quite in- 
significant by them ; one man called to 
my mind some of Homer's finest heroes. 

One of the gentlemen told me that he 
was a chief of great distinction and 
spoke English, and if I pleased he 
should be introduced to me. I had 
some curiosity to see how a chief of the 
six nations would pay his compliments, 
but little did I expect the elegance with 
which he addressed me. The Prince of 
Wales does not bow with more grace 
than Captain David. He spoke English 
with propriety, and returned all the 
compliments that were paid him with 
ease and politeness. As he was not only 
the handsomest but the best drest man 
I saw, I will endeavor to describe him. 

His person is tall and fine as it is pos- 
sible to conceive, his features handsome 
and reguiar, with a countenance of much 
softness, his complexion not disagreably 
dark, and I really believe he washes his 
face, for it appeared perfectly clean, 
without paint ; his hair was all shaved 
off except a little on the top of his head 
to fasten his ornaments to ; his head 
and cars painted a glowing red ; round 
his head was fastened a fillet of highly 
polished silver, from the left temple 
hung two straps of black velvet cov- 
ered with silver beads and brooches. 
On the top of his head was fixed a Fox- 
tail feather, which bowed to the wind, 
as did a black one in each ear ; a pair 
of immense earrings which hung below 
his shoulders completed his head-dress, 
which I assure you was not unbecoming, 
though I must confess somewhat fan- 



His dress was a shirt of colored calico, 
the neck and shoulders covered so thick 
with silver brooches as to have the ap- 
pearance of a net, his sleeves much like 
those the ladies wore when I left Eng- 
land, fastened about . the arm, with a 
broad bracelet of highly polished silver, 
and engraved with the arms of Eng- 
land. Four smaller bracelets of the same 
kind about his wrists and arms ; around 
his waist was a large scarf of a very dark 
colored stuff, lined with scarlet, which 
hung to his feet. One part he generally 
drew over his left arm which had a very 
graceful effect when he moved. His 
legs were covered with blue cloth made 
to fit neatly, with an ornamental garter 
bound below the knee. I know not 
what kind of a being your imagination 
will represent to you, but I sincerely 
declare to you, that altogether Captain 
David made the finest appearance I ever 
saw in my life ! Do not suppose they 
were all dressed with the same taste ; 
their clothes are not cut by the same 
pattern, like the beaux of England. — 
Every Indian is dressed according to his 
own fancy, and you see no two alike ; 
even their faces are differently painted ; 
some of them wear their hair in a strange 
manner, others shave it entirely off. One 
old man diverted me extremely ; he was 
dressed in a scarlet coat, richly em- 
broidered, that must have been made 
half a century, with waistcoat of the 
same, that reached half way down his 
thighs, no shirt or breeches, but blue 
cloth stockings. As he strutted about 
more than the rest, I conclude that he 
was particularly pleased with his dress, 
and with himself ! They told us that he 
was a Chief of distinction. We only 

staid to hear two speeches ; they spoke 
with great gravity and no action, fre- 
quently making long pauses for a hum 
of applause. Lord Edward and Mr. 
Brisbane remained with them all night, 
and were entertained with dancing. 

We were detained some days at Fort 
Erie by a contrary wind. On the 4th of 
June as we were drinking the King's 
health like good loyal subjects, the wind 
changed and we were hurried on board ; 
we were better accommodated than 
when we crossed Lake Ontario, fpr the 
weather was so fine that the gentlemen 
all slept on deck. Lake Erie is 280 
miles over, we were five days on our 

The river Detriot divides Lake Erie 
from Lake St. Clair, which is again sep- 
arated by a small river from Lake 
Huron. The head of Lake Erie and the 
entrance into the river Detroit is uncom- 
monly beautiful. Whilst we were sailing 
up the river a perverse storm of rain 
and thunder drove us into the cabin, and 
gave us a thorough wetting. After it 
was over we went on shore. The fort 
lies about half way up the river, which 
is 18 miles in length. 

In drawing the line between the Brit- 
ish and American possessions, this fort 
was left within their lines ; a new town 
is now to be built on the other side of 
the river, where the Courts are held, 
and where my brother must of course 

As soon as our vessel anchored, sev- 
eral ladies and gentleman came on 
board ; they had agreed upon a house 
for us, till my brother could meet with 
one that would suit him, so we found 
ourselves at home immediately. 




The ladies visited us in full dress, 
though the weather was boiling hot. 

What do you think of walking about 
when the Thermometer is above 90 ? It 
was as high as 96 the morning we re- 
turned our visits. 

Whilst we staid at the Fort, several 
parties were made for us. A very agree- 
able one by the 65 th to an island a little 
way up the river. Our party was divided 
into five boats, one held the music, in 
each of the others were two ladies and 
as many gentlemen as it could hold. 

Lord Edward and his friend arrived 
just time enough to join us ; they went 
round the Lake by land, to see some In- 
dian settlements, and were highly pleased 
with their jaunt. Lord Edward speaks 
in raptures of the Indian hospitality ; he 
told me one instance of it, which would 
reflect honor on the most polished soci- 
ety. By some means or other, the gen- 
tlemen lost their provisions, and were 
entirely without bread in a place where 
they could get none ; some Indians trav- 
eling with them, had one loaf, which 
they offered to his Lordship, but he 
would not accept it ; the Indians gave 
him to understand that they were used 
to do without and therefore it was less 
inconvenient to them ; they still refused, 
and the Indians then disappeared, and 
left the loaf of bread in the road the 
travelers must pass, and the Indians 
were seen no more. 

Our party on the Island proved very 
pleasant, which that kind of parties sel- 
dom do ; the day was fine, the country 
cheerful and the band delightful. We 
walked some time in the shady part 
of the Island ; and then were led to 
a bower where the table was spread 

for dinner. Everything here is on a 
grand scale ; do not suppose we dined 
in an English arbor ! This one was 
made of forest trees that grew in a cir- 
cle, and it was closed by filling up the 
spaces with small trees and bushes, 
which being fresh cut, you could not see 
where they were put together, and the 
bower was the whole height of the trees 
though quite closed at the top. The 
band was placed without, and played 
whilst we were at dinner. We were 
hurried home in the evening by the 
appearance of a thunder storm ; it was 
the most beautiful I ever remember to 
have seen. The clouds were collected 
about the setting sun, and the forked 
lightning was darting in a thousand 
different directions from it. 

You can form no idea from anything 
you have seen of what the lightning is in 
this country. These Lakes I believe 
are the nurseries of thunder storms ! 
What you see are only stragglers who 
lose their strength before they reach 

Supplementary Note. — The follow- 
ing extracts are from letters relative to 
the Indians, from O. H. Marshall, Esq., 
of Buffalo, N. Y. : 

Buffalo, April 3, 1S65. 

•*The period of Miss Powell's visit to Niagara 
in 1789, is an interesting one in our local histoiy. 
The Senecas were driven by Genl. Sullivan from 
their seats in the Genesee valley in 1779. They 
settled in 1780 on the site where the city of 
Buffalo is now located. There does not appear 
to have been a solitary white cabin here at the 
time of her visit." 

Buffalo, Feb. 24, 1872. 

** The Chief in a scarlet coat, described (in 
ms.) was undoubtedly Red Jacket, or ' Sago-ye- 
wal-ha.' In the volume of * Indian Treaties, 
edited by Franklin B. Hough,' and published as 



one of ' Historical Series, p. 340,' is a letter to 
Gov. George Clinton dated July 30, 1789, and 
signed by Red Jacket, as a Seneca Chief at 
Buffalo Creekf which refers to the Council which 
Miss Powell attended." 

Buffalo, August 24, 1872. 

I have received from a Mohawk a translation 
of the letter written by David Hill to Lord 
Edward Fitzgerald, but it is quite unsatisfactory, 
for the reason that the orthography of the 
Mohawk, as given by Moore, is undoubtedly 
very erroneous. It is always the case, when an 
unwritten language is attempted to be given in 
the alphabet of another. 

Karong hyontye is the Indian name of Captain 
David. The same name is given in Hough's 
Indian Treaties of New York, Vol. I., p. 51, 
for the Captain. 

Tyogh Saghmmtyan is the name of Detroit, 
where the letter was written. 

Captain David is referred to in Stone*s Life of 
Red Jacket, 1st Ed., p. 95. He was not the 
Chief of the Six Nations, but a Chief of the 

I enclose an autograph of Red Jacket, being 
his signature by ** his mark," verified by two old 
residents of Buffalo. He spoke little English, 
and could not write his name. 

Mr. Marshall here refers to " Memoirs 
of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, by Thomas 
Moore," p. 148, Vol. I., where an account 
is given of his induction at Detroit into 
the Bear Tribe, and being made one of 
their Chiefs. 

In the same work there is a very beau- 
tiful letter from Lord Edward to his 
mother, the Duchess of Leinster, des- 
cribing the Falls of Niagara. See Me- 
moir, Vol. I., p. 144. 

Lord Edward descended the Ohio 
and Mississippi, reached New Orleans in 
December, 1 789, and returned to Ireland. 
The republican opinions he acquired in 
America influenced his future life, and 
led to his death in prison in 1798, at the 
age of 35 years. 

The Journal of Miss Powell, from 
which a few unimportant pages have 
been omitted, ends quite abruptly. Many 
copies of it appear to have been pre- 
served among her friends as a memorial 
of her, and as descriptive of the mode of 
traveling and the state of society at that 
early period, when a journey to Niagara 
was an expedition into a wilderness. 
Miss Powell was remembered and spoken 
of by her contemporaries as a most 
lovely and interesting woman. 

This journal is now for the first time 
printed. In 1862 I gave a copy of it to 
the New York Historical Society, and in 
1877, obtained from the relatives of Miss 
Powell, now resident in Canada, a per- 
mission for its publication in the Maga- 
zine of American History. 

Eliza Susan Quincv. 

Quincy^ Mass, 




Betwixt the Lake Ontario and Erie 
there is a vast and prodigious Cadence 
of water, which falls down after a sur- 
prizing and astonishing manner, inas- 
much as the Universe does not afford its 
Parallel. 'Tis true Italy and Suedeland 
boast of some such Things; but we may 
well say they are but sorry Patterns 
when compared to this of which we now 
speak. At the foot of this horrible 
Precipice we meet with the River Nia- 
gara, which is not above a quarter of a 
League broad, but is wonderfully deep 
in some places. It is so rapid above 



this Descent, that it violently hurries 
down the wild Beasts, which endeavoring 
to pass it to feed on the other side, they 
not being able to withstand the force of 
its Current, which inevitably casts them 
headlong above. Six hundred foot high. 

This wonderful Downfall is com- 
pounded of two great Cross-streams of 
Water and two Falls, with an Isle slop- 
ing along the middle of it. The Waters 
which fall from this terrible Precipice 
do foam and boil after the most hid- 
eous manner imaginable, making an out- 
rageous noise, more terrible than that of 
Thunder, for when the Wind blows out 
of the South their dismal roaring may 
be heard more than fifteen Leagues off. 

The River Niagara, having thrown it 
self down this incredible Precipice, con- 
tinues its impetuous course for two 
Leagues together to the great rock 
above-mentioned, with an inexpressible 
Rapidity. But having past that its Impet- 
uosity relents, gliding along more gently 
for other two Leagues, till it arrive at 
the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. 

Any Barque or greater Vessel may pass 
from the Fort to the foot of this huge 
Rock above mentioned. This Rock lies 
to the Westward, and is'cut off from the 
Land by the River Niagara, about two 
Leagues farther down than the great 
Fall ; for which two Leagues the People 
are obliged to transport their Goods 
overland, but the way is very good, and 
the Trees are but few, chiefly Firrs and 

From the great Fall into this Rock, 
which is to the West of the River the 
two Brinks of it are so prodigious high, 
that it would make one tremble to look 
steadily upon the Water, rolling along 

with a Rapidity not to be imagin'd. Were 
it not for this vast Cataract which inter- 
rupts Navigation, they might sail with 
Barks or greater vessels more than Four 
hundred and fifty Leagues, crossing the 
Lake of Hurons, and reaching even to 
the farther end of the Lake Illinois, 
which two Lakes, we may easily say, are 
little Seas of fresh Water. — HennepitCs 
Travels^ edition of 1698, p, 29. 




As for the water-fall of Niagara, it is 
seven or eight hundred foot high and 
half a league broad. Towards the mid- 
dle of it we may descry an island that 
leans towards the precipice, as if it were 
ready to fall. All the beasts that cross 
the water within a quarter of a league 
above this unfortunate island, are sucked 
in by force of the stream, and the beasts 
and fish are thus killed by the prodi- 
gious fall, serve for food to fifty Iroquese, 
who are settled about two leagues off, 
and take them out of the water with 
their canoes. Between the surface of 
the water, that shelves off prodigiously, 
and the foot of the precipice, three men 
may cross abreast without any other 
damage than a sprinkling of some few 
drops of water. — LahontatCs Travels, 




Niagara Fall is about eighteen miles 
from Niagara fort. You first go six 
leagues by water up Niagara river, and 
then three leagues by land over the car- 



rying place. As I was desirous of see- 
ing everything relating to this famous 
cataract, I prevailed on three gentlemen 
who had often visited it, to accompany 
me, one of whom had lived almost ten 
years near the carrying place, and, con- 
sequently, ' was well acquainted with 
every circumstance relative to it. 

A little before we came to the carry- 
ing place, the water grew so rapid that 
four men in a light canoe had much dif- 
ficulty to get up thither. Canoes can go 
half a league above the beginning of the 
carrying place, tho' they must labour 
against a stream extremely rapid, but 
higher up it is quite impossible, the 
whole course of the river, for two leagues 
and a half below the great fall being a 
series of smaller falls, one under an- 
other, on which the greatest canoe or 
batteau would in a moment be turned 
upside down. We therefore went ashore 
and walked over the carrying place, hav- 
ing, besides the high and steep sides of 
the river, two great hills to ascend, one 
above another. 

We arrived at the great fall about ten 
in the morning, and the weather being 
very fine, I had an opportunity of sur- 
veying very attentively this surprising 
cataract of nature. 

The course of the river, or rather 
strait, is here from S.S.E. to N.N.W., 
and the rocks of the great fall cross it, 
not in a right line, but forming an arch 
little less than a semicircle. Above the 
fall, in the middle of the river, is an 
island, lying also S.S.E. and N.N.W., or 
parallel with the sides of the river; its 
length is about 420 yards. The lower 
end of this island is just at the perpen- 
dicular edge of the fall. On both sides 

of this island runs all the water that 
comes from the lakes of Canada, viz.: 
Lake Superior, Lake Michigan, Lake 
Huron and Lake Erie; which are in- 
deed rather seas than lakes, and have, 
besides, a great many large rivers that 
discharge their waters into them, of 
which the greatest part comes down 
Niagara fall. Before the water comes 
to the island it runs but slowly compared 
with its motion when it approaches the 
island, where it becomes the most rapid 
water in the world, running with a sur- 
prising swiftness. Before it comes to 
the fall it is quite white, and in many 
places it is thrown high into the air. 
The greatest and strongest boats would 
here in a moment be overset. The water 
that runs along the west side of the 
island is more rapid, in greater abun- 
dance and whiter than that which runs 
on the east side, appearing almost to ex- 
ceed an arrow in swiftness. 

When you are at the fall and look up 
the river, you may see the river above 
the fall is everywhere exceeding steep, 
resembling the side of a hill. When this 
prodigious body of water comes to very 
fall it throws itself down in a perpen- 
dicular direction. But the surprise on 
seeing this is beyond belief ; nor is it in 
the power of language to express it. To 
behold so vast a body of water throwing 
itself headlong down so prodigious a 
precipice, strikes the observer with awe 
and surprise. 

The perpendicular height of this fall 
has been variously reported. Father 
Hennepin supposes it 600 feet, but he 
has gained little credit among his coun- 
trymen in America, who call him un 
grand mentcur^ " a great liar." He did 



indeed visit this famous fall ; but it is 
the common practice of some travellers 
to magnify everything, and this the good 
father has done, for the height of this 
famous fall has been found to be exactly 
137 feet. 

When the water is come down to the 
bottom of the rock of the fall it jumps 
back to a great height in the air; in 
other places it is as white as milk or snow, 
and all in motion like a boiling caldron. 

The noise of this fall in fine weather 
may be heard at fifteen leagues distance, 
and, when the wind is very calm, you 
may hear it at Niagara Fort ; but seldom 
at other times ; because when the wind 
blows, the waves of the lake Ontario 
make too much noise against the shore. 
And it is very remarkable, that, when 
they hear the noise of the fall at the 
above fort more plain than ordinary, 
they are sure a north-east wind will fol- 
low. This is really surprising, as the 
fall is south-west from the fort, and one 
would imagine it should rather be a con- 
trary wind. 

From the place where the water falls, 
there rises abundance of vapours, re- 
sembling a prodigious thick smoke. 
These vapours rise a great height in the 
air when it is calm, but are dispersed by 
the wind when it blows hard. If you 
go into this vapour or fog, or if the wind 
blows it on you, it is so penetrating, 
that in a few minutes you will be as wet 
as if you had been under water. I de- 
sired two of the gentlemen who went 
with me to go down to bring me, from the 
side at the bottom of the fall, some of the 
several kinds of herbs, stones, and shells, 
they could find there. They immedi- 
ately went down the fall; but when 

they returned, which was not many 
minutes, they were so wet, that I really 
thought they had accidentally fallen 
into the water, as they were obliged to 
strip themselves quite naked, and hang 
their clothes in the sun to dry. 

When you are on the other side of the 
lake Ontario, though a great many 
leagues from the fall, you may, every 
clear and calm morning, see the vapours 
of the fall rising in the air, and a person 
unused to this phenomenon would be 
tempted to think that all the forests 
thereabouts were on fire, so great is the 
apparent smoke. In the like manner 
you may see it on the west side of the 
Lake Erie, a great many leagues off. 

The Indians say that when birds 
come flying into this fog or smoke of 
the cataract, they fall down, and perish 
in the water, either because their wings 
are wet, or that the noise of the fall 
astonishes them, and they know not 
which way to fly, the light being ex- 
cluded by the vapours. But those who 
accompanied me were of opinion that 
seldom or never any bird perishes there 
in that manner ; because, among all the 
birds found dead below the cataract, 
there are no other sorts than such as 
live, or at least frequently swim in the 
water, as swans, geese, ducks, waterhens, 
teal and the like. And very often large 
flocks of them are seen going to destruc- 
tion in this manner ; they swim in the 
river above the fall, and so are carried 
down lower and lower by the water ; 
and as water fowl commonly take great 
delight in being carried with the stream, 
"SO will they indulge themselves in enjoy- 
ing this pleasure so long till the swift- 
ness of the water becomes so great, that 



it is no longer possible for them to rise, 
but they arc driven down the precipice 
and perish. They are observed, when 
they draw near the fall, to endeavour 
with all their might, to take wing, and 
leave the water, but find it impossible. 
In the months of September and Octo- 
ber, such quantities of dead water fowl 
are found every morning below the fall, 
on the banks, that the French garrison 
at the fort used to live chiefly upon them. 
Besides the fowl they also find dead fish 
of various kinds ; likewise deer, bears, 
and other animals, which have endeav- 
oured to cross the river above the fall ; 
the larger of which are generally found 
broken to pieces. Just below the fall 
the water is not rapid, but goes all in 
circles and eddies like a boiling pot, 
which however, does not hinder the In- 
dians from going a-fishingon it in small 
canoes. When you are above the fall, 
and look down, your head begins to turn; 
nor will those who have often visited it 
seldom venture to look down, without 
holding fast to some tree. 

It was formerly looked upon as impos- 
sible for anybody to go ashore on the 
island, and return again ; but an acci- 
dent that happened about twenty-five 
years ago proved that this opinion was 
ill-founded. The history is this : Two 
Indians of the Six Nations went from 
Niagara Fort to hunt on an island in 
the middle of the river or strait, 
above the great fall, on which there 
used to be plenty of deer. They took 
some French brandy with them from the 
fort, which they tasted several times as 
they were going over the carrying place, 
and when they were in the canoe they 
did the same thing as they rowed up the 
strait towards the island where they pro- 

posed to hunt ; but growing sleepy they 
laid themselves down in the canoe, 
which getting loose drove back with the 
stream, farther and farther down, till 
they came near that island which lies in 
the middle of the fall. Here one of 
them, awakened by the noise of the 
cataract, cried out to the other that 
they were lost! They tried, however, 
to save their lives, and this island being 
nearest, they with the utmost difiiculty 
got ashore there. They were at first 
greatly rejoiced, but when they had seri- 
ously reflected on their condition, they 
believed themselves hardly in a better 
state than if they had been precipitated 
down the fall, as they had no other 
choice than either to throw themselves 
down that precipice or perish with hun- 
ger. But necessity is the mother of in- 
vention. At the lower end of the island 
the rock is perpendicular, and no water 
runs there, and the island abounding 
with wood, they went immediately to 
work and made a kind of ladder of the 
bark of the linden tree, long enough to 
reach the surface of the water at the 
bottom of the precipice. One end of 
this ladder they fastened to a large tree 
that grew at the side of the rock above 
the fall, and let the other end down to 
the water. Being thus fixed they went 
down their new invented stairs to the 
surface of the water, in the middle of 
the fall, where they rested a little time ; 
and as the water next below the fall is 
not rapid, they threw themselves into 
it, hoping to reach the shore by swim- 
ming. I have said before, that that one 
part of the fall is on this and the other 
on that side of the island, and hence it 
is that the waters of each turn back 
against the rock that is just under the 



island. The Indians therefore had hardly 
began to swim before the waves of the 
eddy threw them with violence against 
the rock from whence they came. 

They tried it several times, but were 
always thrown against the rock, so that 
they were obliged to climb up the stairs 
again to the island, not knowing what 
to do. After some time they perceived 
some of their countrymen, to whom they 
cried out. They saw and pitied them ; 
but gave them little hopes of help. They 
however hasted to the fort, and told the 
commander the dismal situation of their 
two brethren. He persuaded them to 
try all possible means of relieving the 
poor Indians, which at last they effected 
in the following manner : The water 
that runs on the east side of this island 
is shallow, especially a little above the 
island, towards the eastern shore. The 
commandant having caused poles to be 
made and pointed with iron, two Indi- 
ans determined to walk to the island by 
the help of these poles, in order to save 
the other poor creatures or perish in the 
attempt. Accordingly, before they made 
the attempt, they took leave of all their 
friends, as if they were going to inevit- 
able death. Each of the Indians car- 
ried two of the above poles, one of which 
they fixed firmly in the river, and by 
that means supported themselves against 
the rapidity of the torrent. In this man- 
ner they both safely arrived at the island, 
and having given each of the two poor 
Indians a pole, they all returned safely 
to the main. 

Since the above accident, the Indians 
often go to this island to kill deer, which, 
having endeavoured to cross the river 
above the fall, are driven on the island 
by the stream. 

Formerly a part of the rock at the 
fall, which is on the west side of the 
island, hung over in such a manner that 
the water which fell perpendicularly from 
it left a vacancy below, so that there 
was a passage at the bottom of the fall^ 
between the rock and the water; but 
some years ago the prominent part broke 
off and fell down, so that now there is 
no possibility of going between the fall- 
ing water and the rock, the former 
touching the latter from the upper part 
to the bottom of the fall. The breadth 
of the fall, as it forms a semicircle, is 
reckoned to be about 360 yards. The 
island is in the middle of the fall, and 
about 40 yards broad at its lower end. 

Every day when the sun shines, from 
ten in the morning until two in the after- 
noon, below the fall and under you 
when you stand at the side over the fall, 
you see a glorious rainbow, and some- 
times two, one within another. I was 
so fortunate as to be at the fall on a, fine 
clear day, and contemplated with great 
delight this beautiful phenomenon, which 
was embellished with those brilliant col- 
ours conspicuous in a rainbow formed 
in the air. When the wind carries the 
vapours from place to place, the rainbow 
is often invisible, but becomes conspicu- 
ous as soon as new vapors are formed. 
— Massachusetts Magazifu^ II., 592. 




(IllustraUd with a drawing by the writer^ 

Dear Sir, 

Among the many natural curiosities 
which this country affords, the cataract 
of Niagara is infinitely the greatest. In 



order to have a tolerable idea of this 
stupendous fall of water, it will be ne- 
cessary to conceive that part of the 
country in which lake Erie is situated, 
to be elevated above that which contains 
lake Ontario, about three hundred feet. 
The slope which separates the upper 
and lower country, is generally very 
steep, and in many places almost per- 
pendicular. ■ It is formed by horizontal 
strata of stone, great part of which is 
what we commonly call lime stone. 
The slope may be traced from the north 
side of lake Ontario, near the bay of 
Toronto, round the west end of the lake ; 
thence its direction is generally east, 
between lake Ontario, and lake Erie it 
crosses the strait of Niagara, and the 
Cheneseco river, after which it becomes 
lost in the country towards the Seneca 
Lake. It is to this slope that our 
country is indebted, both for the cata- 
ract of Niagara and the great falls of the 

The cataract of Niagara was formerly 
down at the northern side of the slope, 
near to that place, which is now known 
by the name of the Landing ; but from 
the great length of time, added to the 
great quantity of water, and distance 
which it falls, the solid stone is worn 
away, for about seven miles, up towards 
lake Erie, and a chasm is formed which 
no person can approach without horror. 

Down this chasm the water rushes 
with a most astonishing velocity, after 
it makes the great pitch. In going up 
the road near this chasm, the fancy is 
consUntly engaged in the contemplation 
of the most romantick and awful pros- 
pects imaginable, till at length, the eye 
catches the falls-the imagination is 

instantly arrested, and you admire in 
silence ! The river is about one hun- 
dred and thirty-five poles wide, at the 
falls, and the perpendicular pitch one 
hundred and fifty feet. The fall of this 
vast body of water produces a sound 
which is frequently heard at the distance 
of twenty miles, and a sensible tremulous 
motion in the earth for some poles 
around.* A heavy fog, or cloud, is 
constantly ascending from the falls, in 
which rainbows may always be seen, 
when the sun shines. This fog, or spray, 
in the winter season, falls upon the 
neighboring trees, where it congeals, and 
produces a most beautiful chrystalline 
appearance. This remark is equally 
applicable to the falls of the Cheneseco. 

The difficulty which would attend 
levelling the rapids in the chasm, pre- 
vented my attempting it, but I conjecture 
the water must descend at least sixty- 
five feet. The perpendicular pitch at 
the cataract is one hundred and fifty 
feet ; to these add fifty-eight feet, which 
the water falls in the last half mile, 
immediately above the falls, and we 
have two hundred and seventy- three 
feet, which the water falls, in a distance 
of about seven miles and an half. If 
either ducks or geese inadvertently 
alight in the rapids above the great 
cataract, they are incapable of getting 
on the wing again, and are instantly 
hurried on to destruction. 

There is one appearance at this cata- 
ract worthy of some attention, and 
which I do not remember to have seen 
noted by any writer. Just below the 
great pitch, the water and foam may be 
seen puffed up in spherical figures, 
nearly as large as common cocks of hay ; 



they burst at the top, and project a 
column of spray to a prodigious height ; 
they then subside, and are succeeded by 
others, which burst in like manner. 

This appearance is most conspicuous 
about half way between the island, that 
divides the falls, and the west side of 
the strait, where the largest column of 
water descends. I am, &c., 

Andrew Ellicott. 

Niagara^ Dec, loM, 1789. 

* It is said by those who have visited this stu- 
pendous cataract, that the descent into the chasm 
is exceedingly difficult, because of the great 
height of the banks. A person, having de- 
scended, however, may go up to the bottom of 
the falls, and take shelter behind the torrent, 
between the falling water and the precipice, 
where there is a space sufficient to contain a 
number of people in perfect safety, and where 
conversation may be carried on without much 
interruption from the noise, which is less here 
than at a considerable distance. This is not un- 
worthy the attention of the philosophick reader. 
'—Massachusetts Magazine, II., 387. 




Should curiosity induce you to visit 
the Falls of Niagara, you will proceed 
from Geneva by the State Road, to the 
Genesee River, which you will cross at 
New Hartford, west of which you will 
find the country settled for about twelve 
miles ; but after that, for about sixty-five 
miles, to Niagara River, the country 
still remains a wilderness. This road 
was used so much last year by people on 
business, or by those whom curiosity 
had led to visit the Falls of Niagara, 
that a station was fixed at the Big Plains 
to shelter travelers. At this place there 

are two roads that lead to Niagara 
River ; the south road goes by Buffalo 
Creek, the other by Tonawandoe 
Village to Queen's Town Landing. The 
road to Buffalo Creek is more used both 
because it is better and because it com- 
mands a view of Lake Erie ; and the 
road from this to the falls is along the 
banks of Niagara River, a very interest- 
ing ride. The river is in no place less 
than a mile over, and the picture is 
enlivened by a variety of landscapes. 
Niagara River is the only outlet of Lake 
Superior, and all these immense lakes 
that afford from the falls an uninterrupt- 
ed navigation of near two thousand 
miles to the westward. As you ap- 
proach Chippaway, a military station 
two miles above the falls, the rapidity 
of the river increases, bounding to a 
great height when it meets with resist- 
ance from the inequality of the surface ; 
and this vast body of water at last 
washes over a precipice of one hundred 
and seventy feet. The falls can be 
viewed from several different places ; 
but they are seen to most advantage 
below. You can, with safety, approach 
the very edge of the fall, and may even 
go some distance between the sheet of 
falling water and the precipice ; but 
this experiment requires caution : the 
footing is unequal and slippery ; and 
blasts of condensed air rush out with 
such violence as to deprive you for some 
moments, of the power of breathing. 
From the falls to Queenstown, the near- 
est place to which shipping approach 
the falls, the roar is confined within a 
chasm in the rocks, one hundred and 
fifty feet deep, and to all appearance cut 
by the force of the water. 




FROM Williamson's description of the 



The principal Taverns on the road 
from Albany to Geneva, and from there 
to Niagara, with their Distances : 


Albany to Schenectady 
Schenectady to Bent's 

Bent's to 


Hudson's Indian Castle 
Aldridge's German-Flats 
Hotel Fort Schuyler 






From Fort Schuyler to Laird's 

on the great Genesee Road 10 
Van Epps's, near the Oneida 

Reservation 6 

Wemps's, in the Oneida Reser- 
vation 6 
Sill's, at the Deep Spring 1 1 
Keeler's junior 12 
Tyler's, Onandago Hollow 10 
Rice's, Nine Mile Creek 10 
Cayuga Ferry 20 
Powell's Hotel, Geneva 13 

From Geneva to Canandarqua 


Searson's on the State Road 

New Hartford 

Peterson's at the Big Spring 


To the station on the Big 

To Buffalo Creek 











Irving's new YORK. — Looking over 
an old volume of newspaper cuttings the 
other day I fell upon this scrap, which 
may amuse some of your readers. 

" The following carious passage occurs near 
the commencement of the Sixth Book of 
Irving's humorous History of New York, 
where it stands in plain prose ^ though we have 
divided it into lines for the sake of showing the 
remarkable poetic rhythm by which it is marked. 
It is copied verbatim^ and forms part of the de- 
scription of the arming of Peter Stujrvesant, the 
Redoubtable, for battle. It may be classed 
among literary curiosities. 

' ' The gallant warrior starts from soft repose, 
From golden visions and voluptuous ease ; 
Where, in the dulcet ' piping time of peace/ 
He sought sweet solace after all his toils. 
No more, in Beauty's syren lap reclined, 
He weaves fair garlands for his lady's brows; 
No more entwines with flowers his shining 

Nor through the live-long lazy summer's day 
Chants forth his love-sick soul in madrigals. 
To manhood roused he spurns the amorous 

Doffs from his brawny back the robe of peace. 
And clothes his pampered limbs in panoply of 

O'er his dark brow where late the myrtle waved. 
Where wanton roses breathed enervate love, 
He rears the beaming casque and nodding 

plume ; 
Grasps the bright shield and shakes the jlpnder- 

ous lance, } 

Or mounts with eager pride his fiery steed. 
And bums for deeds of glorious chivalry." 

That the comparison may be more 
easily made I add the words in their 
order of sentence and punctuation as 
printed in the First Chapter of Book VI. 
of the History, from a copy of Putnam's 
Edition of 1850, presented to the New 
York Historical Society as his own auto- 



graphic lines attest, by Washington Ir- 
ving himself, and I prefix a part of the 
sentence preceding them which may be 
also arranged in order of verse. 

"But now the war drum rumbles from afar, 
the brazen trumpet brays its thrilling note, and 
the mad clash of hostile arms speaks fearful 
prophesies of coming troubles. The gallant 
warrior starts from soft repose ; from golden 
visions and voluptuous ease ; when in the dulcet 
** piping time of peace," he sought sweet solace 
after all his toils. No more in beauty's siren lap 
reclined, he weaves fair garlands for his lady's 
brows ; no more entwines with flowers his shin- 
ing sword, nor through the live-long summer's 
day chants forth his love-sick soul in madrigals. 
To manhood roused, he spurns the amorous flute ; 
doffs from his brawny back the robe of peace, 
and clothes his pampered limbs in panoply of 
steel. O'er his dark brow, where late the myrtle 
waved, where wanton roses breathed enervate 
love, he rears the beaming casque and nodding 
plume ; grasps the bright shield, and shakes the 
ponderous lance ; or mounts with eager pride 
his fiery steed, and bums for deeds of glorious 

Diedrich Knickerbocker, in the next 
sentence, tells us we must not take this 
seriously, that *' this is but a lofty and 
gigantic mode, in which we heroic writ- 
ers always talk of war, thereby to give 
it a noble and inspiring aspect," but it 
is enough to show that the charming 
author 'knew himself to build the lofty 
rhyme' as well as the plainer structure 
of prose. S. L. 

New York City, 

Andre's grave at tappan. — In the 
summer of 1818 Captain Alden Part- 
ridge, a professor of military engineering 
in the United States Military Academy, 
made several pedestrian excursions for 
the purpose of determining from •baro- 
metrical and thermometrical observations 

the altitudes of noted heights and emi- 
nences. In a letter, dated August 31st, 
he thus describes his visit to the grave 
of Andr^ : 

** August 24M. — * ♦ ♦ thence to 
the village of Tappan, which I reached 
(in the rain) a little before sunset. This 
village is celebrated as being the place 
where Major Andr6, adjutant-general of 
the British army, was confined, tried 
and executed as a spy during our revo- 
lutionary war. I took my quarters for 
the night at a public house kept by Mr. 
Dubey, post-master of the place, who 
soon informed me that was the same 
house in which Andr^ was kept a pris- 
oner. He also showed me the room in 
which he was confined, and told me it 
was in very nearly the same state as at 
the time of his confinement. The di- 
mensions of this room by accurate 
admeasurement I found to be as follows, 
viz., length, 18 feet 6 j4 inches ; breadth, 
II feet 7j4 inches; height, 7 feet 5 
inches. The north wall is of stone ; on 
the other three sides it is enclosed by 
brick walls. It has one window on the 
west side, from which the place of his 
execution can be seen, and one door at 
the south end, opening into a passage, 
about 8 feet wide, which crosses the 
house from east to west." 

^^ August 25M. — Weather very rainy 
and unpleasant — I, however, started 
about eight o'clock to visit the place of 
Andr6's execution and burial. This is 
on a beautiful and commanding emi- 
nence, about half a mile west from the 
village of Tappan, at an elevation of 
1 23 feet above the floor of the room in 
which he was confined, and 200 feet 
above tide water in Hudson's river. 



The place is distinctly marked at a dis- 
tance by two small cedars about 8 feet 
high, one of which has grown out of the 
southeast comer of the grave, and the 
other on the north side, nearly opposite 
the centre. The grave can be plainly 
distinguished — it has a small head and 
foot stone, but without any inscription, 
and is encompassed by a small enclosure 
of rough stones loosely placed upon 
each other. I have been thus minute 
upon this subject, because I conceive 
that every circumstance connected with 
it cannot fail of being interesting to 
Americans. Having remained at the 
grave until I was completely drenched 
with rain, I returned to my lodgings." 

The value of the preceding descrip- 
tion will be appreciated by those who 
gave attention to the lively discussion 
in the newspapers last fall in regard to 
the location of the grave. 

It is probably the first circumstantial 
account of Andr6's grave and its sur- 
roundings, from the time of burial in 
1780 until the disinterment of the body 
by the British consul, August 10, 1821. 
The writer undoubtedly had the exact 
spot indicated to him by his host, Philip 
Dubey, who kept a tavern in the same 
house for the eighteen years preceding 
the Captain's visit. 

As Dubey bought the tavern from a 
previous proprietor in 1800, twenty years 
after Andre's execution, he knew the 
location of the grave that gave this vil- 
lage public notoriety, and brought guests 
to his house. 

The measurements made by Captain 
Partridge of Andr6*s prison room are 
an interesting addition to the history of 
this old stone house, described in the 

December number of the Magazine of 
American History (III.. 743). It also 
confirms the tradition there stated, that 
Andre could see the place of execution 
from the window. W. K. 

The grave of andr^. — It is strange 
that the residents of New York City re- 
mained in ignorance of the fact men- 
tioned by Lieut. Shreve, that Andr6*s 
body was carried to that city imme- 
diately after the execution. Rivington, 
"the King's Printer," reproduced Miss 
Seward's Monody in his paper for July 
II, 1 781, niqe months after the spy was 
hung. In it occur the following lines : 

But no intreaty wakes the soft remorse, 
Oh murder*<l Andre ! for thy sacred Corse ; 
Vain were an Army's, vain its Leader s sighs ! 
Damp in the Earth on Hudson's shore it lies ! 
Unshrouded welters in the wintry storm, 
And gluts the riot of the Tappan Worm ! 
But oh ! its dust, like Abel's blood shall rise,, 
And call for justice from the angry skies ! 

What tho' the Tyrants with malignant pride 
To thy pale Corse each decent rite deny'd ! 
Thy graceful limbs in no kind covert laid, 
Nor with the Christian Requiem sooth'd thy 
shade ! 

I have looked in vain through the suc- 
ceeding numbers for a denial of the 
Tappan Worm or a Christian burial. 

Another victim of the popular de- 
lusion was Timothy Bigelow, who, on 
his voyage to Albany in 18 15, made the 
following entry in his diary : *'*' July 20. 
Andre's grave is in an open field in Tap- 
pan, with nothing to mark it but a small 
tree near it, about two miles west of the 

Happily we are better informed than 
the ancients in regard to this matter. 




Andre's execution. — By an officer 
just left Washington's camp, we have 
received the melancholy account of the 
death of Major Andr^, the Adjutant- 
General of the British army, who was 
taken as a spy, in negotiating a business 
with Genl Arnold, which, if it had suc- 
ceeded, would have been nearly the 
overthrow of the Americans. This offi- 
cer was present at his execution, who 
said that he met his fate with that cour- 
age and manliness of behaviour that 
deeply afifected every one present, and 
that his severe destiny was universally 
lamented. So much was he esteemed 
that Gen. Washington shed tears when 
the rigorous sentence was put in execu- 
tion. When he found that his fate was 
inevitably fixed and determined, and 
that all intercessions and every exertion 
of Sir Henry Clinton to save his life 
were in vain, he became perfectly re- 
signed ; so extremely composed was 
his mind that the night previous to his 
execution he drew the situation of the 
Vulture sloop, as she lay in the North 
River, with a view of West Point, which 
he sent by his servant to a general offi- 
cer at New York. The only thing that 
any way discomposed him, or ruffied his 
mind, and at which his feelings ap- 
peared hurt, was the refusal of Genl. 
Washington to let him die a military 
death. In regard to this circumstance, 
the officer informed us that Gen. Wash- 
ington would have granted this request, 
but, on consulting the board of general 
officers who signed his condemnation, 
they deemed it necessary to put that 
sentence in force that was laid down by 
the maxims of war ; at the same time 
evincing the sincerest grief that they 

were forced to comply with, and could 
not deviate from the established cus 
toms in such cases. — Auburey^s Travels, 


Andre's execution justified. — 
During the autumn of 1780 the Ameri- 
can General Arnold, who commanded a 
large force at West Point, on the North 
River, betrayed the confidence reposed 
in him by his party. The secret corre- 
spondence between Arnold and the 
British commander was carried on 
through the medium of Major Andr6, 
an English officer, who was seized in 
disguise, when papers were found on 
his person which clearly proved every 
particular of the transaction. He was 
tried by a board of general officers, as a 
spy, and condemned to be hanged ; the 
sentence was carried into effect on the 
second of October. 

The American General has oeen cen- 
sured for directing this ignominious sen- 
tence to be carried into execution ; but 
doubtless Major Andr^ was well aware, 
when he undertook the negotiation, of 
the fate that awaited him should he fall 
into the hands of the enemy. The laws 
of war award to spies the punishment of 
death. It would therefore b difficult 
to assign a reason why Major Andr^ 
should have been exempted from that 
fate to which all others are doomed 
under similar circumstances, although 
the amiable qualities of the man ren- 
dered the individual case a subject of 
peculiar commiseration. — Col. MacKin- 
non* s Origin and Services of the Cold" 
stream Guards, II., 9. W. K. 

Washington and andr6. — General 
Wayne, in a letter dated from Haver- 






Straw, 30th September, 1780, to General 
Irvine, printed in the Historical Maga- 
zine for October, 1862, uses the follow- 
ing significant phrase — the italics are in 
the original : 

" Nothing from the enemy — neither 
ship or boat in view ; the Genl. seems 
firm in his intention to Aarig/ — Sir Har- 
ry Clinton demands Andr^ as a fiag — 
on the representation of Genl Arnold — 
who as Com'ing officer at West Point, 
&c., says he did & had a right to give it 
— but it won*t do — " Editor. 

Western stage. — The Subscriber 
has erected a stage, which will com- 
mence running the tenth of May next 
weekly, from the city of Albany thro' 
Schenectady to Johnstown and Canojo- 
hary. The stage will leave Albany every 
Friday morning at 6 o'clock and arrive 
at Canojohary the next day. Will leave 
Canojohary on Tuesday morning at the 
same hour, and arrive in Albany the day 

This stage being erected for the ac- 
comodation of passengers, the fare is 
fixed at only three pence per mile. Each 
passenger is allowed 141b baggage gratis, 
& 1501b baggage is rated equal to a pas- 
senger. The Subscriber by endeavoring 
to merit the patronage of those gentle- 
men & ladies who may honor him with 
their company assures himself that he 
shall gain the approbation and counte- 
nance of the public in general — render a 
communication into the Western Coun- 
try sure, cheap & expeditious — and 
eventually benefit himself — The public's 
devoted servant. Moses Beal. 

April 29th, 1793. 

N. B. He will occasionally go as far 

as the Little Falls if desired. — Albany 
Gazette y May 27, 1793. 
Rhinebeck, F. H. Roof. 

The smith house at haverstraw. 
— General Wayne, writing from this 
house September 27, 1780, to Washing- 
ton, in reply to his letter announcing 
Arnold's treason, dates his letter from 
" Smith's White House." The letter is 
printed in the November, 1862, number 
of the Historical Magazine. Editor. 

The pseudo-princess charlotte. — 
In the New Hampshire Gazette of Jan- 
uary 14, 1774, appeared the following 
notice of this personage, to whom atten- 
tion has again been recently called in 
the Evening Post of May 19, 1880. 
Some time after, she died in Berwick, 
Maine ; and it was then, again ^aid that 
she was a near relation of the then 
Queen of England : 

"Yesterday came to town [Ports- 
mouth] in the Stage Coach from Boston, 
the Lady who is said to be the Duchess 
or Princess of Crownenburgh, in some of 
the southern Papers. She has gone by 
the above and different Names and 
Titles, as may be seen by our late 

A correspondent says, it is a pity this 
Lady came from New York to Rhode 
Island in a Packet, for had she come 
through the Colony of Connecticut, we 
should certainly have known who and 
what she was, as it is generally the cus- 
tom at all the Public Houses there, to 
ask a stranger what is his Name, and his 
business, where he came from, where he 
is going, &c., &c., before they will even 
give your Horse Oats." C. W. T. 

Boston^ Mass. 



Song of the Virginia riflemen, 
1776. — Preserved in a small parchment 
bound quarto entitled Capt Johannes 
Jabs Blauvelt, his Orderly Book, New 
York, March 28. 1776, now in the pos- 
session of James S. Haring, of Orange- 
burg, Rockland County, N. Y., is the 
following song, which is presented, with 
spelling and without punctuation, pre- 
cisely as written. It is a good specimen 
of the Dutch-English language of the 
colonial mixture. 

Com all you bref Viiginea man I have you all to 

It is to fight your enemy you must prepare to 

Our King he hes fell out wyth us hes a mind to 

bindus slavs 
Before we well put up wyth it will reither 

choose our garevs 
We will put op with liis Masety our anything 

thats gust 
And if he wont put op with et he may do his 

Our king he has fell out with ous he is very 

angry now 
I hope that brave america will conker general 

As for Lord north he es very proud and grand 
He has no friend in america as we can under- 
Long thim has ben trying some quarrel to begin 
That he Inight heuve a change the pretender to 

brijn in 
As for oar gouvemor he acted very mene 
He stole away our powder out of our magazine 
He stole away our poueder and likwist our led 
And if hae dont return it he is surd to loose his 

This is one of the worst wars that ever was be 

It is lyke the father that was aganst his sun 
I never hard of such a war no not sens neohs 

That any christin King crenves his subjects 


Thier is manas a brave souldier must go and 

loose hys lyf 
And menye louven husband must an leve his 

loven wif 
But we will kill them my brave bays lik brim- 

ston kild the bes 
Whear we cold find themse mongst the wosds 

and threes 
Dount you remember the issralits out of bond- 

aege roodis be 
And by the hand of moses led through the rid- 

dish sees 
And the hand of moses end by the power of 

And by the hand of moses struck the water with 


The next entry is in the Dutch 
language, that ** Johannes Blauvelt 
neeft gehaet van Abraham ryku vooghi 
van die Staact Van Kaspaarus Conklyn 
4 Gin mis." Editor. 

Pulaski's war horse. — To be sold 
at Public Auction, on Monday next, 
February 17th. A Charger, the most com- 
pleat Horse ever mounted by an officer. 
He was formerly the property of the late 
Count Polasky, who lost his life on him, 
in storming the Abbatis of Savannah, in 
Georgia. His present owner intending 
to depart from this city, is the reason of 
his being offered for sale. Notwith- 
standing the low condition he is in at 
present, his great abilities as a War 
Horse, is so well known to the officers 
of the British army, who served to the 
Southward, and to the world in general, 
who heard of Count Polasky, that em- 
bellishments are unnecessary. He is only 
seven years old, perfectly sound in wind 
and limbs. Sold last May for 130 
Guineas. Bradly and Reardan. — Royal 
Gazette, N. Y,, Feb, 15, 1783. 







t • 

Bauman's plan of yorktown. — 
The copper plate of this interesting 
plan was in the possession of a daughter 
of this distinguished engineer, who re- 
sided, I believe, in Dutchess County 
after the death of her father. It is said 
that it passed into the hands of a ped- 
dler for its metal value. As the centen- 
nial anniversary of the siege of York- 
town approaches it becomes a matter of 
extreme interest to know if it is still in 
existence. T. H. R. 

New York, 

Corn wallis* ORDER book, i 780-1. — 
In one of the local histories of North 
Carolina there appears a statement that 
the order books of the British General 
from Camden to Guilford Court House 
are in possession of some private person 
in North Carolina. Can any certain 
information be had concerning these 
documents? H. P. T. 


King sears. — [IV., 461] A short 

biographical sketch of this once popular 

hero appeared in Stevens* Colonial 

Records of the New York Chamber of 

Commerce. As this work is out of print 

it is here reproduced in full : 

Isaac Sears was one of the foremost figures in 
the stirring scenes enacted in America during 
the latter half of the past century. His pro- 
fession as the Captain of a peaceful trader being 
broken up by the French war, he entered at 
once into privateering. In 1757 he took out the 
I^ogger Decoy of 6 guns, and later the sloop of 
war Catherine ; but his most daring exploits 
were while in charge of the sloop Belle-Isle of 
14 guns, owned by John Schermerhom & Co., 
[of New York] merchants, which put to sea in 

1759. In September he fell in with a large 
French sloop of 24 guns and eighty men, and 
attacked her without hesitation. He was twice 
disabled and forced to withdraw to refit. The 
third time he grappled the Frenchman and a 
long contest took place, but the grappling giving 
way the sloop sheered off, with nine men killed 
and twenty wounded. A gale springing up 
separated the vessels. In 1761 he was ship- 
wrecked on the Isle of Sables, and he with 
difficulty saved his own and the lives of his 
crew. The prestige of these exploits gave him 
a strong moral ascendancy over his fellow citi- 
zens, and he seems to have fairly won the title 
of JCing^ which was given to him. In the re- 
sistance to the Stamp Act, and the daily 
struggles which took place with the soldiery 
about the Liberty Pole, Sears was always in the 
front rank, and exposed himself without hesita- 
tion. A complete sketch of his life would 
make a history of this stormy period, for there 
is hardly an event connected with it in which he 
does not appear. Fresneau in his poetical squib 
upon Gaine, the trimming editor of the New 
York Mercury, gives an amusing account of 
him : 

*' At this time there arose a certain KingSsARS^ 
Who made it his study to banish our fears. 
He was, without doubt, a person of merit, 
Great knowledge, some wit, and abundance of 

spirit ; 
Could talk like a lawyer, and that without fee. 
And threatened perdition to all that drank 


He was one of the Committee of Correspond- 
ence of Fifty-one in 1774, and clung steadfastly 
to his old friend McDougall in the divisions in 
that body. He was also one of the General 
Committee of One Hundred chosen by the 
citizens in 1775. He was known from one end 
of America to the other as a daring Son of Lib- 
erty. When John Hancock passed through 
New York in May, 1775, he lodged with Mr. 
Sears. In the autumn of that year Sears 
entered the city at noonday with a company of 
Connecticut Light-Horse and destroyed the 
Tory press of Rivington, which had made itself 
obnoxious to the Whigs. Before the War be 



was engaged in a small importing business, 
which does not appear to have been very satis- 
£iictory, as he accepted the post ot Inspector of 
Pot and Pearl ashes, which he held till 1772. 
During the war he was engaged in some busi- 
ness in Boston, but returned to New York at 
the peace and made a partnership with his^son- 
in-law, Parshal N. Smith, who appears at an 
earlier period as a captain cf an eastern trader. 
Their business was not successful, and Mr. 
Sears again resumed his voyages. He died in 
China on the 28th October, 1786. His son 
Isaac died at Washington in February, 1795. 

Sears was the leader of the 'long shore 
men, who were mostly from New Eng- 
land, and he exercised an almost despotic 
authority over this hardy and restless 
body of men, whose sympathies were all 
in favor of liberty, and whose animosity 
to Great Britain was kept alive by the 
perpetual abuses of authority by the 
British officers, among which the opera- 
tions of the press gang were particularly 
felt by them. Editor. 


214.) The Magdeburg Medal, described 
in the March number, derives its im- 
portance from the supposition that it at 
one time belonged to Jacob Leisler. 
From the number of pieces still extant 
credited to that historical personage, I 
was inclined to enroll him among our 
earliest American collectors, until I met 
with a note in your Magazine for May, 
1878 (II., 309) which in my judgment 
explains the matter. It is an advertise- 
ment inserted by Mrs. Farmar in a New 
York newspaper of 30th August, 1783, 
and reads as follows : 

"To be sold, an original picture of 
Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer 
of America ; also a parcel of very 

ancient Gold and Silver Medals, well 
worth the attention of the curious. 


Enquire of Mrs. Maria Farmar, in Han- 
over Square." 

As Captain Jasper Farmar, the hus- 
band of Maria, was one of the most 
successful privateersmen of his day, the 
inference is that the "parcel of very 
ancient Gold and Silver Medals" was 
part of the spoil of those light-infantry- 
men of the sea. Mrs. Farmar probably 
preserved it on account of the metal, 
and not for any historical association. 


The jews in Newport. — [IV., 456] 
Arnold (History of Rhode Island, I., 479,) 
says that they petitioned in 1684 for 
protection. They contributed for a cen- 
tury to the prosperity of the colony, 
making Newport their centre. Not one 
of their descendants now remain there, 
but Abraham Touro (a son of their last 
priest), who died at Boston in 1822, left 
a fund of $15,000 for the support of the 
Synagogue and Cemetery on Touro street, 
Newport. — Notes to Massachusetts His- 
torical Collections y VI. y 95. J. A. S. 

The andr^ plot. — (III., 638.) 
Sparks, in his Life and Treason of Gen- 
eral Arnold, gives an account which 
almost answers the query of Tappaan. 
He described the scene on the opening, 
by Hamilton, of the despatches disclos- 
ing the treason of Arnold at Robinson's 
House and Washington's conduct. 

"The mystery was here solved, and 
the whole extent of the plot was made 
manifest. No uncertainty now existed 
as to the course Arnold had taken. It 
was clear he had gone to the enemy. 



Hamilton was immediately ordered to 
mount a horse and ride to Verplanck's 
Point, that preparations might be made 
for stopping him should he not already 
have passed that post. Washington 
called Lafayette and Knox, to whom he 
told what had happened, and showed 
the papers. He was perfectly calm, 
and only said to Lafayette, * Whom can 


we trust noivV For a considerable 
time no other persons were acquainted 
with the secret, nor did Washington 
betray in his actions or countenance any 
symptoms of anxiety or excitement." 
Colonel Gouvion arrested Smith on the 
^ night of the 25th, the day on which 
Washington arrived at Arnold's head- 
quarters from his interview with Ro- 
chambeau at Hartford. Gouvion had 
accompanied the General in the suite of 
the Marquis de Lafayette. He was his 
Chief of Artillery. Washington was 
therefore certain he could not have been 
in the plot ; and he was on the spot. 


Casselii dissert. — (IV., 220.) This 
pamphlet of sixteen pages was written 
by Johann Philip Cassel, of Bremen, 
born 1707, died 1783. He was Pro- 
fessor of History, etc , there, and pub- 
lished a number of learned historical 
and philological essays ; also works on 
the Hanseatic League, on the medals of 
Bremen, etc. Besides the one men- 
tioned, he wrote one entitled "Z>w- 
sertatis philologico Historica de Naviga- 
tiombus fortuitisin Americane^ ante C. 
Columbum factis ; Madgeburgi^ 1742. 
Sm. 40, pp. 30." These essays are well 
known to scholars. Adam of Bremen, 
whose Hisioria Ecclesiasticay written in 

the eleventh century, was first published 
in 159s, first told the story of the Fri- 
sian voyage, placing it in the year 
900. Blefkenius, in his Islandia^ re- 
peats it. Adelung, in his Geschichte der 
Schiffahrten^ etc., 1768, doubts its au- 
thenticity. Essays on the pre-Colum- 
bian discovery of America, omitting the 
Icelandic one, have been published by 
Fritsch, Hadelich, Deuber and others. 
The subject has been more recently in- 
vestigated by Humboldt, Deuber and 
Peschel. J. C. B. 

Samuel dodge. — (HI., 203.) An 
account of this family may be found in 
the ** Todd Genealogy, by R. H. Greene, 
New York, 1867," a copy of which is in 
the Astor Library. Jeremiah of Cow 
Neck, L. I., had a son Samuel, who en- 
listed at the age of sixteen, was ensign 
at Saratoga, captain at the close of the 
war, and married Ann Stansbury of 
Baltimore. He had a cousin Samuel, 
Jr. (son of Samuel, a younger brother 
of Jeremiah), who enlisted, probably 
at Poughkeepsie, in 1776, became 
lieutenant, and served throughout the 
war. He died, leaving no issue. 

J. C. B. 

The bowerie. — (IV., 224-4.) This 
word is properly spelled, ** Bouw- 
erij," and derived from "bouw," tillage 
or "bouwen," to till, cultivate, and is 
equivalent to the modern Dutch word 
**boerderij," a farm or the business of 
farming. Wherever it occurs in the old 
records, it distinctly means a farm or 
plantation, without reference to a '* shad- 
ed lane." B. F. 




(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 

Copies, Box 100, Station D— N. Y. Post Office.) 

Sumner. By Edward L. Pierce. 2 vols., 
8¥o, pp. 380—403. Roberts Brothers. 
Boston, 1878. 

By his will Mr. Sumner left to three gentle- 
men, of whom Mr. Pierce is one, the entire con- 
trol of his manuscripts. The fourteen volumes 
of his works revised by himself begin with the 
Oration on the True Grandeur of Nations, de- 
livered July 4, 1845, he himself held to be the 
initial step in his public career. In this famous 
oration he threw down the gauntlet against 
slavery and war, and entered with vigor and 
enthusiasm on an aggressive career of personal 
combat which only closed with his life. In the 
present memoir his biographer has confined 
himself to the period preceding this public 
assumption of a moral mission. The early 
training which was the basis of his thorough and 
Catholic education, the aesthetic tendencies of 
his cultured mind, and the wide acquaintance 
with the ruling classes of society abroad and at 
home, are all subjects of interest in the study of 
one whose name will stand as long as the 
English language, or the name of the Great 
Republic shall remain, as the Apostle of free- 
dom to the slave. Of a Puritan family, grand- 
son of a distinguished officer of the revolution, 
and the son of a patriotic and public spirited 
gentleman, Sumner naturally inherited an honor- 
able pride of lineage, of race, and of country. 
Travel, and the seductive blandishments of the 
higher social life of England and the Continent, 
did not serve to mar his love of country, or divert 
him from a belief in her institutions, and he 
remained to the close a true American. No 
American statesman had a more thorough per- 
sonality than Sumner. None would less brook 
contradiction of his opinions, direct or implied. 
It was this very self-assertion that gave him his 
power. Arrogance he met with scorn, assump- 
tion with the silence of contempt, denunciation 
with an invective as bitter as withering, and a 
keen thrust which never failed to Bnd the fault 
in the harness of the adversary. He was at 
once the most rude and most polite of men— the 
roost diss^reeable and charming of companions. 
He brooked no independent argument, but if 
allowed his own free course, was one of the 
most fascinating conversationists of his day. In 
his letters he is at his best ; graceful, suggestive, 
and often highly imaginative, his easy phrase is 
rarely tainted with the exaggeration which dis- 
figured the flights of his forensic eloquence. 

From his earliest days he was of a thoughtful, 
studious habit ; by one of those strange incon- 
sistencies which life often presents, nis early 

ambition was to receive a West Point education, 
and devote himself to the profession of the 
very art against which his first invective was 
directed. But this w .s not to be, and the 
youthful aspirant for military glory passed from 
the Latin school to the quiet shades of Harvard, 
from which he was graduated in 1830 at the age 
of nineteen. As a boy he had been a constant 
reader, and at the Latin school he had acquired 
a love for the classics. At college he seems to 
have pursued these tastes for classical and belles- 
lettres literature to the sacrifice of the exact 
sciences. The influence of this period was 
never lost upon him — indeed gave color to his 
entire life. His orations abound in allusions 
from classic and mythic lore ; and quotations 
from the ancients are as common in his speeches 
as though he had been trained in the English 
Parliamentary school of orators, who thought a 
speech would fall dead upon the hustings unless 
wound up with a bit of Latin or Greek. From 
college he went to the Harvard Law School, 
where he fell into a close intimacy with the 
great jurist, Judge Story, whose extensive learn- 
ing and personal fascination exercised a strong 
attraction upon the youth in whose mind letters 
and law were already struggling for mastery. 
Sumner took to the law with avidity, but it was 
the literature of the law, not the practice, which 
had for him the greatest charm. The history of 
law is almost the history of mankind — ^the his- 
tory of human error, the history of human 
progress — history itself, in its broadest sense. 
Hence, ethics and international law were to 
him the most engrossing themes. How wide 
his range his. own words, written from the Law 
School in 1 83 1 to a friend and classmate, best 
tell. •'Volumes upon volumes are to be mas- 
tered of the niceties of the law, and the whole 
circle of literature and science and history must 
be compassed." 

After Judge S^^ory, the person who had at this 
period m'>st influence on his destiny, was Dr. 
Francis Licber, whose acquaintance he made in 
Washington in 1834 soon after leaving the law 
school. On this visit he met with many distin- 
guished men, Wheaton, Binncy, Peters and 
Choate. Returned to Boston, he began the 
practice of his profession, his first case being 
the defence of a man indicted for sending a chal- 
lenge. His associate in the case was George S. 
Hillard with whom he had made a law partner- 
ship. He is said by his biographer to have suc- 
ceeded as well as the average of young lawyers. 
In 1837, by the assistance of his friends, he 
carried out an ardent desire of his youth to 
visit Europe, taking with him letters to t'le emi- 
nent jurists and savans of the Old World, and 



the sympathies of a large circle of friends. His 
letters from abroad, and numeious letters of his 
friends to him, form to the general reader the 
most attractive part of this volume. The courts, 
theatres, and balls, public and private, and the 
characteristics of the eminent personages with 
whom he came in contact are described with 
easv freedom. In England he was received 
with cordiality, and is still remembered by those 
who gladly welcomed Everett, Ticknor, Adams. 
Longfellow, Motley and Winthrop, as "the 
most genial of them all." Young as he was he 
was not spoiled by the attention lavished upon 
him. Inaeed, many of his opinions concerning 
English statesmen were corrected to their dis- 
advantage after personal interviews. Ljrndhurst 
he judg^ to be ** unprincipled as a politician and 
as a man,*' and Brougham he "could no longer 
paint as the pure and enlightened orator of 
Christianity, civilization and humanity." He 
was wearied with Macaulay's ringing voice, and 
liked •* Bulwer better than he (Sumner) wished." 
In the second volume we find his impressions of 
Italy and Germany. In Venice, Florence and 
Rome he cultivated his taste for the fine arts, 
which grew upon him as age advanced, and 
formed his chief home pleasures ; and filled up 
the intervals of admiration by a study of Italian 
authors, from Boccacio to Manzoni in the 
scenes they describe. After his summer in the 
classic ground, he went to Germany for the 
winter, where he studied German at Heidelberg. 
One of the most charming letters in the volume 
is that written here to Judge Story. The suc- 
ceeding May, 1840, he returned home, and tried 
his best to assimilate himself to his profession ; 
but in vain. His mind recurred to the scenes 
he had left, and could not be held down to the 
dry details of law — though he embraced eagerly 
every opening that presented in the higher range 
of the practice. There was at this period a 
greater jealousy in the profession of the belles- 
lettres than now. Law was an exacting mistress. 
That a practitioner should indulge in a maga- 
zine article on a subject of literature or art was 
a .sufficient bar to paying cases. Meanwhile 
two • questions arose, which presented him an 
openingfor the display of the extensive learning 
he had acquired m the broad range of his 
study. The right of search even in its limited 
form of inquiry was claimed by the British Sec- 
retary and resisted by the American Minister. 
Mr. Sumner maintained the right in elaborate 
and able argument in the press. Mr. Webster 
resisted it, and the British Government finally 
waived it. But by mutual treaty it was agreed 
upon by Lord Lyons and Mr. Seward in the 
treaty of 1862, as far as it affected vessels sus- 
pected of being engaged in the slave trade — and 
this was no doubt all that Mr. Sumner desired 
in his support of the system. It is an instance, 
however, of the constant habit of his mind, to 

subordinate every consideration, even national, 
to the one main purpose of his life, the aboli- 
tion < f slavery. As yet, however, he had not 
distinctly joined the Abolitionists. His first 
public connection with this question in any form 
was his vehement denunciation of the position 
taken by Mr. Webster in the case of the Creole, 
a vessel on which, during her voyage from 
Hampton Roads to New Orleans, one hundred 
and thirty-five slaves rose in mutinv. The ves- 
sel was violently seized and taken into Nassaa. 
Mr. Webster demanded the return of the slaves. 
Channing replied in an indig^nant pamphlet, and 
Sumner was eagerly enlisted on the same side. 
His literary career was now drawing to a close, 
and every nerve of his stalwart, sinewy frame, 
every power of his well-trained massive intel- 
lect, all directed by his single purpose and 
unconquerable will, were /o be thrown in 
one unalterable direction, the abolition of 

It is because there is so little of political dis- 
cussion in these volumes that they are so fas- 
cinating. To many no doubt they are as yet 
strangers, because of the fear that their subject 
will be found ponderous and labored. Not so. 
Here we are not ushered into the Cabinet of the 
Minister, or the parlor of the statesman, but 
made familiar in the quiet study of an appre- 
ciative lover of literature, of art and of polite 

ICANA : an Alphabetical Index to American 
Genealogies and Pedigrees contained in .State, 
County and Town Histories, Printe I Geneal- 
ogies, and kindred works. By Daniel S. 
DuRRiE. Second edition, revised and enlarged. 
8vo, pp. 239. Joel Munsell. Albany, 1878. 

The first edition of this well-known Genea- 
logic Index appeared in 1868, and contained an 
alphabetic arrangement of more than ten thou- 
sand names, extracted from several hundred vol- 
umes of historical and biographical publications. 
The wisdom of the course adopted by the learned 
and distinguished compiler in giving to the world 
the result of his study with as reasonal le com- 
pleteness as any such works admit of, is now 
shown. With this starting-point of ascertained 
information and the results of subsequent labors 
in the same field, he is now enabled to add, at 
the close of a decade, about five thousand addi- 
tional references. To these, in another decade, 
will no doubt be added even a lar^r number, 
and the historian and genealogist will hereafter 
have from this publication a thorough knowledge 
of all ihaf has been printed in these branches. It 
should be on the shelves of every American his- 
torical library. 




Lake and Vicinity. A Practical Guide 

Book for Tourists ; describing routes for the 

canoe-man over the principal waters of 

Northern Maine, with hints to campers, and 

estimates of expense for tours. (Illustrated, 

&c.) By Lucius L. Hubbard. 32mo, pp. 

145. A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1879. 

We commend this beautiful little guide book 
most unhesitatingly. Season after season in 
the forties we have tramped and canoed along 
the routes recommended here, and what would 
we not have cheerfully given for such an 
admirable practical adviser. In the summer 
of 1847 we left the boat at Bangor, walked to 
Old Town, took the little steamer propelled by a 
stem wheel over the rapids, to the mouth of 
the Piscataquis, walked along its border and 
over the beautiful table land to the foot of 
Moosehead Lake ; thence by canoe to Mount 
Kineo, and along Moose river through Brassua 
and Long ponds and Holden settlements, where 
we dismissed our guide and the canoe, and 
footed it again by the ruins of the old tavern of 
the '* Lion and the Eagle," which marked the 
border line, and thence by the old Canada road, 
that which Arnold took in the winter of 1775-6, 
and through the valley of the Chaudi^re to 
Quebec If any one desire to make such an 
excursion, we can guarantee him with the aid of 
this guide book, a delightful trip. But there 
are others shorter and as charming. The illus- 
trations are admirably executed, and there is H 
capital map. 

in Charlestown, 1315-1879, with Ser- 
vices AT THE Ordination of Mr. Pitt 
Dillingham, October 4, 1876 ; Proceed- 
ings OF the Council, and the Pastor's 
First Sermon. 8vo, pp. 294. Printed for 
the Society, 1879. 

From the historical sketch of this church it 
anpeus that^ the conmgation which erected a 
chordi and purchased the Baptist meeting on 
High Street, Charlestown, in 1815, separated 
from the First Church in Charlestown. They 
were discontented with the Calvinistic spirit 
which controlled the original organization, and 
was strongest at that period under the guidance 
of the Rev. Dr. Morse, •* the acknowledged 
leader and special champion of the Calvinistic 
party in New England.' In the words of the 
aathor, the new organization was carried along 
in the " magnetic and irresistible current of lib- 
end Christianity, which was rapidly attracting to 
its standard the intelligent and cultured portion 

of a lar^e community." The pulpit was succes- 
sively filled by Mr. Thomas Prentiss, 18 17; 
Mr. James Walker, 18 18-1839 (later the beloved 
President of Harvard College) ; Mr. George 
Edward Ellis, 1 840-1 869 ; the Rev. Charles 
Edward Grinnell, 1869-1873, and has, since 1876, 
been occupied by Mr. Pitt Dillingham. They 
have in turn worthily represented the liberad 
theology of which Channing was the first expo- 
nent in America. 

The volume is admirably edited and elegantly 
printed, and is an excellent contribution to a 
special class of literature which has an interest of 
its own. It has a copious, well arranged index. 

TORY AND Utility, also their perversion 
and how to correct it ; embracing a care- 
ful review of the Sabbath question. By S. 
C. Swallow. 32mo, pp. 68. Nelson & 
Phillips. New York, 1879. 

The camp-meeting is thoroughly an American 
institution — asort of religious barbecue, and resem- 
bling it in more ways than one. It first seems to 
have been devised in the year 1799 by the brothers, 
John and William McGee, both preachers, the 
former Methodist, the latter Presbyterian, and 
both serving congregations in West Tennessee, 
who set off together on a tour through **The 
Barrens " to the State of Ohio. On their way 
they stopped at a settlement on Red River, 
where they were invited to preach. They were 
followed by another Presbyterian minister named 
H jge. The sermons were powerful, the weather 
no doubt warm, the public excitement intense, 
extending over a wide district of country. The 
house being too small, a grove was selected, a 
stand built. The people flocked in with wagons ; 
tents were made of the forest boughs, and the 
first camp-meeting was inaugurated by the Meth- 
odist McGee. 

Thus it is seen that for this sensational mode 
of religious instruction, which has peculiar attrac- 
tion for the emotional nature of the African, the 
quiet and dispassionate Presbyterians must bear 
their share of responsibility, of blame, or of 
praise. In 1807 Lorenzo Dow introduced the 
American camp-meeting in England. While 
the author does not hesitate to condemn the 
abuse of the institution, he holds that they are 
still needed to neutralize the selfishness of long- 
isolated local churches. History is full of the 
power of that strange force which seems to be 
generated by the contact of masses of men, but 
of which no satisfactory explanation has yet been 
given. It is visible on these occasions. It need 
not be neglected , but there are other and better 
ways of promoting the cause of religion than by 



By II. W. French. The Pioneers of Art in 
America. 4to, pp. 176. Lee & Shepard. 
Boston, 1879. 

The history of the fine arts in the State of 
Connecticut, would, the author supposes, seem 
at first sight too narrow a subject to attract 
general interest, but he thoroughly vindicates 
her claim to separate treatment, and presents in 
these careful chapters both a satisfactory account 
of the beginning and development of art in the 
colony which took its culture and tone from 
Yale and an analysis of the lives and labors of 
her distinguished artists. The Art Walhalla, 
like the House of Representatives, is becoming a 
very democratic and populous institution, and we 
freely confess that the fame of some of the artists, 
male and female, of the former, like that of 
some of the great orators of the latter, have not 
reached our ears, but the names of Trumbull, 
Cole, Huntington, Church, have world-wide 
reputation, and all of these are connected with 
the art of our sister State. The book is profusely 
illustrated, but in a manner with which we have 
little sympathy. 

ICAL. By Andre Lef^vre. TranUated with 
an introduction by A. H. Keane. i6mo, pp. 
598. J. B. LiPPiNCOTT & Co. Philadelphia, 

Lefevre is a materialist of the most advanced 
modern school, uncompromising in his opinions, 
clear in his method, and strong in his logic. For 
this his book is, as his translator remarks, all the 
more dangerous. In a word, he is an atheist in 
the thorough definition of a word which is more 
misapplied than any other term in the language. 
The tneory of evolution, here called the great 
intellectual fact of the day, does not necessarily 
imply a di belief in Deity or a first cause. 

The first part of the book treats of Primitive 
Times ; Antiquity ; the Intermediate Period, or 
that of the decadence of the Greek Schools; Juda- 
ism and Christianity ; The Renaissance ; Modem 
Times, and is a history of the different systems 
of philosophy from the beginning of recorded 
thought. The second part develops the author's 
own theories in chapters entitled The Universe ; 
The Living World ; The Intellectual Mechanism 
in the Individual and the Intellectual Mechanism 
in presence of the Universe and Society. 

His analysis of the different philosophic and 
theologic schools, and of the minds of the men 
who founded them from Epicurus to Augustine, 
from Bacon to Voltaire, and of Comte and Stuart 
Mill, are admirable in their keen appreciation of 
subtle distinctions and the most valuable part of 

the book. They are all measured and judged 
from his own ])oint of view. The translation is 

to the Preservation and Publication of Docu- 
ments relating to the early History of North 
Yarmouth, Maine, including, as far as possible, 
any incidents wor.hy of record relative to the 
towns of Harpswell, Freeport, Pownal,* Cum- 
berland and Yarmouth, all offshoots of the old 
town. Vol. 3, No. 3, July i, 1879. 8vo, pp. 
361, 396. Augustus W. Corliss. Yarmouth, 
Maine, 1S79. 

The success of this enterprise is an example of 
the good historical work that can be done by an 
earnest student. Mr. Corliss is a Captain in the 
8th Infantry. U. S. A., and Post Commander at 
Fort McDermit, Nevada. In the leisure of his 
official duties he has found time to edit the Mag- 
azine of which this is the eleventh number. He 
is owner, editor, publisher and printer, having 
taught himself the art of the latter with an 8 x 10 
inch handprcss. He writes that he has material 
for twelve more issues, and that material con- 
tinues to Bow in abundantly, a large part being 
of a genealogical character. The venture has 
earned the success it deserves. 

AROOSTOOK. With some Account of the Ex- 
cursion thither of the Editors of Maine in the 
Year 1858, and of the Colony of Swedes, set- 
tled in the town of New Sweden, by Edward 
R. Elwell, editor Portland Transcript. 8vo, 
pp. 50. Transcript Printin(» Company. 
Portland, 1878. 

In these pages one of the fraternity gives an 
excellent account of the success of a practical 
effort on the part of the editors of Maine to en- 
courage the settlement of ihe fertile portions of 
the State of Maine, which was secured by the 
persistence of her people and the friendly diplo- 
macy of Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton in 
1842, which alone averted a breach between 
their respective governments, and a national in- 
stead ot the local ** Aroostook war," as the 
struggle between the American and Canadian 
settlers was termed. Having footed or staged 
it over the whole of this beautiful region, from 
St. Johns to the Piscataquis, we can bear per- 
sonal testimony to the accuracy of the description 
of the fertility of soil and beauty of the lan-:- 

A second chapter gives an account of the second 
editorial excursion undertaken in 1878, at the in- 
vitation of the people of Northern Aroostook to 



view the progress made under the initiative wisely 
taken twenty years previous and carried forward, 
There are interesting details of the progress made 
in clearing and fanning, of the simple habits of 
the Acadian French, and the picturesque villages 
which retain the characteristics of Normandy 
and Touraine in adornment and color, and of the 
Colony of New Sweden, founded by W. W. 
Thomas, Jr., and now in full tide of prosperity. 



State from 1849 to 1879. By S. H. Willey, 

D. D. 8vo, pp. 76. A. L. Bancroft & Co. 

San Francisco, 1879. 

The future historian will recognize with satis- 
faction the results of the va<;t impulse given to 
historical investigation by the Centennial cele- 
bration. The materials are being gathered with 
industry and made accessible everywhere. It is 
one of our chief pleasures to notice every out- 
growth of this healthy sentiment. Dr. Willey 
landed in California on the 23d of February, 
1849. Peace with Mexico had been ratified and 
the country was settling down into quietude. 
His sketch therefore covers the history of the 
American State. Strangely different now from 
what it was in our young days, long before the 
Mexican war, when, hearing that a friend had 
gone to California, a youthful curiosity to find 
the place on the map was only gratified with a 
meagre outline relieved by no indication of 
topography or settlement. The escape of Cali- 
fornia m 1846 from Mormon occupation is 
described and many early incidents related. 
The personal interest is in the author's account 
of his life as a school teacher and preacher and 
the beginnings of the Howard Presbyterian 
Church in California in 1850. Hard labor it 
was to turn the thoughts of men from the visible 
Mammon which glittered in the sands and from 
the hillsides. 

of the Rev. John Youngs, at the eastern extremity 
of Long Island in September, 1640, where a 
religious society was formed under his direction. 
He married in or before. 1653 Bridget, widow of 
Henry Tuthill, of Southold, and second, about 
1654, Mary, whose family name is said to have 
been Youngs, from whom the line in the name 
of Wells is descended. He left two sons, Wil- 
liam and Joshua. A well-arranged index adds 
to the practical genealogic value of the work, 
which is well printed on good paper and with a 
serviceable cover. There is a plate of the family 
arms and some tombstone illustrations. 


HIS Descendants a. d. 1638 to 1878. By the 

Rev. Charles Wells Hayes. 8vo, pp. 300. 

Baker, Jones & Co. Buffalo, N. Y., 1878. 

In the opinion of the compiler of this exhaustive 
genealogy, the ancient cathedral city of Norwich 
was the English birthplace of William Wells of 
Southcld, the common ancestor of the Long 
Island families of that name. By tradition he 
was son of the Rev. William Wells, Rector of 
the Church of St. Peter Mancroft, and Preben- 
dary of Norwich Cathedral 1613-20 ; who was 
descended from one of the most ancient baronial 
families in the kingdom. William Wells, the 
first of the Long Island family, is supposed to 
have arrived from Connecticut, in the tollovdng 

City Council and Citizens of Boston, 

VERSARY OF THE Declaration of Ameri- 
can Independence, July 4, 1879, by Henry 
Cabot Lodge, 8vo, pp. 44. Printed by 
order of the City Council, 1879, 

The spirit of the Nation is the same as when 
Independence day was first celebrated. Exu- 
berance is not the necessary accompaniment of 
deep feeling. Now that we are full one hun- 
dred years and more, we can take a quiet view 
of ourselves, of our past, of our present, of our 
future. This Mr. Lodge has done in his 
scholarly oration* His rapid summary of the 
intent, conduct and results of the military fiasco 
of the second War with Great Britain, is admir- 
able in its conciseness. He shows us that the 
kernel of our nationality was at stake ; it was vin- 
dicated. Our naval victories forever established 
the freedom of the seas, and the terror of our 
marine still holds in check the aggressive spirit 
of our English cousins. The divergence be- 
tween the social systems, which increased in 
extent as improvements in machinery made 
cotton one of the factors of civilization, and 
increased the slave power, is well narrated, and 
with it the growth of the separation which ended 
in open war. The South raised the banner of 
absolute State supremacy, the North replied 
with the cry of National Unity. Even the word 
Union was discarded by many as susceptible of 
double meaning, as involving the idea of separ- 
ation. But Mr. Lodge is mistaken in his state- 
ment that the Union was in danger in 18 14. Had 
Massachusetts struck the blow she meditated, 
she *' would have been dashed to pieces " — not 
the Union. Nor yet can we accede to the state- 
ment that it was the democracy of Plymouth and 
the aristocrary of Jamestown which later came 
to arms The slaveholders were in an immense 
minority in the southern armies. Two systems 
were in arms, it is true, but the ownership of 
slaves can not be held to form an aristocracy, 
not yet is the use of the word tenantry justified 
as applied to compulsory laborers. 



The danger to democracy, the terrible foe to 
the system, Mr. Lodge sees in the strife between 
classes. This we have not yet, and if it be to 
cone it is by no means certain that the powers 
of repression are not as strong in a democracy 
a; in an/ other form of government. That we 
are not exempt from the dangers which threaten 
all society is not to be denied. That we are not 
a> much exposed to them as other nations we 
firmly believe. There is one safety valve in 
democracies, the power of the majority to right 
their own wrongs. Thus in our more liberal 
States, as New York, for instance, the causes of 
complaint are removed from the poorer classes 
by legislation ; asylums, hospitals, charitable 
institutions of every nature relieve the laboring 
class of its burthen, and leave (heir arms free 
for self support and self advancement. Whether 
this will prove sufficient is a question that this 
generation has not been called upon to decide. 
The attention of the best thought in the world 
is now turned to the difficult adjustment of the 
rights of capital and labors Society is never in 
danger of evils which it foresees. The hidden 
grangrenes are those which corrupt and destroy; 
and concealment is not possible in democracies. 
Regeneration is not necessary, but neither as 
individuals nor as society can we stand still. 
The rights of the individual are to be respected, 
but the welfare of the republic is and must be 

ume is not confined to a record of the dead. 
Chapters are given to General Adam T. Slemmer, 
who firmly held Fort Pickens for the Union 
against all the efforts of the Southern forces, 
and to Major-General W. S. Hancock, the 
gallant hero of the Second Army Corps, who 
commanded the left centre at Gettysburg, and 
won immortal fame by his gallantry and magnifi- 
cent generalship ; and others of lesser fame. 
The book is published by subscription, and we . 
heartily commend it to our readers. ; 

Biographical Notices of Prominent Liv- 
ing Citizens of Montgomery County, 
Penn. By M. AuGE. 8vo, pp. 568. Pub- 
lished by the author, Norristown, Penn., 1879. 

It can hardly be expected that any elaborate 
County history can have more than a local inter- 
est. The mass of its pages must naturally be 
given to persons and events of minor concern. 
This excellent collection is, however, not sub- 
ject to this general criticism, a reasonable pro- 
portion of the volume recording the lives of men 
of national interest. Chief among these, among 
the dead, was David Rittenhouse, the celebrated 
mathematician and astronomer, who drew the 
initial part of the boundary since known as 
Mason and Dixon's line, and later determined 
the limits of New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania and other States. He was Treasurer of 
Pennsylvania from 1777 to 1789; succeeded 
Dr. Franklin as President of the American Phil- 
osophical Society in 1791, and was the first 
Director of the United States Mint in 1792. 
Next comes the distinguished family of the Muh- 
lenbergs, Peter the Revolutionary soldier, Gov- 
ernor of the State and United States Senator, 
and Frederick, the first Speaker of the United 
States Hou>e of Representatives. But this vol- 

TED States of America ; also a table of 
Dutch given names, by Richard Wynkoop, 
of the City of New York. Second edition, 
8vo., pp. 130. Press of Wynkoop & Hal- 
lenbeck. New York, 1878. 

This is a labor of love, and has been per- 
formed with evident thoroughness. The com- 
piler has not been able to trace a direct con- 
nection between the earliest of the name of 
Wynkoop in America and the Holland family 
from which it is no doubt derived. The name 
first appears on this side in 1639, when one 
Peter Wynkoop was concerned in certain court 
proceedings in the province of New Amsterdam. 
A quaint coat of arms, evidently of fanciful 
construction, rather than the product of a * 
Herald's office, and bearing the excellent motto 
which the Dutch settlers of New York thor- 
oughly adhered to, Viriutum hilaritaU coUre, is 
reproduced from an engraved copper plate in 
the possession of the author. A reference to 
the index of surnames shows the numerous 
intermarriages of the Wynkoops with represent- 
ative New York families of the older stock. 
The table of Dutch given names, with . their 
English equivalents, is full and useful to 

TIONS OF Travel in the Old Days on the 
James River and Kanawha Canal. By 
George W. Bagley. Small 4to, pp. 37. 
West, Johnson & Co. Richmond, 1879. 

These are reminiscences of what the writer 
calls "an obscolescent mode of travel," which 
may have been delightful, but certainly was not 
rapid. They begin with a description of a trip 
from Cumberland county to Lynchburg about 
1835, the days of batteaux, which consumed 
a week between Lynchburg and Richmond. 
The James and Kanawha is the canal, the begin- 
nings of which are here narrated, together with its 
final triumph over the old stage coach. There 
are some pleasant personal recollections also. 



(Petroleum V. Nasby). 8vo, pp. 431. 
Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1879. 

In these pages one of the most characteristic 
of American writers describes one of the most 
entertaining phases of American character in 
its development of the latter half of the nine- 
teenth century, The wonders of the earlier 
half, the immense carrying trade, the growth of 
a commerce which literally whitened every sea 
wiih its sails, are commonplace in comparison 
with the birth of western cities which dot the 
prairie with almost equal abundance. Side by 
side with these triumphs of our enterprise and 
industry, there are in the memory of all who 
have watched the development of the country, 
thousands of cities, or mirages of cities rather, 
extensively laid out on paf^r, but never built 
with hands. 

It is of one of these paper cities that the 
inimitable Nasby announces his purpose to 
write — a comic Gibbon — ** the rise, progress and 
fall." The tale is of New Canton, a town of 
Illinois. It began on a very small scale, inter- 
ested a speculative projector who raised a land 
company, which on a borrowed capital of five 
hundred dollars, printed a prospectus, bought 
broad acres of land on credit, borrowed more 
money, issued more maps and plans, attracted 
purchasers, and gradually expanded values and 
brought in money to the land company, which 
the ingenious promoter, secretary and treasurer 
thereof, assumed as his share of the profits, 
embezzled and fled. 

With his flight. New Canton, says its chroni- 
cler, evaporated into thin air ; the houses moved 
of! to a neighboring village, while only boards 
with ambitious names remained to tell where 
New Canton was meant to be. A love story 
and some well drawn sketches of character add 
interest to the ** over true tale." 

BECUE AND THE General Statutes of Ken- 
tucky. By Robert M. Bradley. Vol. I. 
Granny Short's Barbecue. 8vo, pp. 103. 
Bradley & Gilbert. Louisville, 1879. 

This amusing pamphlet is intended to convey 
a serious lesson and warning to the law makers 
and law breakers — the author considers the 
two terms as sjmonymous — of Kentucky. In 
the incongruity of the legislation on the Statute 
book of the State, is found a reason for the 
almost chaotic condition of society, political 
and social, of the grand old commonwealth. 
There American physical life has reached a 
higher stage of development with which the 
intellectual has not kept pace. The story of 
Granny Short's Barbecue presents a sad while 
comical record of the doings and sa3rings which 

attended a race for the Senate in Kentucky, 
which came off in the Counties of Garrard and 
Lincoln in 1840, and which may be taken as a 
specimen of the conduct of elections throughout 
the State. It is intended, the author informs us, 
to be the forerunner of volumes which will deal 
with the natural results of such proceedings. 

Adapted from the French of Rev. P. E. 
Gazeau, S. T. , with Review Questions added. 
i6mo, pp. 501. The Catholic Publica- 
tion Society. New York, 1878. 

With the death of Theodorius the Great in 
395 A. D., begins the history* of the middle 
ages as the period of transition between the 
apogee of the Roman empire and the beginning 
of the modem order of civilization. It is here 
divided into five epochs : i. The Invasion and 
Conversion of the Barbarians. 2. The Forma- 
tion of Christian Europe. 3. Fuedal Europe. 
4. The Papacy and the Christian Republic. 5. 
Religious and Political Anarchy. This last epoch 
closed with the taking of Constantinople by the 
Turks in 1543. The middle ages thus cover a 
period of eleven hundred and forty-eight year& 
This history is given under appropriate divisions 
and subdivisions, which is for the use of 

Containing the whole of his chronicles of 
Pineville, its Incidents and Characters, &c. 
With sixteen illustrations from original de- 
signs, by DuRLEY. i6mo, pp. 786. T. B. 
Peterson & Bros. Phila., 1879. 


other Tales. Edited by T. A. Burke. 

With numerous Illustrations. i2mo, pp. 195. 

T. B. Peterson & Bros. Phila., 1879. 

In these humorous volumes are reprinted a 
number of stories which first appeared a quarter 
of a century ago. and depicted some of the 
peculiar features of the Georgia backwoodsmen, 
and of that curious specimen of mankind known 
by the soubriquet of Cracker. They are sketches 
of life as it was before railroads and the tele- 
graph had begun that general planing if not 
polishing process which is gradually smoothing 
down all typical distinctions and making our 
vast continent the abode of an almost homoge- 
neous race. They are of the kind which de- 
lighted our fathers, and will yet amuse our chil- 
dren as faithful pictures of a period which seems 
as far removed from our own as the age of 
bronze or stone. 



Harwood Families descended from James 
Harwood, who was of English origin, and 
resided in Chelmsford, Mass. By Watson H. 
Harwood. i2ino, pp. 33. A. F. Bigelow. 
Potsdam, N. Y., 1879. 

James Harwood married Lydia Barrett at 
Chelmsford, Mass., April, 1678. They removed 
to Littleton, Mass., in 171 7. The pamphlet 
gives a list of their descendants, with occasional 
genealogic notes. There is n complete name 
index properly numbered at the close. 


IN 18S0 


The North Americans of Antiquity, by 
John T. Short. 8vo. Harper & Brothers, 
New York, 1880. 

Army of Northern Virginia, Memorial Vol- 
ume, by Rev. J. William Jones, D. D. 8vo. 
Randoph & English, Richmond, Va., 1880. 

The Readers' Handbook of the American 
Revolution, 1761-1783, by Justin Winsor. 
i2mo. Houghton, Osgood & Co., Boston, 

History of the City of New York, by 
Mary L. Booth. Illustrated. 8vo. E. P. 
Dutton & Co., New York, 1880. 

The History and Traditions of Marble- 
HE4D, by Samuel Roads, Jr. 8vo. Houghton, 
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 

Recollections and Opinions of an Old 
Pioneer, by Peter H. Burnett. 8vo. D. 
Appleton & Co.. New York, 1880. 

History of the Administration of John 
DeWitt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, 
by James Geddes. Vol. I., 1623-1654. 8vo. 
Harper & Brothers, New York, 1880. 

Our Indian Wards, by George W. Many- 
penny. 8vo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cin- 

History of the Campaign of the Army 
OF Virginia under John Pope, Brig. Gen'l, 
by George H. Gordon. 8vo. Houghton, 
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 

History of North Carolina from the 
Earliest Discoveries to the Present 
Time, by John W. Moore. i2mo. Alfred 
Williams & Co., Raleigh, 1880. 

Cincinnati's Beginnings, by Francis W. Miller. 
8vo. Peter G. Thomson, Cincinnati, 1880. 

History of the English Language from 
THE Teutonic Invasion of Great Britain 
TO the close of the Georgian Era, by 
Henry E. Shepherd. i2mo. E. T. Hale 
& Son, New York, 1880. 

A short outline History of the United 
States, for Review Grades, by David B. 
Scott, Jr. i2nK5. Collins & Brother, New 
York, 1880. 

A COPY OF THE Poll List of the Election 
FOR Representatives for the* City and 
County of New York, for the years 
1761, 1768, 1769. 3 vols., 4to. Printed for 
S. Whitney Phoenix, New York, i88a 

The History of Redding, Conn., by Charles 
Burr Todd. i6mo. John A. Gray Press^ 


The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country, 
OR Oxford prior to 1713, by George F. 
Daniels. i6mo. Estes & Lauriat, Boston, 

Times before the Reformation, with an 
account of Fra Girolamo Savonarola^ 
by William Dinwiddie. i6mo. Robert Car- 
ter & Bros., New York, 1S80. 

Historical Pamphlets 

The One Hundred Prize Questions in Ca- 
NADiAN History and the Answers, by 
Hermes. i6mo. Dawson Brothers, Mon- 
treal, 1880. 

Jonathan Dickinson and the College of 
New Jersey. An historical discourse. By 
Henry C. Cameron, D. D. 8vo. C. S. Bob* 
inson, Princeton, N. J„ 1880. 

New Hampshire without the Provincial 
Government, 1689-1690, by Charles W. 
Tuttle. 8vo. John Wilson & Son, Cam- 
bridge, Mass, 1880. 




First Annual Report of the Executive Com- 
mittee, 1879-80, Boston, May 15, 1880. 8vo. 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, 1880. 

An Historical Address Delivered at 
Groton, Mass., Feb. 20, 1880, by Samuel 
Abbott Green. 8vo. Groton, 1880. 

Transactions of the Literary and His- 
torical Society of Quebec. Sessions of 
1879-80. 8vo. Morning Chronicle Office, 
Quebec, 1880. 

The Timacua Language. Paper read before 
the American Philosophical Society, Feb. 20, 
1880. By Albert S. Gatschet. Am. Phil, 
Soc, 1880. 

The Correct Arms of the State of New 
York. A paper read before the Albany In- 
stitute, December 2, 1879, by Henry A. 
Homes. 8vo. Weed, Parsons & Co., Albany, 

Soldiers' and Sailors' Historical Society 
of Rhode Island. Personal Narratives of 

• Events in the War of the Rebellion. No. i. 
Second series. First Cruise of the Montauk, 
by Samuel T. Browne. No. 2. A Country 
Boys' first three Months in the Army, by C. 
Henry Barney. 410. The N. Bangs Williams 
Co., Providence, R. I., 1880. 

American Political- Anti-masonry, with 
its "Good ENOUoh Morgan," by Henry 
O. Reilly. 8vo. American News Company, 
New York, 1880. 

The Settlement of Gekmantown, and the 
Causes which led to it, by Samuel W. 
Pennypacker. Reprint from Pennsylvania 
Magazine of History and Biography. 8vo. 
Collins, Philadelphia, 1880. 

Rhode Island Historical Tracts No. 8. 
Some Account of the Bills of Credit or Paper 
Money of Rhode Island, 1 710-1786. Rhode 
Island Historical Tracts No. 9. A True 
Representation of the Plan formed at Albany 
in 1754 for uniting the Colonies. 4to. Sidney 
S. Rider, Providence, 1880. 

Address delivered before the Confederatk 
Survivors* Association in Augusta, Ga.» 
April 26, 1880, by Col. Charles C. Jones, Jr. 
8vo. M. M. Hill 8c Co., Augusta Ga. 

Paul Revere's Signal. The true Story of the 
Signal I^anterns in Christ Church, Boston, by 
John Lee Watson. 8vo. T row's Printing 
Co., New York, 1880. 

Hernando de Soto — Adventures Encoun- 
tered and the Route pursued through 
Georgia, by Charles C. Jones, Jr. 8vo. J. 
H. Estill, Savannah, Ga., 1880. 

Introduction to the Study of Sign Lan« 

DIANS AS Illustrating the Gesture speech 
OFMANKiND,byGarrickMallery. 4to. Smith- 
sonian Institution, Washington, 1880. 

The Record^First Presbyterian Church* 
MoRRisTOWN, N. J. 8vo. Morristown, N. 
J., iSSo. 

Biographical and Genealogical 

Life of Rev. Charles Nerinckx, with a 
Chapter on the early Catholic Mis- 
sions of Kentucky, by Rev. Camillus P. 
Maes. 8vo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincin- 
nati, 1880. 

Reminiscences of Rev. Wm. Ellery Chan- 
ning, D.D., by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody. 
i2mo. Roberts Brothers, Boston, 1880. 

Wiluam Lloyd Garrison and his Times, by 
Oliver Johnson. i2mo. B. B. Russell &Co.r 
Boston, 1880. 

Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed 
President of the Underground Rail- 
road. 8vo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 

The Like ok William Ellery Channing, 
D.D. The Centenary Memorial edition, by 
his nephew, William Ellery Channing. Svo. 
American Unitarian Association, Boston ^ 

The Reminiscences of an Idler, by Henry 
WikofT. 8vo. Fords, Howard & Hurlbert» 
New York, 1880. 

About Grant, by John L. Swift. 
& Shcpard, Boston, 1880. 


i6mo. Lee 

Lives OF the Catholic Heroes and Hero- 
ines OK America, by John O'Kane Murray. 
8vo. James Sheehy, New York, 1880. 

Magellan, or the First Voyage round the 
World, by George M. Towle. i6mo. Lee 
& Shepard, Boston, 1880. 

Biographical Pamphlets 

Proceedings at the Dedication of a Mon- 
iment to Sergeant Abraham Staples of 
Mendon, Mass. 8vo. Sidney S. Rider 
Providence, R. L, 1880. 

Lady Deborah Moody. A Discourse deliv- 
ered before the New York Historical Society 
by James \V. Gerard. 8vo. Douglas Taylor, 

New York, 1880. 

The Leatherwood God. An account of the 
Appearance and Pretensions of Joseph C. 
Dylks in 1828, by R. H. Taneyhill. i2mo. 
Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati. 

The American Portrait Gallery, with Bi- 
ographical Sketches, by Lillian C. Buttre. 
J. C. Buttre, New York, i88o. 


The Younger Edda, by Rasmus B. Anderson. 
i6mo. S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, 1880. 

The Inter-Oceanic Canal and the Monroe 
Doctrine. i2mo. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
New York, 1880. 

The Poetical Works of Bayard Taylor. 
i6mo. Houghton, Osgood & Co., Boston, 

Methodism, Old and New, by J. R. Flanigen. 
8vo. J. B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, 

The Elective Franchise in the United 
States, by O. C. McMillan. i6mo. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, New York, 1880. 

Rocky Mountain Health Resorts, by 
Charles Denison, M. D. i6mo. Houghton, 
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 


Civil Service in Great Britain, by Darman 
B. Eaton. 8vo. Harper & Brothers, New 
York, 1880. 

Radical-Mechanics of Animal Loco.motion, 
with remarks on the setting-up of sol- 
DIERS, by William Pratt Wainwright. i2mo. 
D. Van Nostrand, New York, 1880. 

Boston Monday Lectures. — Labor, by Jos- 
eph Cook. 1 2 mo. Houghton, Osgood & 

Co., Boston, 1880. 


American Almanac and Treasury of facts 
for the year 1880, by Ainsworth R. Spof- 
ford. The American News Company, New 
York, 1880. 

Miscellanies, by John I). Caton, 8vo. Hough- 
ton, Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 

The Twins of Table Mountain and other 
stories, by Bret Harte. i8mo. Houghton, 
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 

Miscellaneous Pamphlets • 

Letters from Europe, by Hon. William D. 
Kelley. 8vo. Porter & Coates, Philadelphia, 

Economic Monographs. G. P. Putnam's 
Sons, 1880. 

No. VI. Free Ships, by John Codman. 

No. XIX. Andrew Jackson and the Bank 
of the United States, by William L. 

No. VIII. Labor-Making Machinery, by 
Fred. Perry Powers. 

Memoranda relating to the early Press 
OF Iowa at Iowa City and Dubuque, by 
John Springer. 8vo. Iowa State Press Office, 


Worship of the Sun. The story told by a 
Coin of Constantine the Great. By Henry 
Phillips, Jr. 4to. Privately printed, Phil- 
adelphia, 1880. 

On the Annelida Chaetopoda of the 
Virginia Coast, by H. E. Webster. Trans- 
actions of Albany Institute, Albany. 1880. 



Etude sur unb Carte Inconnue, la premi&re 
dress6b par Louis Joliet en 1674. Par 
Gabriel Gravier. 8vo. Maisonneuve & Co. , 
Paris, 1S80. 

Crossing the Atlantic, illustrated by Au- 
gustus Hoppin. Houghton, Osgood & Co., 
Boston, 1880. 

Report of the Operations of the Numis- 
matic AND Antiquarian Society of Phil- 
adelphia FOR THE YEARS 1878-1879. 
Printed for the Society, Philadelphia, 1880. 

Thirty-first Annual Report of the Trus- 
tees OF the Astor Library for the year 
ending Dec. 31, 1879. 8vo. Weed, Parsons 
& Co., Albany, 1880. 


"Observations on Judge Jones' Loyalist History 
of the American Revolution," by H. P. Johnston, 
will shortly appear from the press of Messrs. D. 
Appleton & Co. It calls attent on to certain im- 
portant statements made by the Judge, which are 
disproved by the correct record. The number of 
these errors noticed by Mr. Johnston suggests 
the probability of more, in regard to which no 
records remain. Mr. Johnston introduces man- 
uscript proof in some instances to refute the 
Judge.- Readers of Tones will be curious to ex- 
amine these refutations. They are but the 
beginning of the series of criticisms, disclaimers 
and disprovals, which the tone and statements of 
Jones could not fail to elicit. His editor, Mr. 
de Lancey, will have his hands full to sustain his 
author. Editor. 


M.D., LL.D., 

HiSTORiAX OF New Netherland and 

New York. 

The Historical study of our country has 
recently lost a patient, careful, judicious inves- 
tigator, the fruit of whose labors has long been 
the resource and the safe guide of many seeking 
to familiarize themselves with our country's 
early days. 

The history of New York, from its earliest 
colonization by the sons of Holland, and the 
studied cognate with it, formed the field in which 
he labored for years with recognized ability ; 
and beside what he committed to writing and 
gave to the press, he amassed an immense fund 

of knowledge now lost, and to be recovered, if 
at all» only by similar sacrifices. 

He was a native of Mallow, near Cork, in the 
south of Ireland, bom on the 29th of February, 
1797, and was the youngest of a large family, 
all brought up with care and enjoying ihe ad- 
vantages of a liberal education. His eldest 
brother Theodore, if we mistake not, held a 
co3imission in the British army, and two of his 
other brothers, Eugene and David, took orders 
in the Catholic Church, and were distinguished 
for the breadth and depth of their learning. 
Edmund Bailey, after the close of his studies in 
Ireland, spent two years in Paris, chiefly in 
medical studies, having chosen as his profession 
the healing art. 

Like many young men of talent, he looked to 
this continent as the future home, relying on his 
ability to win his way. In 1823 he came to 
Canada, and completing his professional studies 
in Quebec, was admitted to practice there in 

The movement for Catholic Emancipation was 
then agitating Ireland and England, and socie- 
ties were formed there and in America to aid in 
the struggle. Dr. O'Callaghan took an active 
part in forming the association called " The 
Friends of Ireland" in Quebec, and was the 
Secretary of the organization, giving the cause 
all the earnestness of his character. Mean- 
while, he was winning friends by his medical 
skill and by the wit and humor which made 
him a charming member of society. Find- 
ing that Quebec offered but a limited prospect 
for his talents, he removed to Montreal, and 
soon became prominent in the political afifairs of 
the Province. His ability as a speaker and writer 
led, in 1834, to his selection as editor of the 
Vindicator^ the organ of the patriots in Canada. 
He was also elected to the provincial Parliament 
as a member for Yamaska. There he became a 
leader, on the popular side. On the 2d of 
November, 1835, he moved an address to the 
Governor in regard to the complaints against 
Judge Gale, and his motion was carried after a 
warm debate, although no action had yet been 
taken on Lord Gosford's message to Parliament. 
He was active in the House and by his journal 
in demanding the reforms deemed necessary for 
the wellbeing of Canada. Like other leaders, 
he dressed in Canadian homespun to encourage 
home manufactures and diminish importations 
from England. He was a marked man, and on 
the 6th of November the Doric Club, a tory 
organization, in favor with the government at- 
tacked the office of his newspaper, completely 
destroying the type, presses and material. He 
accompanied Mr. Papineau to the Richelieu 
River, the heart of the district where the strong- 
est opposition to government prevailed. Both, 
however, condemned a resort to arms and did 
all they could to prevent it, but when it became 



evident that a resort to force would be necessary 
and the Canadian militia took the field, he did 
not flinch from danger. He took part in the 
action at St. Denis, where Colonel Gore was 
repulsed, and his associate in the Vindicator and 
in the legblative halls, Hon. Ovide Perrault, 
was shot dead by his side. 

When after the defeat at St. Charles, Papi- 
neau, seeing the hopelessness of the appeal to 
arms, sought safety in the United States, Dr. 
O'Cailaghan accompanied him, and a reward for 
his body on a charge of high treason was offered 
by Lord Gosford in his proclamation of Novem- 
ber 29, 1837. In New York, Dr. O'Cailaghan 
was warmly received, and at once made many 
lasting friends, one of the earliest being the late 
Reuben Hyde Walworth, Chancellor of New 
York. During the latter part of his life. Dr. 
O'Cailaghan avoided all allusion to his Cana- 
dian career ; it seemed indeed to be a subject of 
painful memory, and in his large library, devoted 
to American and especially Canadian history, 
you look on the shelves in vain for the books 
and documents that contain the internal history 
of that struggle. 

When, too, in time the English Government, 
gathering wisdom, granted all that the Cana- 
dians labored and fought to secure, the exiled 
leaders with Papineau returned to resume their 
old position at the head of colonial affairs, but 
Dr. O'Cailaghan remained in New York, and 
never even sought to have the ban removed 
from his name. 

He took up his residence in Albany, and there 
resumed the practice of his profession, being 
occasionally elsewhere engaged in affairs that 
brought him into contact with prominent men. 
He also edited an industrial paper called the 
Northern Light. When the anti-rent troubles 
were attracting attention, Dr. O'Cailaghan began 
to study the rights of the Patroons and acquiring 
a knowledge of Dutch, examined the early Dutch 
records in the hands of the State and some 
ancient families. Astonished at the vast amount 
of historical information which had been secluded 
from English readers by the language in which 
it was written. Dr. O'Cailaghan began a system- 
atic history of the colony, and produced his 
** History of NewNetherland," in two octavo 
volumes. It came to the public and to students 
as a revelation. It opened a new world. The 
history of the Dutch colony on the Hudson, 
Connecticut, and Delaware was known to most 
people only by the satire of Washington Ir- 
ving's ' • Knickerbocker's History of New York. " 
All that had seriously been written was vague 
and prepared by those who never examined the 
Dutch records. Dr. O'Cailaghan did more for 
the descendants of the settlers of New Nether- 
land than any of themselves had ever done. He 
showed the colony in its origin, steady, indus- 
trious colonists, as religious as New Englanders, 

without their severity ; men who could work 
and introduce European animals, grains, fruit* 
industries, could set up church and school, 
organize a government with many popular 
features, and all this without cant, boast, or 

The History of New Netherland gave the 
author a wide reputation, but entailed loss 
rather than profit. An edition of a thousand 
copies of the first volume was sold by the pub- 
lishers, but the account of sales, to his astonish- 
ment, showed him to be indebted to the house, 
many copies having been sent to the press for 
notice, and advertising not limited by prudence. 

The author accordingly was his own publisher 
in the case of the second volume, printing five 
hundred copies, and with the return repaying 
the whole outlay, and leaving him a small 
amount. Talking of it he would sometimes 
ask friends who had any mathematical turn to 
solve the sum, and explain how one thousand 
copies sold could bring him one hundred dollars 
in debt, and five hundred copies sold leave him 
with one hundred dollars in hand. 

The "History of New Netherland" placed 
Dr. O'Cailaghan at once in a high position 
among scholars. It was a work of research, 
judicious, and fresh and vigorous in style. One 
of the fruits was the action of the State in 
sending John R. Brodhead to England, France, 
and Holland to collect in the archives of those 
Governments documents relating to American, 
and especially New York, history. Mr. Brod- 
head returned wi:h a vast amount of useful 
material. Then the State proposed to publish 
a documentary history, printing valuable docu- 
ments, and reprinting rare tracts. Dr. O'Cai- 
laghan was called to edit this work, and when 
the State decided to print the documents col- 
lected in Europe, translating those in French 
and Dutch, the task of editing them was com- 
mitted to Dr. O'Cailaghan. This work he 
accomplished in a most satisfactory manner, 
and the eleven quarto volumes, including a full 
index, are a monument to his ability, and 
invaluable in every collection on the colonial 
period. His researches were not confined to 
the annals of one State. Dr. O'Cailaghan was 
one of the first to recognize the great value for 
history of the ' ' Jesuit Relations," as they are 
now called, a series of forty little volumes pub* 
lished in France in the seventeenth centurv, 
giving the reports of the Jesuit missions in 
Canada, when that term embraced all the great 
lakes and the valley of the Mississippi, much of 
New York, Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova 
Scotia. He read a paper before the New York 
Historical Society, giving a description of each 
volume and its contents. This paper, printed 
in pamphlet form, went far and wide, and was 
translated into French. Immediately scholars 
began to try and consult the "Jesuit Relations"; 



but they were very rare. A few privileged 
collectors had some volumes, the public libraries 
none. No complete set was known in Euiope 
or America. Dr. O'Callaghan had given, inno- 
cently enough, a list of the volumes possessed 
by various gentlemen and institutions. This 
led to a curious episode. The late Albert Gal- 
latin possessed several, and was greatly annoyed 
by people calling upon him begging to see his 
** Jesuit Relations." As each and all these 
^ntleroen prefaced his request by an allusion to 
Dr. O'Callaghan, the ex-secretary of the treasury 
came to regard the historian as the greatest 
«nemy of his peace, although Dr. O'Callaghan 
was perfectly unconscious of the result of his 
paper. One day the historian had occasion to 
call upon Mr. Gallatin on a matter of business, 
and on being ushered in sent up his card. Mr. 
Gallatin looked in amazement at the bit of 
pasteboard. Here was the enemy of his peace 
come to beard him in his own house. He went 
down to the parlor in a perfect fury, and opened 
on Dr. O'Callaghan a tempest of reproaches. 
Dr. O'Callaghan, always punctilious and sensi- 
tive, was taken utterly by surprise. Entirely 
unconscious of having given any ofifence, he 
drew himself up and said, when he could find 
room to speak : '* Mr. Gallatin, I have heard of 
French politeness, but I never had a sample of 
it until now," and with a bow he left the house, 
to tell in after days, as only he could tell, the 
ttorv to his friends. 

He superintended for Mr. James Lenox the 
printing of the Relation for 1676, made by that 
gentleman from a copy of the original manu- 
script, and the reprint of two almost unique 
volumes in the series. At a subsequent penod 
Dr. O'Callaghan printed a very small number of 
Biard's Relation, in faC'simiU of the original ; 
and in the style of the Jesuit Relations the ac- 
count of the early Jesuit Mission in Acadia and 
Maine, as given in the "Annux Litterae" and 
in the "Hisloria Societatis Jesu," so that they 
might be placed with the volumes of the Re- 

Besides the studies already named, he turned 
his attention to the issues of the Bible in this 
country, and after long research compiled a cata- 
logue of all published in this country, which he 
issued in a volume full of curious information. 

During his residence in Albany he was at- 
tached to the office of the Secretary of State, 
and edited a number of volumes from its co- 
lonial archives, the journals of the Legislath'c 
Council, with an historical sketch, a ** Calendar 
of State Papers," "Lists of Land Grants," 
•• Revolutionary Papers," and others of the kind. 
But he found more material, and issued the 
" Register of New Netherland," a list, compiled 
with great labor and care, of all who held office 
in the colony while subject to Holland. He also 
issued a series of New York tracts, 

the " Diary of Governor Clark," " Robin's Let- 
ters," "Voyages of Slave Ships," "Commis- 
sary Wilson's Orderly Book," and the * Orderly 
Book of General Burgoyne." 

The early records and proceedings of the 
municipality of New York are in Dutch, and 
were never printed, nor were the first in Eng- 
lish. For several years a correspondence had 
been conducted inviting Dr. O Callaghan t ) 
New York to prepare these for publication, his 
knowledge of the Dutch of that period as used 
in New Netherland making him one of the very 
few men living who could translate the early 
documents properly. He at last in 1870 con- 
sented, and came to New York. Arrangements 
were made to print these papers, and though not 
stipulated for in the agreement, Dr. O'Callaghan 
superintended the printing, adapted the indexes 
he had prepared, and revised the proof-sheets. 
He also edited the earliest wills on record in the 
State. Unfortunately this printing was given 
out by the city during the corrupt times. The 
work was suddenly stopped, and the volumes, 
though printed, have never appeared. It was a 
severe blow to Dr. O'Callaghan, who had given 
up a home and pleasant associations in Albany to 
come to New \ ork especially for this work. He 
wished to complete it, but not only was this denied, 
but the city authorities sought to ignore their 
own act in inviting him to undertake the work. 

This preyed upon him greatly, and soon after 
an accident rendered him almost helpless ; but 
his mind continued active. He was confined to 
his house, and before long to his room. At first 
his time was spent among the books which he 
had collected during his long at d studious life; 
a working library of American history of con- 
siderable extent and great valve. But as the 
disease increased, he was laid on a bed from 
which he was never to rise, lingering for two 
years in pain, but always cheerful, clear in mind, 
and buoyed up in sickness, as he had been in 
health, by the practice of religious duties and 
the consolation of the sacraments. 

On Saturday, May 29, 1880, there were signs of 
great weakness ; the sacrament of Extreme Unc- 
tion was administered, and in the evening he 
expired without a struggle, retaining his faculties 
to the close, making on his breast the sign of the 
faith which he had professed and practiced. The 
funeral service took place in St. Patrick's Cathe- 
dral, Fifth Avenue, on \Vednes<lay June 2. and 
was attended by the New York Historical So- 
ciety and many of his friends, and by the Cath- 
olic Union of New York, in which he had been 
a member of the Council. 

At the end of the Mass the Rev, Clarence 
Walworth, of Albany, for years the pastor of 
Dr. O'Callaghan, ascended the pulpit, and tak- 
ing as his text "Every scribe instructed in the 
kingdom of heaven is like to a man that is a 
householder who bringeth forth out of his treas- 






ore new things and old " (St. Matthew xiii., 59), 
spoke eloquently and touchingly of the departed 
friend who lay before him. Applying the words 
of his text, he declared him a great and good 
man, a man of faith and truth. As a historian 
he followed no philosophy of history, mar- 
shalling and distorting acts to suit it. but he 
gave the facts in all their truth, and from these 
facts formed his picture of the past. Full of 
honesty himself, he bore impatiently to see igno- 
rance or want of fairness arrange historical data 
so as to sanction false views. This love of 
truth made him accurate in detail, and gave a 
value to his works which rendered them an au- 
thority, and established the reputation which he 
had so long enjoyed among scholars. A sincere 
Christian, he recognized and appreciated the re- 
ligious influences on our early history. He spoke 
of his practical life as a Catholic Christian in his 
frequentation of the sacraments, and his zeal for 
the beauty of God's house, shown in his gift to 
St. Mary's Church in Albany, and in his con- 
stant and liberal contributions to all calls of 
religion and charity. As a friend he was a 
lasting as well as a most attractive and sympa- 
thetic one, retaining to the last his attachment 
to early friends. But as he was man, he was 
not without fault, and while we may hope that 
his long and well-spent life and the sufferings 
which he bore like another Job may have freed 
him from much of the purification hereafter, we 
must still pray for him, that his release may be 
speedy. * 

His Eminence Cardinal McCloskey then as- 
sumed his cope and mitre, and pronounced abso- 
lution, after which the remains were conveyed 
to Calvalry Cemetery, the pall-bearers being 
Thurlow Weed, the Hon. John Kelly, George 
II. Moore, E. F. De Lancey, William S. Pres- 
ton, John Gilmary Shea, F. H. Churchill and 
Henry Amy. 

Dr. O'Callaghan's contributions to American 
history were numerous : History of New Nether- 
land, or New York under the Dutch, 2 vols., 
8vo, New York, 1846-9 ; Jesuit Relations, 8vo, 
New York. 1847 ; in French, Montreal, i8mo. 
1850 ; Documentary History of the State of 
New York, 4 vols., 4to and 8vo, Albany, 1849- 
51 ; Documents relating to the Colonial History 
of the State cf New York, 11 vol-:., 4to, Albany, 
1855-61 ; Remonstrance of New Netherland, 
4to, Albany, 1856; Commissary Wils n's Or- 
derly Book. 4to, Albany, 1857; Orderly Book 
of Lieut. -Gen. John Burgoyne, 4to, Albany, 
i860 ; Names of I'ersons for whom Marriage 
Licenses were issued previous to 1784, 8vo, Al- 
bany, i860 ; Journals of the Legislative Council 
of New York, 8vo, Albany, i86«. ; Origin of the 
Legislative Assemblies of the State of New 
York, 4to, Albany, 1861 ; A List of the Editions 
of the H<'ly Scriptures and Parts thereof printed 
in America previous to i860, 8vo, Albany, 1861 ; 

Woolley's Two Years* Journal in New York, 
8vo, New York, i860; The Register of New 
Netherland, 1626-1674, 8vo, Albany, 1865 ; Cal- 
endar to the Land Papers, 8vo, Albany, 1864 ; 
Calendar ( f Historical Manuscripts in the Office 
of the Secretary of State, 4 vols., 4to, Dutch, 
English and Revolutionary. Albany, 1865-1868 ; 
Journal of the Slo p Mary, 4to, Albany, 1866 ; 
Voyage of George Clarke, Esq., to America, 4to, 
Albany, 1867 ; Voyages of the Slavers, 410, 
Albany, 1870 ; Laws and Ordinances of New 
Netherland, 1638-74, Albany, 1869 ; Copie dc 
Trois Lettres escrites cs annees 1625-6 par le 
Rev. P. C. Lallemant, 8vo, Albany, 1870; Rela- 
tion de ce qui s'est passe en la NouveUe France 
en I'annee 1626. 8vo. Albany, 1870 ; Lettre du 
Rev. P. Lalemant. 22 Nov. 1629. 8vo, Albany, 
1870; Lettre du Pere Charles Lallemant, 1627, 
8vo, Albany, 1870 ; De Regione et Moribus 
Canadensium, Auctore Josepho Juvencio, 8vo, 
Albany. 1871 ; Canadicoe Missionis Relatio, 
1611-13, 8vo, Albany, 1871 ; Missio Canadensis, 
Epistola ex Portu-regali in Acadia a R. P. Petro 
Biardo, 8vo, Albany. 1870; Relatio Rerum 
Gestarum in Novo Francica Missione Annis 
1613-4, 8vo. Albany, 1871 ; Relation de laNou- 
velle France (Biard), 8vo, Albany, 1871 ; Letters 
of Isaac Bobin, Esq., 4to, Albany, 1871 ; Pro- 
ceedings of the Common Council of New Am- 
sterdam and New York, 8 vols.. 8vo, New York, 
1870 (printed, but never published) ; New York 
Wills, 8vo, New York, 1871 (printtd, but never 

Dr.O'Callaghan collected valuable material also 
for biographies of early physicians in America. 

In 1846 the University of St. Louis bestowed 
upon him the degree of Doctor of Medicine, 
and the degree of Doctor of Laws was subse- 
quently conferred by St. John's College. Ford- 
ham. He was an active member of the New 
York Historical Society, many papers from his 
pen having been read before that body. 

The New York Historical Society adopted the 
following resolutions on the occasion cf his 
death : 

'* Resolved^ That the New York Historical 
Society with deep sensibility adds to the list of 
its departed members the name of Edmund 
Bailey O'Callaghan, >L D., LL.D. 

" Resolved^ That in recording upon its minutes 
the dea'h of this devoted hist- rical .""cholar, this 
Society desires to renew its grateful acknow edg- 
ments of indebtednt ss to him for the invaluable 
services he has rendered his Si ate and Country 
in the field of American history during the past 
forty years. 

'• Resolved, That the sympathy of the Society 
be tendered to the family of its deceased asso- 

He was also a corresponding member of many 
other historical societies in this country. 

John G. Shea. 

■■■5f"^S:"EKH ^/"ff ISEJ 



Vol. V AUGUST 1880 No. 2 


UPON the last recurrence of Washington's birthday many of the 
old platitudes were brought out and aired, while various declar- 
ations appeared respecting an alleged change in the public 
estimate of the Father of his Country. When, however, an attempt 
was made to classify these affirmations, they sturdily refused to be 
classified. According to some, a change had taken place for the better, 
while others said it was for the worse. On the one hand it was taught 
that Washington was no longer regarded as the pattern of perfection, 
and on the other that time was simply adding lustre to the splendor of 
his reputation. Again it was said that Washington, in our day, was not 
to be regarded as a demi-god, while a more enterprising individual 
laid before the world the fact that recent investigations rendered it 
highly probable that George Washington was a lineal descendant of 
Odin. Some said that the Sage of Mount Vernon had gone into 
obscurity, that classes of the population were tired of him, that the 
anniversary was not celebrated as of yore ; while still others congratu- 
lated their readers upon the fact, that the twenty-second of February had 
become an eminently national day, and was yearly growing in the 
estimation of a proud, appreciative and grateful people. 

This variety of sesquipedalian expression, however, at once so ingen- 
uous and so charming, is capable of explanation. The return of each 
anniversary brings to a class of writers the stern necessity of saying 
something, though they have nothing to say, but they are always 
equal to the emergency, and when seated upon the tripod they readily 
identify their elegant fancies with the opinion of mankind. Thus an 
accommodating public appreciates all aspects of the subject at once, 
affirming or denying with equal cordiality and zeal. This process is 
not always favorable to truth. In fact, it often renders questions of 


history dependent upon what some Bohemian had or did not have for 
breakfast ; yet it renders the individual of some consequence in his own 

Without dwelling upon this aspect of the case, however, let us notice 
that the declaration that Washington is no longer universally applauded 
implies that formerly he was invariably extolled, which is incorrect. In 
fact, Washington was never free from criticism. Some of his enemies, 
like the notorious Tom Paine, were malignant to the last degree. The 
faults of Washington, whatever they may have been, were faithfully 
improved by the opposition ; but whoever proposes to return to them 
now will not have the excuse of the ancient back-biter, who plead the 
public good. In view, therefore, of some things that have been said of 
late, we may inquire once more into the personal history and character 
of Washington, and ask what manner t)f man he was. 

This question has been replied to in the sober and discriminating 
works of Marshall, Sparks, Irving and Everett, writers who have pre- 
sented Washington, not as a demi-god, nor even as perfect, but rather 
as a great and noble man, who laid his country and humanity at large 
under deep and lasting obligation. The portraiture of Washington by 
these writers is incomplete, while the time for a perfect delineation of 
Washington has perhaps gone by. No Boswell attended the daily 
walks of the Sage of Mount Vernon to note each varied phase of indi- 
viduality from hour to hour. Yet the representation given by the 
writers above mentioned is in the main correct. Their works embody 
the intelligent conception of the public at large respecting Washington. 
Other conceptions are indeed maintained, but are they not to be 
regarded upon the whole as belonging, by a kind of letters patent, to a 
class of persons not easily reached by ordinary methods of instruction? 

With respect to the alleged change in public opinion already 
referred to, it may be said that there are always those who are inclined 
to extremes, persons who indeed seem to be touched with the old 
fetich-worshipping spirit, and who for a time are disposed to believe 
that some immortalized individual is divine, but who, upon discovering 
their mistake, proceed to abuse their former divinity, as the Polynesian 
mocks some dethroned god, and at the same time discover in their 
sudden change a radical revolution in the sentiments of mankind. 

Still another small class insist that a change has taken place in public 
opinion, for the reason, that, in an iconoclastic or adventurous spirit, they 
desire a change. This, perhaps, is why we are told, from time to time, 
with so much effusion, that Washington is no longer a demi-god, and 
that the popular views are myths. There is a certain degree of art, or 


rather cunning, in this mode of attack, as it invests the hero with 
offensive attributes, which generate germs of personal hostility in 
vulgar and unreflecting minds. 

Particular charges have also been made concerning the views popu- 
larly entertained of Washington's childhood and youth, and, therefore, 
this survey may commence with his early life, especially as the child is 
generally the father of the man. 

The Odinic theory concerning the origin of Washington may not 
be so difficult to maintain as some suppose, since Odin was a very 
ordinary individual, dying in his bed in Scandinavia, and being burned, 
like his ancestors, on a funereal pyre. The task is one, not for the 
jester in motley with cap and bells, but for the genealogist, who will 
hardly feel obliged to prove that the son of a plain Virginia planter 
was heaven-born, or allied to the stars. Indeed, those writers who are 
worthy of much attention, and capable of shaping opinion, have never 
been unduly solicitous concerning the remote origin of Washington ; 
but, recognizing the sphere out of which he raised himself by his own 
exertions, they have generously declared the superiority of merit over 
rank and fortune. 

The family of Washington appears to have been sufficiently ancient 
and respectable, though as regards the question of his descent there 
may be something to learn. When advanced in life Washington him- 
self made inquiries respecting his family, and in 1792 wrote to Isaac 
Heard, Garter King of Arms at the College of Arms, London, request- 
ing information. To this letter Mr. Heard replied in 1796. The 
interest which Washington felt was commendable. The study of 
genealogy is of the highest importance as well to the individual as 
to the clan. The man who is indifferent to his origin may be careless 
about his destiny. A contempt for the past is prophetic of the future. 
The interest often taken by public men in their tribal history is some- 
times misunderstood. The point of departure is linked with the 
ultimate point of arrival by not altogether unknown laws. The individ- 
ual who would know whither he is going, may inquire with propriety 
whence he came. 

Whatever may have been the remote origin of the Washingtons, 
1 heir status in Virginia is well known. The resources of the father of 
our Washington secured to him only a very humble education ; while at 
his majority he could look forward to nothing more than a little planta- 
tion on the Rappahannock as his portion of the family estate. The death 
of an elder brother nevertheless left him in the possession of a more 
ample patrimony, which he increased by his marriage ; while assiduous 


Study after retiring from school added largely to his knowledge and 
general attainments, though no one ever fancied that he came to be 
a learned man. Little more than general reading was added to his 
civic and military attainments, together with a knowledge of hus- 
bandry, in which our Cincinnatus found a source of delight. But if his 
classical knowledge was not large, there was no deficiency in his moral 
training. His mother, in her day a belle, was of a devout disposition, 
while in this respect his father did not fall behind. Early impres- 
sions were thus made upon the mind and heart of the boy respecting the 
nature and claims of the Divine Being, the importance of filial piety 
and the supreme obligations of truth. To all these teachings his tender 
and impressional nature responded, and he became a reverent and 
truthful child. Two unpublished letters by his mother remain, in one 
of which, written after the capture of Fort Du Quesne, she exhibits 
great affection for her son. This is said to be the only piece of writing 
in her own hand in which she mentions " George," saying that she had 
had great trouble, and that George had been in the army, but had now 
left it.* In the other letter, addressed to her brother at London, she says : 
" You seem to blame me for not writing to you, butt I doe a shour you 
it is Note for wante of a very great Regard for you and the family, 
butt as I don't ship tobacco the Captains never calls on me, soe that I 
never know when tha come or when tha go.'*' These misspelled lines 
show the true disposition of the woman whom Washington was proud to 
honor as his mother, while they are worth infinitely more than any of 
the polished sentences so painfully framed by mincing eulogists of the 
Father of his Country. 

Washington appears as a boy to have been somewhat precocious, as 
is indicated by the fact that at the age of thirteen he had drawn up 
" Rules of Civility •& decent Behaviour," which may have been orig- 
inal. It is nevertheless true that as a boy he was characterized by a 
boy's faults. He was more or less thoughtless, and perhaps mischievous* 
and had a violent temper. This by degrees he learned to control, yet 
at times it overcame him ; and at the battle of Monmouth he was so 
filled with wrath by the conduct of Lee that he is said to have expressed 
himself in oaths. Washington in a pj^ssion was a spectacle, but this 
fact, however emphasized, cannot change our estimate of the man, who 
is to be judged like those works of art which are valued according to 
their merits. 

But let us not anticipate. We were speaking of Washington's youth, 
which, notwithstanding a hot temper, that in advanced life, upon certain 


occasions, found vent — was characterized by the dispositions which gen- 
erally pervaded his actions as a man. If there is any truth in testimony, 
Washington, as a youth, might have been described as a ** good ** boy, 
though his goodness was not of that fatal type which hurries its subjects 
with such unerring precision away from this mundane sphere, where 
their goodness might have been so profitably employed. Yet there are 
those who appear almost unwilling to admit that Washington was good 
in a safe degree, and who, under the guidance of Mark Twain, are con- 
vulsed with laughter when brought face to face with the young Vir- 
ginian's loyalty to truth. In some quarters the story of Washington 
and his hatchet is made a standing jest, the intellectual meridian requir- 
ing that all stories of this kind should be regarded as false. Let us, 
therefore, glance at this incident, since it stands connected with a 
prominent phase of Washington's character, both in childhood and age. 

The particulars of the case are too familiar to be dwelt upon. In 
substance, it will be remembered, as the account usually runs, that 
Washington, when a boy, had a hatchet given to him, of which he was 
very proud ; and that, on one occasion, with fatal thoroughness, he tried 
its keen edge upon a young cherry tree, though when questioned on the 
subject he confessed the truth, his nature shrinking from falsehood. 

So far as we know, the story first appeared in a life of Washington 
by Weems, who states that he had it from an aged lady connected with 
the Washington family. But who was Weems? This question the late 
Bishop Meade of Virginia sought to answer, and his well meant but 
poor account of the man becomes poorer when manipulated by the hos- 
tile critic, who speaks of Weems* production as " the lying little book," 
and of its author as absolutely insensible to the claims of truth. One 
might, therefore, suppose that Weems was a first-class imposter. This, 
however, is a little too fast. It has been conceded that he was an 
ordained minister of the Episcopal Church, though the statement that 
he took Orders in Maryland needs confirmation. It is more probable 
that he was one of those "young gentlemen from the Southward *' men- 
tioned by Bishop White in his Memoirs, who, upon the conclusion of 
peace with England, repaired to that country and was ordained by the 
Bishop of London, in accordance with a special act of Parliament. 
Possibly he returned in the same ship with Bishop White, who landed 
in New York, Easter Day, 1786, an act which may be regarded as 
synchronous with the rennaisance of the ecclesiastical body of which he 
is so properly regarded the founder. 

Weems has been represented as pretending that he was Washington's 


Rector, though as a matter of history he never pretended to any such 
relation. His own book teaches that he never even saw Washington in 
church, though one of his books had Washington's approval.* The 
seventh edition of his Life of Washington, on the title page, claims that 
he was "formerly Rector of Mount Vernon," while proof is at hand of 
the fact, evidently unknown to good Bishop Meade, that he officiated 
there regularly as minister. 

Mason L. Weems has been unjustly treated, though this is not the 
place to enter upon any defence of his life, especially as portions of it, 
in certain respects, are hardly defencible. Weems was always eccentric, 
and when want drove him to bookselling, he allowed his eccentricities 
full play ; yet no one who knew him and his history questioned the 
goodness of his heart, which glowed with charity. The kindness which 
this man showed to others, without regard to rank or fortune, should 
certainly purchase immunity from unmerited reproach, while the faith- 
fulness with which he spoke unpalatable truth at the cost of his own 
popularity and prosperity, should shield him from the charge of 
deliberately circulating what he knew to be false. It is true, as Mr. 
Duyckinck says, that in the hands of Weems the trumpet of fame never 
sounded an uncertain blast. His style was stilted, his rhetoric was 
ornate, and his paragraphs overdone ; though, but for a slight excess of 
verbiage, certain passages would be entitled to high rank for their 
eloquence and beauty. It has been suggested that a sketch published 
by Dr. Beattie of his eldest son, in 1794, gave Weems the idea of the 
Life of Washington, but a reasonable degree of attention to the subject 
would have shown that at least four editions of his work were published 
before he wrote a line to justify the suspicion that he had ever seen 
Beattie's sketch.* 

Corry's Life of Washington, published at London in 1800, probably 
attracted the attention of Weems, while its influence is clearly percepti- 
ble on his title page of 1808. There is nothing in the character of 
Weems to discredit the story he tells concerning Washington, and 
therefore we may ask, if there is anything in the story itself. In this 
connection it may be said, that the only apparent reason for regarding 
it as false, is found in the fact that iconoclastic necessities require that it 
should be found false. There is certainly nothing improbable in the 
idea that, once upon a time, a small boy had a hatchet; and that, having 
a hatchet, he should desire to test its merits ; and that, in testing its 
merits, he should try it on a tree ; and further, that, being a boy of 
tolerable honesty, he should admit the act when questioned. Yet in this 


connection, taking advantage of the peculiar phraseology of Weems* 
work, Mark Twain, we are told, has convulsed " three thousand people ** 
all at once. This subject appears to possess elements exceedingly 
funny. Indeed, he has succeeded so well with Washington, he might 
perhaps try the case of the little boy whose monument stands in Mil- 
waukee, a boy who was whipped to death because he " could not tell 
a lie." 

This story, then, as funny as it may appear in the jester's eye, con- 
tains nothing to justify doubt. A case of the kind would be remem- 
bered when the boy had passed into history. An additional reason for 
its remembrance would be found in the Laws of Virginia, which made 
the injury of fruit trees such a serious offence. The laws of 1691, 1733 
and 1752, provided if a beast barked a fruit tree the owner should be 
fined one hundred pounds of tobacco and a cask to put it in. The mali- 
cious injury of a tree would therefore be treated with much greater 
severity. By the Ninth of George I. c. 22, enlarged by Sixth George 
II. c. 37, Tenth George II, c. 32, and Thirty-one George II. c. 42, the 
penalty for cutting or injuring a fruit tree was death. Some of the 
Gpverners favored the theory that the Statute laws of England applied 
in the colonies, but whether this was the case in Virginia or not at the 
period under consideration does not affect the question,* since both at 
home and abroad the offence was a serious one. In a new country it was 
especially so, and the loss of a fine cherry tree would probably be remem- 
bered in the family, though we may feel reasonably sure that George 
ran much less risk of swinging in this case than he did at a later period, 
when he lifted up, not his little hatchet, but a heavy axe, against the 
root of Usurpation's tree. Such, then, is one of the " myths " connected 
with the early life of Washington. When it is accepted as a myth, 
however, the acceptance will not be based upon a guffaw. 

Another ** myth " relates to his appointment as midshipman, which 
we are told was manufactured out of an attempt to send Washington to 
sea in a tobacco ship, as an apprentice before the mast, in hope that,vby 
good conduct, he might rise to be the captain of such a ship. In proof 
that the writers who have touched upon this subject were wrong, and 
that it would have been impossible for Washington to have secured the 
appointment of midshipman, a letter from his uncle is quoted. This 
person was Joseph Ball, the brother of Washington's mother, who. May 
19th, 1747, wrote from London, saying among other things, " I under- 
stand you are advised and have some thoughts of putting your son 
George to sea. I think he had better be put apprentice to a tinker, for 


a common sailor before the mast has by no means the common liberty 
of the subject," afterwards saying, " as to any considerable preferment 
in the navy, it is not to be expected, as there are always so many gaping 
for it here who have interest, and he has none.** Stress is laid upon the 
words " he has none.** * But how could Mr. Ball, a lawyer living in 
London, know much about the real state of the case? Washington's 
brother, Lawrence, had served in the West Indies and was an accom- 
plished gentleman. Though Joseph Ball may not have known the fact, 
he stood high with General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon. Law- 
rence Washington was in correspondence with Vernon, after whom the 
estate of Mount Vernon took its name. There is not the slightest prob- 
ability that such a person as Lawrence Washington would think of put- 
ting his young brother before the mast on a Virginia tobacco ship. Mr. 
Ball did not learn the intentions of his sister respecting her son, from 
direct correspondence. He says, " I understand that you are advised 
* * * of putting your son George to sea.** Mr. Ball did not know 
the nature of the plan ; while George's mother did oppose it, as Weems 
declares, and as we learn from the letter of Mr. Jackson, quoted by 
Sparks (Vol. L p. 1 1). 

The reference to tinkers, indicates, of course, that Mr. Ball, was 
annoyed by what he considered the poor judgment of his sister, yet his 
letter, which is now given for the first time complete, shows that Mrs. 
Washington was not in so prosperous circumstances as could be desired 
and was in want of timber, which her brother could not spare.* 

As it happens, however, this account of the appointment of Wash- 
ington as midshipman did not originate with the " Rector of Mount 
Vernon.** The matter evidently appeared in prmt at a very early 
period, though the writer has not yet been able to fix the precise 
date. An English work, Steams* " Oracle,** was published in London 
in 1791, and re-issued with a New York imprint the same year. On 
page 447 is the following statement respecting Washington : 

" When he was fifteen years of age he entered as a midshipman on 
board a British vessel of war that was stationed on the coast of Vir- 
ginia; but the plan was abandoned on account of the reluctance his 
mother had against it.** This is repeated in the Philadelphia Magazine, 
January, 1798, which says that, " after his baggage had been packed up 
for embarkation, the plan was abandoned in obedience to the calls of 
maternal affection '* (p. 15). 

Thus it is clear that before Washington had finished his first term 
in the presidential office, the account of his appointment as midshipman 


had passed into the history of both the New and the Old World, 
and was accepted. A search among the English publications which 
cover the period during which Washington began to attract the notice 
of the world, would probably bring to light the original statement, 
when it may also appear that the Wentworths or the Vernons gave it 


Another point has been brought to notice, as embarrassing, though 
it really involves no difficulty. Mr. Weems tells us, in brief, that George's 
father one day wrote his son's name in the soft ground, filled the furrow 
with seed, covered it over, and left the boy to discover his name in the 
sprouting greenery that in time appeared. Upon making the discovery, 
George ran to his father in surprise, and learned a pious lesson of cause 
and effect, the boy agreeing with his father that it was not the result of 
chance, and that, indeed, the universe itself must be due to a first great 
Cause. Turning to the works of Dr. Beattie, it appears that that phi- 
losopher pursued a similar course with his son. The inference is that 
the story was stolen by Weems from Beattie, and made to do service in 
a new relation. This might appear conclusive at the outset, especially 
to one who approaches the subject under the impression that Weems, 
so profuse in rhetoric, was a deliberate manufacturer of apocryphal 

Where the author of the Life of Washington obtained his informa- 
tion he does not say, though it belongs to the same class as the anecdotes 
derived from a member of the family. The objector creates his difficulty, 
by supposing that Weems had no other source of information than 
Beattie, and, in fact, by supposing, what is notably erroneous, that 
Beattie gave Weems the idea of his book. He does this without con- 
sidering the probability of Beattie himself having been a copyist, or 
taking into account the fact that the veracity of the poet and philoso- 
pher may be attacked on nearly the same principle that the attack is 
made upon Weems. In reality, this device of Beattie*s is almost as old 
as flowers and seeds themselves, and quite as old as religion. We might 
add, as old as love, for poets and amorous swains in all ages have con- 
veyed tender declaration by flowers and floriculture, as well as by hack- 
ing trunks of trees, and have disputed this department with the moralist 
and the divine. That the father of Washington employed such a method 
is by no means improbable. Still, may it not be claimed that the story 
of Beattie suggested the language employed by Weems? If, upon a 
careful comparison, a sufficient similarity of language should appear, 
that might readily be admitted. Because, however, an individual in 


describing a sunset upon the Hudson uses the language of another, it 
does not follow that he never saw a sunset upon the Hudson. Litera- 
ture abounds with cases to the point. 

The late Dr. Spring, in his Autobiography, where he details some of 
his European experiences, tells the reader that when visiting the splendid 
cathedral at Rouen one of the party of friends with whom he was trav- 
eling deliberately knocked off the nose of a " marble saint.** There are 
those to-day who would mutilate the effigy of Washington. They are 
image-breakers, like the New York embassy at Rouen, and want 
something to destroy. Our fellow citizens found themselves in the 
clutches of thtgens d'armeSy and, after paying roundly, surrendered the 
nose and got off. In the same way the critics of Washington will at least 
be obliged to surrender the proofs of their iconoclastic zeal. 

We are asked for a new conception of the character of Washington, 
but it will prove quite out of the question to furnish a new Washington. 
The old one will remain. The circumstances of his life, so far as 
known, have been stated fairly. His disposition has been well described. 
Some minute particulars are wanting and will remain wanting to the 
end of time. This gives a certain play to the imagination, but all great 
characters are in a measure viewed in the ideal ; while the greater and 
nobler the character the larger is the justification. Perfect biographies 
do not exist. There is that in individuals which no word-painting can 
convey, and when the object of regard passes from sight, something at 
least is hopelessly lost. ** Who," says one, " will give us a biography 
of Washington as he was ? " We ask in reply, " Who will bring the dead 
to life?** A new Washington we cannot create. His character is 
indelibly printed upon the hearts of the people. A few fresh details 
come to us from time to time, but, notwithstanding the stock phrase of 
a class, " recent investigations,'* the estimate of Washington, so far as 
the masses of intelligent people may be concerned, remains what it was. 
Washington is still viewed as having been an exceptionally truthful boy, 
acknowledging the obligation of filial love and respect ; reverent, though 
occasionally given to pranks, and as exercising command over his 
youthful associates in a manner prophetic of his after life. In playing 
the soldier, he always took the part of commander; while a little later, 
in fact while still a boy, his probity, executive ability and high sense of 
honor, advanced him to positions not easily reached by men of expe- 
rience and age. Contemporaneous testimony proves the remarkable 
manner in which he executed his various trusts in early life. 

From year to year his character grew, so that when the supreme 


moment came all eyes turned to him, and found him exactly suited to 
the times. To complain that his biographers found him enveloped in 
incense is not to the point. His reputation was based upon fact and 
was created during his life. They could not help finding him anything 
except just what he was. They might have treated him differently, and 
even knocked off his nose. But the nose would have been restored. 
Washington in his lifetime impressed nearly all men in the same way. 
The shameless abuse that he received from Tom Paine and his crew was 
exceptional, and it only.served as a background for the better exhibition 
of his great reputation. So great was the splendor of his character that 
Jefferson tried to conceal a certain hostility, while Gates, his military 
rival, was ashamed of his own intrigues; the agent of these intrigues 
confessing, upon what he supposed to be his dying bed, the baseless 
character of his insinuations, and repenting the part that he had per- 

Without, however, pursuing any strict chronological order, let us 
observe the manner in which Washington entered upon his military 
career at the period of the Revolution. He appears to have been called 
to his high position by the voice of the people. Nominated by John 
Adams, and unanimously elected by the Continental Congress, he 
accepted with reluctance, having serious, but needless doubts, con- 
cerning his fitness for the place. He at once proceeded to take com- 
mand of the army. The route to Cambridge was attended by one con- 
tinued ovation, it being the expression of the popular devotion not only 
to the cause, but to the man. His presence everywhere excited wild 
outbursts of enthusiasm. All classes of people believed profoundly in 
his high mission, at least until his mission interfered with some narrow 
interest. Concerning his personal appearance upon his arrival at Cam- 
bridge, Thacher says: ** His Excellency was on horseback, in company 
with several military gentlemen. It was not difficult to distinguish 
him from all others. He is tall and well proportioned, and his personal 
appearance truly noble and majestic.*' 

Mrs. Adams was not quite so moderate, and wrote to her husband 
that " the gentleman and the soldier " were blended in him, and that 
modesty marked every line and feature of his face, quoting some lines 
from Dryden : 

** Mark his majestic fabric ! He's a temple 
Sacred by birth and built by hands divine ; 
His soul's the deity that lodges there ; 
Nor is the pile unworthy of the god." 


Here we have the demi-god sometimes referred to as no longer ex- 
isting ; but in reality this view of Washington was the view enter- 
tained by some of the ladies, whose privilege it is to view the lords of 
creation in their own way. It would be a mistake to suppose that the 
people, with all their enthusiasm, entertained any such conception of 
the hero. 

Upon an inspection of the army assembled at Cambridge, he found 
it little better than a military convention held in the open fields, con- 
sisting of about fourteen thousand men, without discipline, wanting in 
suitable clothing, and lacking every kind of supplies, including ammu- 
nition. Yet he at once began to make the best of the situation, and, 
writing to Lee, July loth, says: "This unhappy and devoted province 
has been so long in a state of anarchy, and the yoke of ministerial 
oppression has been laid so heavily on it, that great allowances are to 
be made for troops raised under such circumstances. The deficiency 
of numbers, discipline and stores can lead only to this conclusion, that 
their spirit has exceeded their strength." 

The condition of the army, however, soon began to tell upon him. 
while, properly enough, he attributed the lack of discipline to the fact 
that the officers had been elected by the men, and conceived that they 
were still dependent upon them. Washington also found a provincial 
spirit prevailing, and proposed strong measures to break it up. He 
would not only take the appointment of all regimental officers away 
from the men, but from the provincial authorities, vesting the power in 
Congress. After stating the difficulties of the case wheo writing, to 
Lee, he says: "I submit, therefore, for your consideration whether 
there is or is not a propriety in that resolution of Congress, which 
leaves the ultimate appointment of all officers below the rank of general 
to the governments where the Regiments originated, now the army is 
become Continental. To me it appears improper in two points of view ; 
first, it is giving that power and weight to the individual Colony which 
ought of right to belong only to the whole ; and next, it damps the spirit 
and ardor of Volunteers from all but the four New England Gov- 
ernments, as none but their people have the least chance of getting 
into office — would it not be better, therefore, to have the warrants 
which the Commander in Chief is authorized to give pro tempore 
approved or disapproved by the Continental Congress, or a Com- 
mittee of their body, which I should suppose in any long recess must 
always sit. 

In this case every gentleman will stand an equal chance of being 


promoted according to his merit ; in the other, all officers will be con- 
fined to the inhabitants of the four New England Governments, which 
in my opinion is impolitick to a degree." 

This plan was the oflFspring of the national sentiment which, after 
the war, led him to favor the establishment of the Military Academy at 
West Point. Washington also, proposed as a part of a general uniform 
for the Continental troops, a kind of hunting shirt. 

The plan respecting the appointment of officers overlooked the 
importance of placing in command officers with whom the troops could 
sympathize on local grounds. But above all, the language of Washing- 
ton seems to indicate that he did not at that time appreciate the magni- 
tude of the coming struggle, and was inclined to consider the difficulty 
too much as a sectional affair, that was to be fought out chiefly by New 
England ers. 

Very soon, indeed, Washington began to take a still lower view of 
New England men than he had hitherto expressed, and, in fact, speaks 
in a tone that we should hardly expect in one who bad been nominated 
for his place by Massachusetts, and had been received with such gener- 
ous enthusiasm. This perhaps may be quoted to prove that benefits 
conferred could not render him blind to personal defects nor interfere 
with the conscientious discharge of duty. Ho\yever this may be, he is 
found, August 29th, indulging in some severe strictures. The letter 
containing them was addressed to Richard Henry Lee, and it appears, 
in Mr. Sparks* collection of the Letters of Washington. It is, however, 
a matter of surprise to find that the letter is not printed in full, while 
there is no intimation whatsoever that any portion of it has been omitted. 
We regret to be obliged to say that cases of this kind go very far to 
shake the faith of investigators respecting the integrity of Mr. Sparks' 
editorial labors. Manifestly he was too much afraid of the reputation 
of Washington, and needlessly tender of the feelings of Massachusetts 
men. There are passages in the letter not in Washington's usual good 
taste. This letter was written in " Camp at Cambridge," and in one 
of the suppressed passages Washington says to Lee, " As we have now 
nearly completed our lines of defence, we have nothing, in my opinion, 
to fear from the enemy provided we can keep our men to their duty, 
and make them watchful and vigilant; but it is among the most difficult 
tasks I ever undertook in my life to induce these people to believe that 
there is or can be any danger till the bayonet is pushed at their breasts ; 
not that it proceeds from any superior prowess, but rather from an unac- 
countable kind of stupidity in the lower class of these people, which, I 


believe, prevails but too generally among the Massachusetts part of the 
army, who are nearly all of the same kidney with the privates, and adds 
not a little to my difficulties, as there is no such thing as getting officers 
of this stamp to carry orders into execution — to curry favor with the 
men (by whom they were chosen, and on whose smile they may possibly 
think that they may again rely), seems to be one of the principal objects 
of their attention.'*^ 

Clearly, Washington was very much annoyed at the time, or he 
would hardly have indulged in a general charge of stupidity with 
respect to men who had fought at Lexington and Bunker Hill. But he 
has not done with them yet, and we can readily appreciate the feelings 
of Mr. Sparks when he came to the following passage, which he sought 
9 to remand to obscurity. Washington rather gleefully says : 

" I have made a pretty good slam amongst such kind of officers as 
the Massachusetts Government abound in since I came to this camp. 
Having broke one Colonel and two Captains for cowardly behavior in 
the action on Bunker Hill — two Captains for drawing more pay and 
provisions than they had men in their company, and one for being 
absent from his post when the enemy appeared there, and burnt a house 
just by it. Besides these, I have at this time one Colonel, one Major, 
one Captain and two subalterns under arrest for tryal. In short, I spare 
none and yet fear it will not all do, as these people seem to be too 
attentive to everything but their own interests." 

The broken Colonel referred to appears to have been Colonel Ger- 
rish. Dr. Church, in his letter in Force's Archives (II., 17 14), speaks of 
"the cowardice of clumsy Gerrish and Colonel Scammons;** yet it is 
difficult to discover how the men in general, by entering upon the 
Rebellion against the King, could be viewed as attending exclusively to 
their own interests. If they had acted with regard to the sm;ill amounts 
of Continental money and food and clothing received, they must have 
been stupid indeed, and would have done better by keeping to their 
farms. Worthless men had, of course, come to the front. It is always 
the case under similar circumstances. The system of electing officers 
only made the matter worse, since capacity and integrity cannot be 
created by any town-meeting process. For a time an undesirable class 
of men in New England, as elsewhere, improved the great uprising 
to insinuate themselves into place ; and Washington treated them as 
they deserved. There is, therefore, nothing in this letter to make the ad- 
mirers of Washington feel uneasy, much less anything to be suppressed. 
Our traditional Washington was luiman, and could give undeserving 


officers, who were of "the same kidney with the privates," "a pretty 
good slam.** No doubt he improved the service, while the publication 
of his language will do his reputation no harm. The attempt to increase 
his fame by suppressing passages like these, is simply seeking to 
improve the sun by expunging his spots. 

In this letter Washington shows that at the time he was overbur- 
dened with care and responsibility. He wrote under great pressure and 
made an occasional slip in grammar. Towards the end of this letter is 
the following passage, also not found in Mr. Sparks* volume : " There 
has been so many great and capital errors and abuses to rectify, so 
many examples to make, and so little inclination in the officers of infe- 
rior rank to contribute their aid to accomplish this work, that my life 
has been nothing else (since I have been here) but one continued round 
of annoyance and fatigue ; in short, no pecuniary recompence could 
induce me to undergo what I have, especially as I expect by showing 
so little countenance to irregularities and public abuses, to render my- 
self obnoxious to the great part of the people. But as I have already 
exceeded the bounds of a letter, I will not trouble you with matters 
relative to my own feelings.** 

Washington, in his letter to Lund Washington, nine days earlier, 
showed a desire to discriminate, saying : " The people of this Govern- 
ment have obtained a character which they by no means deserved — their 
officers, generally speaking, are the most indiflferent people I ever saw.** " 

It will prove of special interest, perhaps, to indicate how Washington 
was viewed by elegant and fastidious French visitors, at a time, too, 
before the conflict with Great Britain was decided, and before it was 
known whether Washington was to appear in history as a great Hero 
or a defeated Rebel. We select first the estimate of Chastelleux. 
General de Chastelleux, in connection with a visit to the "headquar- 
ters of his Excellency, for so Washington is called by the Army and the 
infant America,** describes him as "a large man, five feet nine inches in 
height, of a noble and mild countenance.** At dinner, he says, " some 
glasses of Claret and Madeira hastened the acquaintance I desired to 
make, and soon I found myself at my ease near the greatest and best of 
all men. The goodness and kindness which characterise him are felt 
in everything that surrounds him, but the confidence he inspires is 
never familiar, because the feeling he inspires has the same origin in the 
breasts of all, a profound esteem for his virtues, and a high opinion of 
his talents.*' Then when Washington showed his guest the little rooni 
where he was to rest for the night, he " excused himself for the small 

a^i »■ 


space he had to offer, but with a noble politeness, that was neither burden- 
some nor overstrained.** At dinner, when the cloth had been removed, 
fruits and nuts were served, " of which General Washington ordinarily 
partook for two hours, toasting and engaging in conversation,*' but 
always speaking with "a modesty and conciseness which proved that 
it was only to please me that he spoke of himself." 

Repelling all suspicion of enthusiasm, Chastelleux says, later, of 
Washington : " Brave without temerity, laborious without ambition, 
generous without prodigality, noble without pride, virtuous without 
severity, he seems always to have restrained himself within the limit 
where the virtues in clothing themselves in livelier, more changeable 
and more doubtful colors might be taken for faults. This is the seventh 
year that he has commanded the army and obeyed Congress ; this is 
saying enough, especially in America, where all the eulogies are made 
which this simple fact implies. Let it be said that Cond6 was bold* 
Turenne prudent, Eugene adroit, Catinat disinterested. Not so can 
Washington be characterised. It will be said of him: At the end of a 
long civil war he had nothing to reproach himself of . If anything can be 
more marvellous than such a character, it is the unanimity of the suf- 
frages in his favor; Warrior, Magistrate, People all love and admire 
him, all speak of him only with tenderness and veneration. * * » 
I do not exclude outward form in speaking of the perfect harmony 
which Washington presents. His figure is noble and tall, well formed 
and perfectly proportioned, his countenance mild and agreeable, but 
such as no one would mention any particular features, and on leaving 
him there only remains the recollection of a beautiful figure. His air is 
neither grave nor familiar, and on his forehead there is the impress of 
thought, but never of disquietude ; in inspiring respect he inspires 
confidence, and his smile is always that of benevolence.** 

Such was Washington as Chastelleux found him, a rebel against his 
government, with his future still unknown. 

Another guest. Count Dumas, who was attached to the French forces 
in Rhode Island, and who went to Connecticut to meet Washington, 
says: " We had been impatient to see the hero of liberty. His dignified 
address, his simplicity of manners and mild gravity surpass our expec- 
tation and win every heart.** Again he says that at dinner, which was 
remarkably plain, " I had perfect leisure to admire the perfect harmony 
of his noble and fine countenance, with the simplicity of his language 
and the justice and truth of his observations. He generally sat long at 
the table, and animated the conversation with unaffected cheerfulness.'" 


Claude Blanchard, commissary of the French army, says : " His face 
is handsome, noble and mild. He is tall (at the least five feet eight inches). 
In the evening I was at supper with him, and I mark it a fortunate day 
that in which I have been able to behold a man so truly great.*" He 
also says, ** His physiognomy has something grave and serious, but it is 
never stem, and, on the contrary, becomes softened by the most gracious 
and amiable smile. He is affable and converses with his officers famil- 
iarly and gaily." He adds the following respecting one of his table 
habits : " I was told that Washington said grace when there was no 
clergyman, but I did not perceive that he made this prayer, yet I 
remember that in taking his place at table he made a gesture and said a 
word, which I took for a piece of politeness, and which was perhaps a 
religious action." 

These representations are not of an apocryphal nature framed out 
of men's fancies in later times, a tissue of tradition that has grown with 
the lapse of years. They are the words of men who knew Washington, 
and such testimonies might be multiplied almost indefinitely by wit- 
nesses of the highest credibility, who had observed the hero under all 
circumstances, and who had watched his motions in public and private, 
upon the battlefield and in the cabinet, and in all the varied relations 
that in the course of years he was called to sustain. The business of 
the detractor, therefore, is to show that he has better means of knowing 
Washington at the end of a century than they had wheA the object of 
their admiration was still alive. 

It is a little curious to notice here that the writers who object to 
Weems are inclined to follow in his steps, so far at least as his disincli- 
nation to the '* demigod " may be concerned ; for it is the " Rector of 
Mount Vernon " who complains that, ** In most of the elegant orations 
pronouncing his praise, you see nothing of Washington below the clouds 
* * * 'tis only Washington the hero and the demigod." But attention 
has already been called to the fact that no one ever made Wash- 
ington a demigod. In studying Weems, certain writers seem to have 
acquired his rhetorical habits, and thus broadcast fling the undisciplined 
phrase. Yet if Washington had been held up by writers in the extravagant 
fashion supposed, it would not have been altogether surprising. Nothing 
appears more ungrateful on the part of a people, under incalculable 
indebtedness to a great benefactor than parsimonious praise. Still, there 
arc those who seem to grudge even the poor adjective which bears the 
same relation to the merits of Washington that the painted cloud holds 
to the snowy form floating sublimely along the blue sky. 



It would not require any labored proof, however, to demonstrate 
that the biographers of Washington are seriously misrepresented, and 
often, too, by men who appear to have no real acquaintance with the 
authors' forming the subject of sneers. Hence that author who by one 
critic is accused of representing Washington as more than human, is 
condemned by another for making Washington a mere '* prig/' sayings 
that the man who not only created the nation, but who did so much 
with his pen to create our national literature, did not know how to 
spell. In this respect Washington excelled many of the most eminent 
public men; though with his wife and mother orthography was an 
accomplishment little cultivated. Fortunately, however, the great name 
of Washington is in no way dependent upon any question of orthogra- 
phy or grammar, and the eulogist who really has any profound faith in 
his hero should not trouble himself to correct the one or amend the 
other. J 

As already intimated, the traditional Washington found critics in his 
life time, though their efforts to injure him proved in vain, notwith- 
standing they even resorted to forged letters and sent them out broad- 
cast by means of the press. His critics were sadly annoyed by his 
popularity, but they poured their slanderous tales into unwilling ears. 
Jefferson, while acknowledging the incorruptible integrity of Wash- 
ington, tried to reach Washington himself by censuring his administra- 
tion. In referring to Washington's treatment of the French Revolution, 
Jefferson said that, ** like the rest of mankind, he was disgusted with the 
atrocities of the French Revolution, and was not sufficiently aware of 
the difference between those who were used as the instruments of their 
perpetration, and the steady an4. rational character of the American 
people." That Washington, however, failed to*appreciate the character 
of the American people, was not the verdict of the people themselves, 
who sustained him against the faction in this country so desperately 
bent upon compromising the United States. In Genet and the French 
Minister, who sought to use the ports of America for their abominable 
purpose, Washington saw two agents capable of accomplishing great 
mischief ; and, when the time came, he proceeded against the Jacobins 
with a strong hand, rendering them powerless for harm. Washington 
was a Conservative. Posterity has sanctioned his policy, which was 
that of a statesman, and not of a politician, as in the latter character he 
never appeared. In fact, no politician could have risen to such power 
and influence as that which attended Washington. Twice he was 
unanimously elected to the highest office that the people could bestow. 


In both cases the election was undesired, preferring, after the severe 
labors of the Revolution, to spend the rest of his days in private life ; 
while the second election was actually forced upon him, it being the 
general conviction that no other man would prove equal to the situation 
while the newly-devised government was still on trial. Never again, 
perhaps, to the end of time, will this country witness a movement so 
general, so irresistible, and so grand in favor of a Presidential nominee. 

In every case his fame rested upon what was real, though Washington 
was never recognized as remarkable in one department independent of 
everything else. In this respect, his principal biographers have written 
with great circumspection. In some places they even show a nervous 
dread of basing his claims upon anything tinctured with tradition or 
doubt. Marshall voices the verdict of the best writers where he 
describes his hero as "solid rather than brilliant." No one claims that 
he was great in the sense that Caesar and Napoleon are called great. It 
is allowed that he would not have succeeded in the place of Caesar in 
Gaul, and that he would not have conquered at Pharsalia. On the other 
hand it is claimed that the Emperor would have failed in a position 
-similar to that of Washington, Washington was great, in that he pos- 
sessed a rare combination of gifts, no one of which alone would have 
dazzled the world, and which altogether even required the peculiar field 
that they actually enjoyed for the exhibition of their value and power. 
Everett, with all his lofty appreciation and enthusiasm, carefully guards 
his expressions, and as generous as may be the words with which he 
"brings his sketch to a close, it will be difficult to prove, either from his- 
tory or reason, that his estimate of Washington is too high. No such 
-example of spotless integrity has ever been found in connection with 
the great wisdom and practical judgment which characterized the har- 
monious and thoroughly balanced mind of Washington. 

With regard to the personal habits of Washington, we imay give the 
following description, published in the " Oracle," in 1791 : 

" He is very regular, temperate and industrious ; rises in winter and 
summer at the dawn of day ; generally reads or writes some time before 
breakfast; breakfasts about seven o'clock on three small Indian hoe 
cakes, and as many dishes of tea, and often rides immediately to his* 
different farms, and remains with his laborers until a little after two 
o'clock, then returns and dresses. At three he dines, commonly on a 
single dish, and drinks from half a pint to a pint of Madeira wine. This, 
with one small glass of punch, a draught of beer, and two dishes of tea 
{which he takes hall an hour before the setting of the sun), constitutes 


his whole sustenance until the next day. But his tabic is always fur- 
nished with elegance and exuberance ; and whether he has company 
or not, he remains at the table an hour in familiar conversation, then 
everyone is called upon to give so«:ie absent friend a toast. * ^ After 
he has dined, he applies himself to business, and about nine retires to 
rest ; but when he has company he attends politely upon them till they 
wish to withdraw." (p. 481). 

But it is of interest to observe the impression Washington made upon 
another class. For this purpose let us take the description of one who 
evidently knew him well, and understood exactly how he ranked in the 
estimation of those best qualified to judge of his character and worth. 
This description perhaps contains one statement that may strike some 
as new, yet more than one prominent biographer has prepared us for it 
in saying that in his youth Washington had the small-pox. Upon the 
whole, it will not appear much newer than the fact brought out upon 
the last twenty-second of February as verj^ new, namely, that through- 
out the Revolution he served his country without pay, an astounding 
fact in the eyes of office-holders and politicians. The writer in the 
Philadelphia Monthly of June, 1798, speaks as follows: 

" General Washington is a tall, well-made man, rather large boned,, 
and has a tolerably genteel address. His features are manly and bold, 
his eyes of a bluish cast and very lively ; his hair a deep brown ; his 
face rather long and marked with the smallpox ; his complexion sun- 
burnt and without much colour, and his countenance sensible, com- 
posed and thoughtful; there is a remarkable air of dignity about him, 
with a striking degree of gracefulness. He has an excellent under- 
standing, without much quickness ; is strictly just, vigilant and gene- 
rous ; an affectionate husband, a faithful friend, a father to the deserving ; 
gentle in his manners, in temper rather reserved ; a total stranger to 
religious prejudices; * * - in his morals irreproachable; he was 
never known to exceed the bounds of the most rigid temperance — in a 
word, all his friends and acquaintances universally allow that no man 
ever united in his own person a more perfect alliance of the virtues of 
a philosopher with the talents of a statesman and a general. Candor,, 
sincerity, affability and simplicity seem to be the striking features of 
his character.*' 

It would perhaps be difficult in the entire range of Washingtoniana 
to find in so limited a space a description that, upon the whole, affords 
so admirable a representation of the man. It is a pre-Raphaelite pic- 
ture. It is indeed one of the class of pictures over which a species of 

•• •• • • 

• "• ! * • . • • 

• « • • • • 


club-men yawn. But club-men often yawn. The picture lacks the 
attraction, one might say the virtue^ of vice. There is not the slightest 
doubt that very many persons now tired of the picture would at once 
become exceedingly interested, if a first-class scandal could be brought 
out and linked with Washington's name. After the fashion of dogs, as 
described by Carlyle, they reserve their highest relish for inferior 
things, and, when vulgar curiosity is disappointed, go their way ; yet 
this perfect alliance of the virtues of a philosopher with the talents 
of a statesman is what secured to Washington the high place which he 
now holds. 

In opening the old magazine in which the foregoing sketch is pre- 
served, the reader feels well nigh like one who comes upon some for- 
gotten album, and finds the photograph of an old and familiar friend. 
Washington here appears, not in a cloud of incense, not as a demi-god, 
and yet not as a common man. Here we have, in fact, very nearly the 
traditional or, it might be said, the " Immortal Washington " of the 
average appreciative American. The vindication of Washington, 
therefore, would consist simply in presenting the man as he was. 

The brief sketch quoted furnishes many a topic upon which it would 
be pleasant to dwell. The statement that Washington was a stranger 
to religious prejudices, for instance, recalls his reply to the address of 
the Roman Catholics, who engaged their lives and fortunes to achieve 
American Independence, as well as that to the Jews. At the same time 
the religious opinions of Washington were not colorless. He was bred 
in the system of the Church of England, as it obtained in Virginia, 
where the system was tolerant, or as some have thought, lax. Yet, 
whatever may have been the tendencies there during the last century, 
the system was preserved in its integrity, and Washington was in sym- 
pathy with the established order, observing all the forms. In the 
earlier portion of his life, before his time became otherwise absorbed, 
he was an active vestryman, He was also an attendant upon thd 
Communion. In the French and Indian war he would officiate in the 
absence of the chaplain. He read the Burial Service at the funeral 
of Braddock; and Lee Massey, whose discourses, preached in the 
hearing of Washington, are carefully preserved, said that he never 
knew so " constant a Churchman " as he, saying also that his behavior 
at church was deeply reverential, and produced the happiest effects 
upon the congregation. In advanced age he may not have attended 
the Communion in public, as formerly, but .of this we have no proof. 
The proof, however, is also wanting that he actually did maintain hi 



former practice. When the period arrived, in which all eyes were 
fixed upon his movements, it would appear as though his natural 
reserve modified his customs in general, and that he retreated more 
within his own deep nature. The same was true with regard to his 
Masonic connection, for though remaining a true member of the Broth- 
erhood, he seldom visited the lodges to take part in their affairs. He^ 
however, never relaxed his habit of church-going, and was in his place 
on Sunday morning with unfailing regularity. When traveling, as for 
instance in New England, after attending the Episcopal Church in the 
morning, he would appear at the Congregational house of worship in the 
afternoon, showing what is called his freedom from religious prejudices ; 
while his last words in his chamber at Mount Vernon were : '* It is well.'* 
In the language of one who, though solicitous respecting the fame 
of Washington, nevertheless scarcely exaggerates, it may be said : "If 
the title of a great man ought to be reserved for him who cannot be 
charged with the indiscretion of a vice, who spent his lite in estab- 
lishing the independence, the glory and durable prosperity of his 
country, who succeeded in all that he undertook, and whose successes 
were never won at the expense of honor, justice, integrity, or by the 
sacrifice of a single principle, this title will not be denied to Wash- 


' This letter is in possession of Colonel Frank M. Etting, of Philadelphia. 
' In the possession of Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D., of New York City. 

' Rf,commendation 

By George Washington 

Mount Vernon, July 3, 1799 
Reverend Sir, 

For your kind compliment — ** The Immortal Mentor," I beg you to accept my best thanks. I 
have perused it with singular satisfaction ; and I hesitate not to say that it is, in my opinion at 
leasts an invaluable compilation. I cannot but hope that a book whose contents do such cj-edit to> 
its title^ will meet with a very generous patronage. 

Should that Patronage equal my wishes, you will have no reason to regret that you ever 
printed the Immortal Mentor. With respect I am Reverend Sir 

Your most Obedient Humble Servant 
The Rev. Mr. Weems. George Washington. 

(The foregoing is found on the inside of the cover of a copy of the " Immortal Mentor.") 

* Of the Life of Washington by Weems, it is said (Hough's Washingtoniana, II., 274) that two* 
editions were printed in the life-time of the first President. Of this no proof appears. The 
editions run as follows : 

{a) A History of the Life, Death, Virtues and Exploits of General George Washington. 
Dedicated to Mrs. Washington, etc., etc., with the well known lines, 
"A life how useful to his country led ! 
How loved ! while living ! — how revered ! now dead ! 
Lisp, lisp his name, ye children yet unborn ! 
And with like deeds your own great names adorn." 


The book wis •' Printed for the Rjv. M. L. We;m>, of Lodge No. 80. Damfries. Green 
& English, Georgetown. Price 20, 3d, only.", pp. 80. The date is wanting. (In 
Carter- Brown Library.) 

(d) Another edition, evidently of 1800, but no date, was published for the author by S. Kal- 
loch, Elizabethtown, New Jersey. Svo, pp. 61. In Congressional Library. 

(r) A history of the Life, Death, and Virtues and Exploits of George Washington. Second 
Edition improved. J. Bioren. Philadelphia, pp. 82. No date. Cong. Library and 
Brinley Catalogue, Part 2, N. Y. Hist, Sec. 

(«/) The same, a Third Edition improved. Philadelphia, J. Bioren. pp. 84. Brinley Cata- 
logue. No date. ( 

(^) The same. Third Elition improved. Elizabethtown. Shepherd Kalloch. 8vo, pp. 61. 
No date. Brinley Catalogue, Cong. Library, N. Y. Hist. Soc. 

(/) The only Copyright entry recorded in the Philadelphia Records, from 1790 to 181 1, is one 
of the Sixth Edition, entered Aug. 7, 1808, by M. L. Weems, the title being, ** The Life 
of Washington the Great: Eariched with a number of curious anecdotes, perfectly in 
character, and equally honorable to himself, and exemplary to his young Countrymen. 
(Motto— 4 lines of doggerel.) Sixth Edition, greatly improved. By M. L. Weems, 
formerly Rector of Mount Vernon Parish." (No publisher, or place, or date recorded.) 
The writer knows of no copy of this edition. It is referred to on the back of the title 
page of the Ninth Edition. 

(^) The ".Seventh Edition, greatly improved." was printed in 1808, at Philadelphia, for the 
author. i2mo, pp. 228. A copy is in the hands of Miss A. R. Riley, Washington, D. C. 

Though the early editions are without date, it will appear that there were five different volumes 
prior to the sixth edition, after which, the editions run regularly. Mr. Duyckinck speaks of the 
eleventh edition •as the perfect one, but the ninth is as perfect ps the eleventh, while the sixth, 
probably contained 228 pages like succeeding editions. A recent Philadelphia edition contains an 
additional chapter. 

^ See on the relation of the home laws to the Colonies, Blackstone*s " Laws of England," Lon- 
don, 1803, vol. I., p. 107. 

• Stratford by Bow, 19th May, 1747. 


I rec'd yo'rs of the 13th of December left by Mr. James Dun, and am glad to hear of you, and 
childrens, and Sister Pearsons and Cousin Daniel's Health, thouc^h I don't know whether you mean 
Mr. Daniel or his wife ; and I wonder you don't mention Rawleigh Travers. I suppose he is dead, 
though I never heard of it. 

I think you are Right to leave the House where you are and to go upon your own land, but as 
for the timber, I have scarce enough for my own plantation ; so I can spare you none of that, but 
as for stone, you may take what you please to build you a House. When peace comes, (which I 
hope will be within a year,) I will sena Cousin Kitty a small token to Remember me by. 

I understand you are advised & have some thought of putting your son George to Sea. I think 
he had better be put aprentice to a tinker, for a common Sailor before the mast has by no means 
the common liberty of the Subject ; for they will press him from a ship where he has 50 shillings a 
month and make him take three and twenty, and cut him & slash him and use him like a negro, or 
rather like a dog. And as for any considerable preferment in the navy, it is not to be expected, 
there are so many always gaping for it here, who have Interest, and he has none. And if he should 
get to be master of a Virginia Ship (which will be difficult to do), a Planter that has three or four 
hundred acres of I^and, and Three or ffour Slaves, if he be Industrious, may live more comfortable 
and leave his ffamily in better bread, than such a master of a ship can. And if the planter can get 
ever so little before hand, let him begin to Chinck ; that is, buy Goods for Tobacco (I never knew 
the man miss while they went on so), but he must never pretend to buy for money and sell for 
Tobacco. I never knew any of them but what lost more than they got ; neither must he send his 
Tobacco to England to be sold here, and Goods sent him ; if he does, he will soon get in the mer- 
chant's Debt, and never get out again. He must not be too hasty to be rich ; but must e,o on 
Gently and with Patience, as things will naturally go. This method, without aiming at being a 
fine Gentleman before his time, will carry a man more comfortably and surely through the world, 
^ban going to sea, unless it be a Great Chance indeed. 



1 pray God keep you and yours. My Wife and Daughter join with me in Love and Respect to 
jou and yours and the rest of oar Relalions. I am 

Yr Loving Brother. 

J. B. 

When yoa wnte again direct to me at Slralfordby Dow nigh London 
To Mrs. Maiy Washii^on 

nigh the Calls Rapp'k River Virg'a 

This Letter was furnished by Mr. R. W. Dowuman of Washington City, who h a descendant 
of Joseph Ball, and has his Letter Book. 

- I am indebted for a copy of this letter to Mi. Herbert Lathrop, of New York City, who is a 
most zealous and industrious delver in the field of history. 

* In the Letter leferred to he also speaks of the 1 roken colonels, and blames the conduct of the 
officers at Bunker Hill, observing, " I dare say the men would fight very well, (if properly officered), 
although they were exceedingly dirty and nasty people." These terms, though used in the English 
sense, are sufficiently disagreeable. There is little doubt but that Washington's opinion on these 
points was temporary, and that when discipline was applied the evils complained of were remedied. 
See the Letter u the HUtorical Rtaml.W., 550. 




The quaint old building known by the name of Washington's head- 
quarters at Tappan, although associated with one of the most important 
events of the revolution, — the trial and execution of Major Andr6, — has 
as yet little more than local reputation. It was erected in the, year 1700 
as is attested by figures some four feet in height set in the front brick 
wall of the building. 

Among the interesting relics in the possession of the Historical Society 
of Rockland County is an old parchment deed, executed " on the first 
day of June in the Thirteenth Year of the Glorious Reighn of our 
Sovereign Lady Anne by the grace of God of Great Britain, France 
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, anno Domini One thousand seven 
hundred and fourteen,** conveying to one " Deirk Straatmaaker, 
Freeman, one sixteenth part of Orangetown, alias Tapan, for the sum of 
Forty Pounds, current money of New York.*' This property included 
the now historic house. It was purchased by Johannes De Wint, a 
wealthy planter from the West India Island of St. Thomas, about 1756. 

The house stands on the southeast corner of Tappan or Orange- 
town, as it was more often called during the Revolutionary period, 
a few yards to the southward of the road leading west from the present 
railroad station, toward the single street which for more than a century has 
constituted the town. There is nothing remarkable about its situation, 
although the country about it partakes of the picturesque undulating 
character common to Rockland County, but it admirably served the 
purposes of an army headquarters from its apparent seclusion, while in 
reality within easy reach of the high road of military and general travel. 
It was first occupied by Washington in the summer of 1780, when tradi- 
tion reports that one of his aids rode up to the door one morning, and 
informed Mrs. Blauvelt, a married daughter of De Wint, that the Gen- 
eral would soon arrive and occupy the building as his headquarters. 
Although Mrs. Blauvelt was a firm adherent of the crown, she recog- 
nized the honor of receiving the Commander-in-Chief of the American ' 
Armies as her guest. 

The movement of the British forces to the eastward, threatening the 
safety of the French contingent which landed at Newport in the sum- 


Orangetown was not again the camping ground of the army. When 
the troops moved down on the famous campaign which closed at 
Yorktown, they took the inner road from King's Ferry, leaving the village 
far on their left. Washington was again at Tappan in the spring of 
1783, as appears from a letter of Capt. Ten Eyck to Col. Henry Glen, 
preserved in the Glen papers. Washington went down the river early 
in May with Governor Clinton to confer with Sir Guy Carlctpn, con- 
cerning the evacuation of New York City and the final withdrawal of 
the British forces from the territory of the United States. Washington 
was rowed down the stream from his Newburg headquarters in his barge, 
attended by a sloop with his baggage, house and table furniture, etc. 
He was escorted by five companies of Light Infantry under the 
command of Major Nicholas Fish and a small party of horse. Sir Guy 
Carleton went up the river to meet him in a sloop of war. The con- 
ference took place on the 6th, as appears from Washington's letter to 
Sir Guy after the iritefrview, enclosing to him the resolutions of Con- 
gress concerning the treaty between Great Britain and the United 
States. On Thursday, the 8th May, the American party dined on board 
the sloop, where they were received with military honors and enter- 
tained with stately courtesy by Sir Guy. Trumbull, who was present 
at the interview, noticed the strong resemblance the two great officers 
bore to each other — alike sedate and impressive in their manners. 
Tradition has it that the conferences were held at the Van Brugh 
Livingston house, on the height which overlooks the river at Dobbs' 
Ferry, on the eastern shore of the Hudson, but it seems certain that his 
headquarters were at Tappan. Capt. Ten Eyck*s letter distinctly states 
the fact, and as theYegiment to which he belonged composed the ferry 
guard at West Point, he was in a situation to know what transpired on 
the river. On this occasion Trumbull gave him a detail of the meeting. 
Washington remained several days on this expedition. He was at 
Orangetown on the 3d, and although he was at Newburg on the 9th 
and loth, it would seem that he again went down the river, as Ten Eyck's 
letter, written on the loth from West Point, distinctly states that "Gen. 
Washington arrived yesterday (Thursday, May 15) from Tappan.*' This 
conference is one of the most interesting passages in the history of the 
Hudson. When Washington and Clinton went on board the British 
sloop of war they were saluted with the firing of a number of cannon. 
When they left the sloop she fired seventeen guns — in honor of Wash- 
ington's exalted military rank. This was the first complimentary salute 
fired by Great Britain in honor of an officer of the United States, and 
virtually the first salute to the nation. 


Whether Washington made his headquarters on this occasion at the 
De Wint house does not appear, but once more in this eventful year 
he was its inmate. Some particulars of this visit are recorded 
in a letter communicated to Mr. Henry Whittemore, Secretary of 
the Rockland County Historical Society and the present custodian and 
occupant of the Tappan headquarters, by Mr. Gabriel Furman of Ne\v« 
burg. The writer of the letter, Elizabeth De Wint, survived her husband, 
John De Wint, many years, dying at Fishkill-on-Hudson in 1857, aged 
ninety-six years. Mr. Furman married one of her grand-children, and 
recalls her relation of many pleasant reminiscences of her early life at 
Tappan during the last part of the revolutionary war, and especially of 
the balls and parties given at their house, at one of which she opened 
the dance in a minuet with General Washington. The letter is dated 
at Cedar Grove, November 12, 1820, and is addressed to a friend and 
relative, Mrs. Maria Hook, at New York. 

" Dear Maria — I was very happy to receive a letter from you and 
find that you were comfortably settled in your winter quarters before 
the great snow storm, which nobody remembers the like but myself, 
and which I believe I shall never forget, as it was the cause of my 
enjoying the company of General Washington for nearly three days at 
Tappan. It was in November, 1783, the day of the month I do not 
exactly remember. He was going to West Point with 8 or 10 officers 
to march the troops to the City to take possession when the British 
evacuated it. They all called at your grand-father's, and were detained 
there by the snow storm. I introduced cards by way o! amusement. 
Colonel Humphreys told me it was the first time the General had 
played cards since the commencement of the Revolution.'* 

Mr. John De Wint, the husband, was at this time in New York. 
A letter is still preserved, addressed to his wife from the city on 
November 4, 1783, which contains this passage: "The troops are begin- 
ning to embark, and is believed they will all be gone by the 20th. 
The definitive treaty was signed on the 3d September last, the particu- 
lars not yet transpired ; so we shall certainly enjoy the blessings of 
peace in this good country, and I hope other blessings will unite there- 
with to make us happy." 

Mrs. De Wint was alone, therefore, to do the honors of her mansion. 
Her recollection ol the time of the visit is correct. Washington, after 
i88idng his Farewell Address to the Armies of the United States, from 
his headquarters at Rocky Hill, near Princeton, New Jersey, on the 2d 
November, broke up his household, despatched Captain Bezaleel 


The Sparkill was the seat of Indian encampments. On its bank, 
just below the hill called the Sugar Loaf, in the high road, Mr. 
Alfred Mabie, while engaged some years ago on the work of the 
Northern Railroad of New Jersey, found about two feet below the 
surface a hearth of round blackened stones and a number of oyster 
shells, evidently the scene of an Indian clam bake. The Indian name oi 
the Sparkill was Minneseagou. 

Independent efforts were made last year by Mr. William Rogers ol 
New York City, the owner of the De Wint house, Washington Head- 
quarters, and Dr. James J. Stephens, of Tappan, the owner of the 
Mabie House, now known as the old Seventy-six Stone House, to 
secure the purchase of these relics of the past by the State. Their de- 
struction would be a misfortune and a serious loss to the people of the 
State. The Hudson is visited by thousands of tourists every summer. 
As time rolls on, an increasing interest in the historic recollections of this 
beautiful river will add to its natural attractions. The more of these 
points it presents, the greater will be the number of those who will not 
only sail up the river but linger on its banks. The historic associations 
of the Rhine have brought countless sums of money to the villages on its 
borders. With a wise policy the countless spots on the American 
stream with their Indian legends, colonial romance and revolutionary 
story, will bring to it a travel as extensive and as profitable. 





Sulgrave, or Solegrave, as it is called in some of the earlier deeds, 
was erected into a lordship by act of Parliament in 1760. In the Domes- 
day survey it contained " four hides," and was divided into four perma- 
nent holdings. The river Tove, which is the boundary between the 
counties of Northampton and Buckingham, takes its rise frofti Holy- 
well Spring in this lordship. From the time of the Conquest it had been 
in the family of the Pinkeneys, who held the barony of Weeden, of 
which Sulgrave was a part. Later the Pinkeney estate was divided 
into the St. Andrew's Priory and Elington Manors. 

In the time of Edward III. the Prior of St. Andrews, Northampton, 
was one of two persons certified to be lords of Sulgrave by a service of 
money to the castle guard of Windsor. On the dissolution of the mon- 
asteries by Henry VIIL, in 1539, the manor of Sulgrave, a parcel of the 
dissolved priory of St. Andrew, with all the lands in Sulgrave and 
other lands belonging to the priory, were granted to Lawrence 
Washington of Northampton, Gent., from whom it passed to his son 
and heir, Robert Washington, who, jointly with his eldest son. Law. 
rence Washington, sold the manor of Sulgrave in 1610 to his nephew, 
Lawrence Makepeace. ** Lawrence Washington, after the sale of this 
estate, retired to Brington, where he died." 

Baker, in his elaborate volume on the History and Antiquities of 
the County of Northampton, London, 1822-1830, from which these 
details are taken, subjoins to his account of the manor a pedigree of 
the Washingtons of Sulgrave, from the heralds' visitations and title 
deeds, in which he traces the descent of the family from John Wash- 
ington of Whitfield, Lancaster county, and says in the context that 
after the death of Lawrence Washington, who sold the manor, ** his 
second son, John Washington, emigrated to America about the middle 
of the seventeenth century, and was great-grandfather of the American 
patriot, George Washington." 

Whaley, in his older History and Antiquities of Northamptonshire, 
compiled from the manuscript collection of the learned antiquary, John 
Bridges, Oxford, 1791, g^ves some other details. The Lawrence Wash- 
ington to whom Henry VIIL granted the manor was, he says, the son 


of John Washington of Warton, Lancashire, by Margaret, the daughter 
of Robert Kitson of Warton. On his death he left the estate in Sul- 
grave to Robert Washington, his eldest son by Ann, the daughter of 
Robert Pargiter, by whose posterity it was long enjoyed, and from 
whom it received the name of ** Washington's Manor." 

The church, dedicated to St. James, is described to consist " of a body 
and south ile leaded and chancel tiled. At the west end is a low em- 
batteled tower, in which are five bells. The length of the church and 
chancel is seventy-one foot ; the breadth of the body and ile, twenty- 
nine foot. The length of the tower is twelve foot and the breadth nine 
foot." The old register was burned some time ago with the Vicarage 
house. The succeeding one begins in 1649. This church was given 
very early to the Convent of St. Andrew in Northampton by Barthol- 
omew, the Son of Godfrey de Sulgrave, with the consent of his Supe. 
rior, Lord Robert de Pinkeney. * * * * * 

At the upper end of the north aisle are these arms, two bars in chief 
three mullets^ upon an old marble ; underneath is the figure of a man, in 
brass, and at his feet the following inscription, on a brass tablet : 

^^ Here lyeth the body of Laurence Washington and of Anne his wyf by 
whom' he had issue^ iiii sons and vii daughters . . . died the . . . day of . . . 
M De. . . . and Anne deceased tlu vii day of . . . An. Dom, 1564." 

In i860 the Rev. John Nassau Simpkinson, Rector of Brington 
Northants, in a work by him entitled, "The Washingtons; a tale of a 
country parish in the 17th Century, based on authentic documents/* 
takes up the family history. Here we find that it was at the instance 
and suggestion of his uncle, Sir Thomas Kitson, a great London mer- 
chant, that Lawrence Washington turned his attention to the wool 
trade in the very crisis of the great sheep farming movement in the 
midland counties, and abandoning his profession as a lawyer, settled in 
Northampton, where he soon acquired consideration and influence. A 
friend to the principles and cause of the Reformation, his acquisition 
of the grant of the manor and lands of Sulgrave gave him a prominent 
position among the landed gentry of the county. Recalling to mind 
the ill-fortune which was supposed to cleave to the holders of the 
church property which Henry VIH. seized on breaking up the estates 
of the monasteries, Mr. Simpkinson notes that it was the fatal third 
generation that was compelled to leave Sulgrave, and that it was Law- 
rence, grandson of the original grantee, who removed to Brington and 
accepted from Lord Spencer, his friend and relation through the 
Kitsons, a small house in the parish of Brington, close to Althorp Park. 



The rector questions the accuracy of Baker's statement that Lawrence 
Washington " retired to Brington where he died," and gives his reasons 
for his doubt. He considers that the residence of Lawrence Wash, 
ington at Brington began in 1606, and was terminated by the sale of the 
Sulgrave estate, in the cutting off of the entail of which he joined. 
From these arguments, which he supplements by other corroborative 
circumstances, it appears that the Washingtons occupied the Sulgrave 
Manor House from 1539 to 1606, a period of sixty-seven years. 

In the Northamptonshire Directory the additional information is 
given that the first lord of the Washington manor by the grant of 
Henry VIH., in 1539, was a lawyer of Gray's Inn, Lord and Mayor of 
Northampton in 1533, and again in 154$. It is his body that ties in the 
Church of St James, in the tomb which has been described. 

Without entering into the discussion on the line of descent of the 
Washingtons of Virginia from English progenitors, these brief notes are 
presented as of interest to American readers. The engraving which is 
here ^ven is taken from a photographic view of the Manor House made 
in 1877, and kindly furnished by Mr. Frank H. Norton, of New York, 










From a duplicate — ^the gift of William A. Fitz- 
hogh to the New York Historical Society 

Philadelphia, 6 Feb, 1782 

My knowledge of the goodness of 
your Excellencys heart induces me, 
without hesitation, to request your at- 
tention to an affair, which is of conse- 
quence to a particular Friend of mine, 
Colonel Fitzhugh of Maryland. 

While the common Enemy were in 
possession of the Chesepeake, they com- 
mitted great depredations upon that 
Gentleman's property, burning his 
Houses and carrying away upwards of 
forty of his most valuable Slaves. Five 
of those people, in endeavouring to make 
their escape from York, were taken in 
the Bay and put on board the Magnan- 
ime ; no person appearing with proper 
authority to claim them, they were una- 
voidably carried off with the fleet to the 
West Indies. 

I take the liberty of indorsing a list of 
the names and a description of the per- 
sons of the Slaves — Should they be still 
on board the Fleet, I will take it as a 
very great favor, if your Excellency will 
direct them to be sent back by any Ves- 
sel coming either to Virginia or Mary- 
land ; or should they have been sent on 
Shore and put under the care of any 
particular Gentleman, you will oblige 
me by giving him information to whom 
they belong, and desiring him to send 
them back to their Master who will pay 

the expences of their passage. 

I have heard with infinite pleasure of 
your Excellency's safe arrival at Mar- 
tinico, and am now impatiently waiting 
the result of the Operation under your 
direction. If the united good wishes of a 
gratefull people can contribute to your 
success your Campaignin the West Indies 
will be as glorious as that in America. 

I have the honor to be, with perfect 
respect and the warmest personal at- 
tachment. Sir, Your Excellency's 

Most obedient and humble Servant, 

[Go Washington] 
His Excellency 

Count de Grasse 

From the original — the gift of William A. Fitr- 
hugh — in the New York Historical Society. 

Phila, Feb 8th, 1782 ' 

The letter of which the inclosed is 
duplicate and put under cover for you 
to forward, will I hope produce the ef- 
fect you wish it to have with the Count 
de Grasse. The original I shall request 
the Minister of France to send with his 
first dispatches to the West Indies. 

I thank you for the communication in 
your letter of The present mo- 
ment will not allow me to add more 
than my congratulatory compliments to 
Mrs, Fitzhugh & yourself on the mar- 
riage of the Captain — to whom & his 
young bride I wish every imaginable joy 
— please to make a tender of my bets 
respects to Colo & Mrs Plater. 
With much truth & affectn 
I am Dr Sir 
Yr most Obedt Hble Servt 
Go Washington 
Colo William Fitzhugh 





Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 
Newburgh April ist 1782 

On my way from Philadelphia to this 
place I had the pleasure to receive your 
favor of the 20th of March, covering 
an Oration delivered by Mr. Tutor Megs 
on the surrender of Lord Comwallis. 

I entreat you will make that gentle- 
man sensible of the high gratification I 
have received from his ingenious per- 
formance, and that you will be convinced 
of the ardent passion I have for the 
promotion of the cause of Literature in 
general, and especially of the pleasure 
I feel in the increasing reputation &• 
utility of the Seat of Learning under 
your immediate direction — With every 
sentiment of personal regard 
I have the honor to be 

Yr most obet Ser, 

Go Washington 

The Revd Ezra Stiles D.D. 

Presidt of Yale College New Haven 


FriTu -ie ctiginal — gift of William A. Fitzhugh 
*o tie Xcw York Historical Society 

Newburgh 17 April 1782 
I>ear Sir. 

Yo::r favor of the 2Sih ulto came to 
myha-cs by the last Post— Inclosed 
» a d::;^^cate of my Letter to Count de 
^"•K. ^'-:cb I hope will get to his 
^^«ifis- if the criginal committed to the 
e of -."it CwT Dc la Luzerne mis- 

V, hear your son William 
^£::*d with the reception 
ij G«i: Greene — ^with his 

appointment— and with the country he 
is in — Cloathing has been sent on for 
the Southern Army, but they got dissi- 
pated and lost in the transportation. 

I have no idea that any number of 
men can be obtained at this stage 
of the contest by voluntary enlistment, 
and fear we are only deceiving our- 
selves, and lingering out the war by 
attempting it. Our Battns I am certain 
can never be compleated in this way to 
answer the purposes of the Campaign, 
the consequence of which must be that 
instead of following up our blows, we 
give the enemy time to recover— or wc 
must to carry on offensive operations 
have recourse to the ineffectual— ex- 
pensive— and ruinous expedient of call- 
ing out militia— which never did— 
nor ever will answer any valuable pur- 
pose — 

My best respects, in which Mrs Wash- 
ington's are united, attend Mrs Fitz- 
hugh, and I am with sincere esteem and 

Dr Sir Yr obdt & affc Hble Servt 

Go Washington 

The Honble William Fitzhugh Esq 


is sc 


From the original in the United .Statei Navil 
Lyceum Library, Br'xAlyn, N. Y. 

Newburgh 22d April 1782 

My dear Sir — 

I have only time by Mr Evelcigh to 
acknowledge the rcct of your private 
letter of the 2d, & to thank you for it— 

The moment I am at leizure & a good 
opportunity offers, I shall write yott 
more fully on the subject. 



Permit me to recommend the Letters 
herewith inclosed to your care — if no 
better oppertunity offers, be so good as 
to forward them by the first Post. 

Most sincerely & affectionately 

I am Yrs, 

Go Washington 
Majr Genl Lincoln 


Communicated by Simon Gratz 

Newburgh Apl 2 2d, [i7]82 
Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 21st ulto, covering 
a letter for the present Lord Fairfax, 
came to my hands about eight days ago 
— the latter was immediately sealed and 
sent into New York with other letters 
which came at the same time from Colo 
Martin — Altho* the good old Lord had 
lived to an advanced age, I feel a con- 
cern at his death — and wish the parti- 
tion of his Estate had been more in 
your favor. 

I have received and thank you for 
your favor of the i8th of Jany — the 
assurances of unabated friendship on 
your part are flattering and pleasing to 
me; and call for an acknowledgement — 
which I can make with truth — of re- 
ciprocal regard on mine. It will ever 
give me pleasure to hear of your health 
& prosperity — With much esteem and 
sincere affection, 

I am Dr Sir 

Yr most Obedt Servt 

Go Washington 

Bryan Fairfax Esq 

Fairfax Cty Virginia 


From the Clinton MSB. in the State Library^ 


Head Quarters New Burgh 

25th April 1782 

You will be pleased to Issue provisions 
for the Subsistence of the levies of this 
State, which will be assembled at Fish- 
kill in a few days under the orders of 
Govr Clinton taking care that your 
Issues to them be made under the same 
restrictions and regulations as are estab- 
lished for your Goverment in Your 
Issues made to the Continental Troops 
and particularly observing that no man 
is to be furnished untill it is Certifyed 
that he is regularly mustered and re- 
ceived agreeable to the orders of the 

I am sir Yr mo Huml Ser, 

G Washington 
Comfort Sands Esq & Co 


Oommunicated by Lt. F. Hanford, U. S. Navy 

Head Quarters 23rd May 1782 


I have been honored with your Excel- 
lency's Letter of Yesterday, with its 
inclosures respecting Mr. Muirson. 

Sensible of the Impropriety of suffer- 
ing persons of his character to remain 
in the Country at this Time, I inclose 
to your Excellency a permission to Capt 
Pray who commands at Dobb's Ferry to 
pass Mr. Muirson within the Enemy's 
Lines. The Time for his going in I 
submit to your Excellency knowing that 
you will not wish his Continuance 
longer than is necessary. 

It was my Expectation that your 
Levy Recruits would have been delivered 



by the State to their Regiments. But 
two officers having been ordered on to 
Receive those at Fishkill from Colo 
Weizenfelts I think ^it will be best for 
those from Colo Willet's Regiment to 
be delivered at the same place. 

I have the Honor to be Sir 
Your Excellency's Most humble Servt 

Go Washington 
His Exy Gov Clinton 


Communicated by F. H. Roof 

Head Quarters 24 May 1782 

You will proceed to Fishkill and there 
apply to Colonel Weissenfels for the 
propK^rtion of the Levies destined for 
your Line, one half of which are for the 
Regiment of Artillery and the other half 
for the two Regiments of Infantry. 

You are to receive no men but such as 
art able bodied and ever)' way fit for 

So soon as you have reed your pro- 
wnion of Col Weissenfels Regiment 
joz wzH send them on to the Regiments 
iu: which they are destined, under the 
ast of an Officer, and the remaining 
OSkotrs will meet at Fishkill to receive 
^KKe which will be sent from Capt. 
^''Ztti's Regiment, which are to be 
dnridtc zz». ihe same manner. 

Lcfic* vou send awav the Kecniitb 
T5L irH riakc a return to me of the 
"Buai'^er to- have reed. 

I am ^c G Washington. 

Tt '-i.71: Maclin 

Er.rr'. ^1r2Tthout 

York Line 


C^ommunicAtetl by Dr. ThoniAH AdilU Kmniet 

Hcad^uarteis sint June 178a 

The Thousand Barrels of salted pro- 
visions which the Contract obliges you 
to furnish, I conceive to be intended 
for the contingent purposes of the 
Army, depending on particular opera- 
tions, and not for immediate Issues 

previous therefore to replying to your 
Question respectg the places of Deposit, 
I will be glad to know, whether the (Con- 
tractors for the movg Army, mean to 
supply any Quantity of salted provisionH 
for immediate Issue, or occasional Ex- 
penditures — for the latter, should it be 
your Intention, I have no hesitation to 
give you an instant reply — and u]>on a 
resolution of that |>oint, I shall l>e <'n- 
ablcd better to determine the former 

I am Sir — Vour most OI>ed .Scrvi 

Ct. Wamiinoion 
Timothy Kd wards Ksqr 


CommunicaUd by h^iwur'i K, Sj/ra|^u«; 

Philada July 2 2ii*i 1782 

Your favor of the lyih conveyiiii^ to 
me your Pastoral on th*; »jubje'.t of 
Lord Corn wall! >S raptufr, }.;."i ;/iven 
me great satisfaciiofi. - 

Had yo'i known the pi'r'jx -r*: *rui it 
would have comrii'-:r;icatf:C. J fiav.'rr my- 
self yo*:r (llffidtTirt wo'j^d r.V. have del- 
avcd :t to this time. 

Arr-id^.* ail \uk compiimtb wrj.',h have 
beer. rr.ide ori \\.\\ occaiio:;, he a^turtd 
Mfrdfi. •:. •..stt ti'ie agreea^ie mincer sjid 
•.he v-ry ;y.ea\:r-g wrr-'irri-rr.:- >. which 



yours is conveyed, have affected my 
mind with the most lively sensations of 
joy and satisfaction. 

This address from a person of your 
refined taste and elegance of expression, 
affords a pleasure beyond my powers of 
utterance ; & I have only to lament 
that the Hero of your Pastoral is not 
more deserving of your Pen, but the cir- 
cumstance shall be placed among the 
happiest events of my life. 

I have the honor to be Madam 

Yr most obt and respectful Servt 

Go Washington 
Mrs. Stockton 


Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 

Head Quarters 6th Augst 1782. 

I have received your two letters of the 
9th & 2 1 St of July — the first of which 
reached me but last Evening by the 
Hand of Mr. Ten Eyck. 

On the subject of the Indians, I am 
at a Loss what to reply to you ; the 
matter has been often under the Deliber- 
ration of Congress at times much more 
favorable for conciliating the affections 
of that people ; but, either the means 
for carrying the Measure you mention 
into execution, have not been in their 
power, or the measure itself has not been 
thot proper to be adopted ; at the present 
time, I am persuaded, that the finances 
of the United States are not competent 
to the Object, in the Extent in which 
you view it. — In the mean time, it may 
be well to make the best we can of the 
favorable disposition of the tribe now 
under our immediate protection — but it 
is not in my power to give you the 

Means — the Subject shall be mentioned 
to the Secretary at War; to whom your 
Ideas shall be communicated, with my 
full approbation of your sentiments 

Not considering it to be within my 
province to give Directions for the Issue 
of cloathing to your Three Years state 
Troops, I will transmit your Letter & 
Return to the Secretary at War, under 
whose Direction all Issues of Cloathing 
are to be made, and desire him to give 
Instructions respecting that Subject. 
With much Regard I am Sir 
Your most hum Servt 

Go Washington 
Colo Marinus Willet 


From the I^ivingston Correspondence — Com^ 
municated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters 11 August 1782 

Your Excellency s Letter of the 29 
July came to hand only the day before 
Yesterday — the intention of Confining 
the Flags to Dobbs ferry, was to prevent 
the disadvantages arising from the con- 
tinual and unrestricted intercourse that 
was kept up with the enemy from various 
parts of the Continent, and more partic- 
ularly from Elizabeth-Town. 

I have no objection to your Excel- 
lency's granting Passports to any of your 
Citizens under the circumstances yau 
mention, being convinced that you will 
suffer no person to go in, whose character 
and views in going you are not perfectly 
acquainted with — 
With great regard 

I have the honor to be Sir 
Your Excellency's Most obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
His Excellency Governor Livingston 



Communicated by J. Watson Webb 

Head Quarters Sept 25 1782 

You will cause two days provisions to 
be drawn and cooked for the Light In- 
fantry by tomorrow night ; and hold 
that Corps va perfect readiness to march 
at day break on friday Morning next. 

You will select a sufficient number of 
men least capable of Marching or others 
to take care of your Camp 
I am S r 
your most obedt Servt 

Go Washington, 
Colonel Webb 


Communicated by J. Watson Webb 

Head Quarters November 11 1782 

As there has been no official Report 
made to me of the Arrangement of the 
Connecticut Line, I cannot interfere in 
matter ; nor would I choose to make 
alterations in it, before the first day of 
January, when it is to become final, — 
if there does not appear to have been 
some deviation from the principles con- 
tained in the Act of Congress of the 7th 
of August, or injurious to the public in- 

The good of the Service, I hoped 
would have been the governing principle 
in arranging the officers ; and I cannot 
but flatter myself the agreements among 
the several grades of officers, may yet 
be rendered subservient to that end. 

As soon as Colo Jackson shall be able 
to join the Light Corps (which it is ex- 
isted will be the case in a few days) I 

shall have no objection to your attending 
to the particular interests of your Regi- 
ment in the Line 
I am Sir 
Your most obedient Servant 

Go Washington 

Colo S. B. Webb 


Communicated by Mary £. Norwood 

Head Quarters Deer 3rd 1782 

Dear Sir 

Your favor of the 28th ulto came 
duly to hand — I have been under the 
necessity of delaying an answer until 
this time 

The Relief for the Lines is to move 
from Camp this morning — Colonel Webb 
has directions to send two Companies 
to Bedford, who will be there this Even- 
ing or to-morrow Morning, and wait 
until they receive your Orders — The 
necessary advices respecting the Infant- 
ry Companies & Dismounted Dragoons 
are also given to Colonel Sheldon, by 
this conveyance. 

You will therefore attempt to carry 
the proposed Plan into execution on 
Thursday Night the 5th instant unless 
some accident should intervene to pre- 
vent it — In conducting the business 
you will be governed entirely by your 
own discretion — Should anything hap- 
pen to render the Enterprize impractica- 
ble you will join Colo Sheldon, or if he 
shall have marched you will follow with 
the whole Party to Dobb's Ferry 

I am Dear Sir with great regard 
Your most obedt Servt 

Go Washington. 





Should any Intelligence arrive you 
will have it instantly forwarded to me — 
& leave the same word with Colo 
Major Tallmadge 

2nd Regt Light Dragoons, Stanwix 


Communicated by Mrs. George T. Balch 

Head Quarters December lo 1782 
Dear Sir, 

I received your favor of the 8th last 
Evening by Express tho you have not 
met with that success you deserved and 
probably would have obtained had the 
Enterprise proceeded, yet I cannot but 
think your whole conduct in the affair 
was such as ought to entitle you still 
more to my confidence and esteem — for 
however it may be the practice of the 
World, and those who see objects but 
partially, or thro' a false medium to 
consider that only as meritorious which 
is attended with success, I have accus- 
tomed myself to judge of human Actions 
very differently and to appreciate them 
by the manner in which they are con- 
ducted, more than by the Event ; which 
it is not in the power of human foresight 
and prudence to command — In this 
point of view I see nothing irreparable 
& little occasion of serious regret, except 
t}ie wound of the gallant Captain Brew- 
ster, from which I sincerely hope he 
may recover — Another time you will 
have less opposition from the Winds 
and Weather, and success will amply 
compensate you for this little disappoint- 

I have almost determined to post you 
with the Infantry of the Legion contig- 

uous to the Sound, in which case I shall 
expect you to persevere in your en- 
deavours to keep me perfectly advised 
of the State of the Enemy — and perhaps 
some favourable moment may yet occur 

I am Dear Sir 
With sincere regard & esteem 

Your most obt Servt 

Go Washington 
Major Tallmadge 

P. S. Your letter of the 5 th with th« 
enclosures were safely delivered to me. 


Communicated by Goldsborough Banyer 

Newburgh — 23rd Deer 1782 . 
Dear Sir — 

By yesterday's Post I received advice 
of the completion of the Bargain I men- 
tioned to you in my last — and that I 
should be drawn upon in a few days for 
the amount — viz : ^^1880 Virg'a Curr'y 
which differs from the Curr'y of this 
State \ — Dollars in Virginia passing for 
no more than six thirty's shilgs 

I shall take the liberty of calling upon 
your Excellency with my Bond for this 
money in the course of two or three 
days lest any impedimt in the River 
should occasion a disappointment. 

The Gentn to whom the money is to 
be paid wished to have it lodged in 
Philadelphia — If your Excellency 
knows any person on whom dependence 
can be placed, that would receive the 
money here and give a draught for it 
there I shall thank you for mentioning 
it when we meet — 

I am with great esteem & regard, 
Dr Sir Yr Most obt & affecte Servt 

Go Washington 
His ExceH'y Govr Clinton 




Communicated by John Davies 
Philadelphia Dec 25th 1782 
My Lord — 

I have the pleasure of your Lordships 
favor of the 13th If the accounts be 
true the Enemy have no occasion to 
boast of their Northern Campaign. 

Should your business call you to 
Princetown and you can make it con- 
venient to extend your ride to Philadel- 
phia, I shall be happy in seeing you. 

Mrs. Washington is better than I 
could have expected after the heavy loss 
she met with — your kind condolance on 
the occasion adds to the esteem of 

Your Lordships most Ob, 
and hum. Serv 

Geo Washington. 

Major Genl Lord Sterling 


Communicated by Mrs. H. A. Famsworth. 
Headquarters, January 21, 1783 

I have lately received your Letter of 
the 4th, and have now to give my appro- 
bation to the Plan contained therein, for 
suppressing the illicit intercourse which 
prevails so scandalously with the enemy. 

As this is an object in itself very 
important and particularly recommended 
by Congress, I cannot but think it 
proper that the Boatmen actually em- 
ployed to assist you in the performance 
of this Service, should be entitled to 
receive public provisions. You are 

therefore hereby authorized to draw from 
the Contractors for such proportion of 
them as you shall judge essentially 
necessary ; taking care to limit the 
number as much as the circumstances 
will admit, to prevent impositions of 
every kind, and to give the Vouchers in 
such manner as that they may be 
authenticated by a further sanction from 
Head Quarters if necessary. 

The Quarter Mastr Genl upon your 
application to him will give what aid he 
is able towards furnishing Fuel for your 

I am sir, with great esteem, 

Your very Hble Servant 

Go Washington 

Major Tallmadge 


From the Steuben papers in the N. Y. Histor- 
ical Society 

Head Quarters Newburg 
Feb 18, 1783 
Dear Baron 

On 18 of Janry I wrote to Colonel 
Stewart urging in the strongest terms I 
was master of the necessity of his imme- 
diately joining the Army ; since which 
time I have not heard a word from him. 
I now think myself obliged, in justice to 
my official character and duty to the 
Public to signify to you as head of the 
Department, that it will be essential to 
the service either for Colonel Stewart to 
repair to Camp without one moment's 
loss of time, or that another Inspector 
should be appointed to the Army as 
soon as possibly may be. 

The Baron will be pleased to under- 
stand that the occasion of my being so 



explicit on this subject, is because I 
have repeatedly heard that Colonel 
Stewart had entirely recovered his 
health, and cannot in that case conceive 
of any just reason for his being absent, 
and because I am fully convinced the 
Service is every day suffering very great 
inconveniences & injuries for want of 
himself or some other gentleman of 
character and abilities to execute the 
duties of the office he sustains. It being 
impossible for Major Barber (notwith- 
standing he made the greatest exertions) 
to perform the whole business of the 
I)ei)artment monthly in the manner it 
ought to be done 

I am Dear Baron 
with sentiments of the highest esteem, 

[Go Washington] 

Maj Oenl The Baron Steuben 


Communicated by Charles Bruff 

Head Quarters, 31st March 1783 

The Article in the provisional Treaty 
respecting Negroes, which you mention 
to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my 
Notice, but upon a recurrence to the 
Treaty, I find it as you have stated. 
I have therefore thot it may not be amiss 
to send in your Letter to Sir Guy, and 
have accordingly done it, 

Altho I have several Servants in like 
predicament with yours, I have not yet 
made any attempt for their recovery. 

Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will 
decide upon the propriety or expediency 
of any pursuit to obtain them. If that 
reply should not be transmitted thro my 

Hands, I will thank you for a Commu- 
nication of it. 

With much Regard, I am 

Sir Your most obedient Servt 

Go Washington 
Colo Theo Bland 

A Delegate in Congress 


On the reverse is : 

Genl Washington s letter respecting my 
Negroes^ carried off by the British con^ 
trary to Treaty, 


Communicated by C. E. Van Cortlandt, from 

the Glen papers. 

Head Quarters, New Burgh, 
April 14, 1783 

Official accounts of the happy conclu- 
sion of a Peace have been transmitted by 
Sir Guy Carleton to General Haldimand 
at Quebec by his officers who passed 
thro this place a few days since, but as a 
very considerable time must elapse 
before these Gentlemen can arrive at 
Quebec and the news be communicated 
from thence to the British posts in the 
upper country, and as humanity dictates 
that not a moment should be lost in 
endeavoring to prevent any further in- 
cursions of the Indians (who it is said 
have already struck at Wyoming) I have 
thought it proper to write to General 
McLean, commanding the British Force 
in that quarter, and to inclose to him 
the King of Great Britain's Proclamation 
for the cessation of Hostilities, and this 
Letter I must direct you to forward to 
him at Niagara by some trusty Indian 



runner with all possible expedition — 
the expense attending this business 
shall be repaid on your informing me 
of it. 

You will at the same time give 
orders to the troops and Indians under 
your command to forbear all acts of 
Hostility against the troops of his Brit- 
tanic Majesty other than for their own 
immediate defence. 

I am Sir, Your very humble & 

obedient servant 

Go Washington 

To Colonel Marinus Willet 

P S — The dispatch is left under a 
flying seal that you may see the news- 
pai)er which is enclosed, after readirg 
you will please to return the paper seal 
& send forward 

Yours, J. Trumbull Sec 


Communicated by Ann M. King 

Newburgh, 21 April, 1783 


Dear Sir 

In answer to your private letter of the 
i6th I can promise no more than a dis- 
position to ]>romote your wishes — & this 
if it is in my power, and circumstances 
are not opposed to it, will carry me to 
the extent of your desire ; but no 
Peace establishment is yet adopted nor 
do I know upon what terms it will — 
whether Continental — State — or any at 
all. — Whether the present Troops (who 
have part of their term of Service to 
perform) with their Officers will be em- 
ployed or new Corps raised — in a word 
I am at this moment quite in the dark 

— consequently cannot speak with deci- 
sion to you. — 

With great regard, I am — Dr Sir 
Yr most obed Servt 

Go Washington 

Lt Colo Smith 

Com'g Dobbs Ferry 

Communicated by Winthrop Wctherbce 

Newburgh, 21st May, 1783 

Dear Sir, 

I wrote to you a few days ago for 
some Books, &c. — Since then, I have 
seen the following Books advertised for 
sale by Miles & Hicks at their Printing 
office, which I beg the favor of you to 
procure, and send to me. — 

Charles the 12th of Sweeden 

Lewis the 15 th 2 vols. 

History of the Life & Reign of the 

Czar Peter, the Great 
Robertsons Histy of America 2 vols. 
Voltaires Letters. — 

Mildman on Trees 
Vertols Revolution 
of Rome 3 Vols. 
Ditto of Portugal 


If they are in 

If there is a good Booksellers Shop in 
the City, I would thank you for sending 
me a Catalogue of the Books & their 
Prices that I may choose such as I 

I am Dr Sir 

Yr Most Obed. & affect Servt 

Geo Washington 

Lt Colo Smith, 

in New York 




Communicated by W. F, Gardner 

Newburgh, June 7th, [i7]83 

My nephew who will have the honor 
of presenting this letter to you has been 
in bad health for more than twelve 
months — He is advised by his physi- 
cians to spend the summer on the Island 
of Rhode Island for the benefit of the 
sea air and climate. 

Any civilities which you may be kind 
enough to show him will be thankfully 
acknowledged by 

Sir Yr most obt & Hble Servt 

Go Washington 
[Lt Col Cobb] 


Communicated by William Kent. 

Headqrs Newburgh July 15th [17383 
Dear Sir 

I have always entertained a great de- 
sire to see the northern part of this 
State before I returned to the South- 
ward. The present irksome interval, 
while we are waiting for the definitive 
Treaty, affords an opportunity of grati- 
fying this inclination. 

I have therefore concerted with Gov- 
ernor Clinton to make a Tour to recon- 
noitre those places where the most re- 
markable Posts were established, and 
the ground which became famous by 
being the theatre of action in 1777. On 
our return from thence we propose to 
pass across to the Mohawk River in 
order to have a view of that country 
which is so much celebrated for the fer- 
tility of its soil and the beauty of its sit- 

Mr. Dunler, Asst Qr Mr Genl, who 
will have the honor of delivering this 
Letter, proceeds us to make arrange- 
ments, and particularly to have some 
light boats provided and transported to 
Lake George, that we may not be de- 
layed on our arrival there. I pray you, 
my dear Sir, to be so good as to advise 
Mr. Dunler in what manner to proceed 
in this business, to excuse the trouble I 
am about to give you, and to be per- 
suaded that your kind information and 
direction to the bearer, will greatly in- 
crease the obligations with which I have 
the honor to be * 
Yr Most Obed & 
Affect. Hbl Ser 

Go Washington 

The Honble Genl Schuyler 

Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel 

Albany 4 Aug 1783 
Dear George 

This Letter will be handed to you by 
the Count de Verm^, a nobleman from 
Italy on his travels through America. 
If he should come to the Isld of Rhode 
Island you will have pleasure (if your 
health will permit) in rendering him every 
civility in your power. 

I have been on a Tour to the Northern 

& Western parts of this state, and am 

thus far on my return to Newburgh, 

where I shall hope to find a letter from 

you indicative of your better health. 

I am very afifectly 


Go Washington 

[ — ^1 



Commanicated by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet 

Newburgh, 12th Augt 1783 
Dear Sir 

I have received a call from Congress to 
repair to Princeton ; whether for any 
special purpose, or generally to remain 
there till the definitive Treaty shall ar- 
rive, The resolve is not expressive. I 
mean therefore, if the intention of that 
body is not more fully explained in a 
few days, to go prepared for the latter 
so soon as I can adjust matters here, 
and Mrs. Washington's health (for 
at present she is exceedingly unwell) 
will allow her to undertake the jour- 

As a measure of this kind will remove 
me to a distance, and may for a consid- 
erable time separate us, and prevent 
frequent personal Interviews ; I should 
be much obliged to you for intimating 
to me — before I go — what will be neces- 
sary for me to do respecting our pur- 
chase of the Saratoga Springs. I have 
money now by me, and shall, at any 
time, be ready to answer your call for 
this purpose. 

As I could wish also to lay myself out 
for the other matters we conversed 
upon, I should be glad, if at your leizure 
you would favor me with a general view 
of the plan in contemplation, and of the 
agency I am to have in it, that I may 
not in the one thing needful be involved 
beyond my abilities, or caught unpre- 
pared if the purchase is within the com- 
pass of my means. I do not take my 
leave of you at this time, because I will, 
by some means or other, contrive to 'see 
you and Mrs. Clinton before I leave this 

place, whether I go for a long or a short 
interval. In the meanwhile, with great 
truth and sincerity, 
I am Dr Sir 

Yr most affecte Sevt 

Go Washington 
His Excelly Governr Clinton 


Communicated by Edward E. Spragiie 

Head Quarters, Newburgh 
17th Augt 1783 
Dear Sir 

This will be delivered to you by Mr. 
Mix, Asst Q M Genl, who in the ab- 
sence of the Quartr M. Genl is charged 
with making provision for the transpor- 
tation of the Garrisons and Stores to the 
Posts on the Western Waters — he has 
instructions to consult with you respect- 
ing a contract for so many Batteaux as he 
can ensure the means of payment ; he 
will also make arrangements for the 
transportation across the carrying places 
and for supplying such articles as are 
of the greatest necessity, and may be 
required in the first instance from the 
Quartr. M Genl's Department. 

Majr General Knox will in a few days 
forward the ordinance and military stores 
to the northward, with a Detachment of 
Artillery men and a Compy of Infantry 
(which are all the men that can be 
spared untill some Troops which are sent 
for shall arrive from Philadelphia) th^y 
will bring with them 1 2 or 15 Boats, which 
should be got into the Mohawk River 
without delay, that in case the Posts 
of Oswego and Niagara should be sud 
denly evacuated, a Detachment should be 
instantly pushed forward to take posses- 
sion of them, before the new Boats could 



be got in readiness ; until that event shall 
take place, or untill you shall hear from 
the Baron Steuben, these Boats may be 
employed in transporting the necessary 
apparatus (provisions in particular) to 
Fort Schuyler. The before mentioned 
Detachments will report themselves to 
you and receive your Orders. 

I expect the Contractors will in a short 
time, send the full supply of provision 
which has been required of them, to 
Schenectady, but I find it will be expen- 
sive and difficult if not impracticable, 
for them to forward it from thence with- 
out water conveyance and our assistance. 
Pray attend to this as a matter of the 
first importance, and in general to every- 
thing that will tend to expedite the 
movement, as soon as the British will 
put us in possession of their Fortifica- 

Impressed as you are with the neces- 
sity of accelerating these arrangements, 
I need add nothing more than that 
I am Dear Sir 

Your Most Obedient Servant 

Go Washington 
Colo. Willett. 


Communicated by John M. Howe, M. D. 


You will take charge of the Waggons 
which contain my baggage, and with the 
escort proceed with them to Virginia, 
and deliver the baggage at my house, 
ten miles below Alexandria. 

As you know they contain all my Pa- 
pers, which are of immense value to me, 
I am sure it is unnecessary to request 
your particular attention to them — but 

as you will have several ferries to pass, 
and some of them wide, particularly 
the Susquehannah & Potomack, I must 
caution you against crossing them if the 
wind should be high, or if there is in 
your own Judgement or the opinion of 
others the least danger. 

The waggons should never be without 
a Sentinel over them, always locked, 
and the keys in your possession. 

You will make such arrangements for 
the march with Col. Morgan at this 
place and Mr. Hodgsden at Philadel- 
phia as may be necessary under all cir- 
cumstances, especially with respect to 
the expense, failure of horses and break- 
ing of waggons. 

Your road will be through Philadel- 
phia and Wilmington, thence by the 
head of Elk to the lower ferry on the 
Susquehannah, thence by Baltimore, 
Bladensburg, Georgetown and Alexan- 
dria to Mount Vernon. 

You will enquire of Mr. Hodgsden 
and Colonel Biddle if Mrs. Washington 
left any thing in their care to be for- 
warded by the waggons to Virginia ; if 
she did, and you can find room for it, 
let it be carried ; if there is not, desire 
them to send it by some other good op- 

The Waggons and Teams, after the 
baggage is delivered, is to be surren- 
dered to the order of Col. Pickering, 
which has I believe been handed to Mr. 
Roberts, and is to deliver them to Col. 
Fitzgerald to be sold. 

The bundle which contains my ac- 
counts you will be carefull of, and de- 
liver them at the financier's Office with 
the Letters addressed to him, that is to 
Mr. Morris. 



The other small bundle you will de- 
liver to Mr. Cottringer in Chesnut Street. 

Doctor McHenry's Trunk & parcels 
you will (as I suppose he has already 
directed) leave at his House in Baltimore. 

You will have the tents which are 
occupied by the guard delivered to 
Col. Morgan, whose receipt for them 
will be a voucher for you to the Quarter 
Master General. 

The remainder of the Guard, under 
the care of a good Sergeant, with very 
strict orders to prevent every kind of 
abuse to the inhabitants on the March, 
is to be conducted to their Corps at 
West Point. 

Given at Rockyhill this 
9th day of Nov. 1783. 

G. Washington 


Communicated by J. Howard McHenry 
Philadelphia, December 10, 1783 
Dear Sir, 

After seeing the backs of the British 
Forces turned ;ipon us, and the Ex- 
ecutive of the State of New York 
put into the peaceable possession of 
their Capitol, I set out for this place — 
On Monday next I expect to leave the 
City, and by slow traveling arrive at 
Baltimore on Wednesday, where I will 
spend one day, and then proceed to An- 
napolis and get translated into a private 


I am y'r Affect'e 

Go Washington 

[ — ] 

Note. — The foregoing block closes the first 
series of Washingrton letters. A second series, 
covering the same period, Colonial and Revolu- 
tionary, will be begiin in February and continued 
in chronological order in the August following. 



Communicated by J. H. Richardson 

Reprinted from a newspaper of 1845 

New York, December 27, 1834. 

Sir — Although "none see the anom- 
alies of character more than the biog- 
rapher/* yet, as a "faithful historian," 
he should not represent them imper- 
fectly, or too much tinctured with his 
own prejudices. No one more than 
myself can appreciate the knowledge 
and research displayed in your history 
of our arts; but whilst I duly esteem 
the value of every sentence with which 
you have favorably noticed my father 
and myself, you will not take it amiss 
if I point out some errors and miscon- 
ceptions ; for you cannot respect truth 
more than I do, nor more heartily 
reprobate any dishonorable or immoral 
practice, to which my whole life, I trust,. 
can testify. 

In narrating the anecdote of Wash- 
ington sitting to my father in the New 
Jersey farm house, I certainly meant to 
say that the intelligence he received was 
of the surrender of Burgoyne. It could 
not be otherwise but by error of the 
printer. In your notice of my father's 
successive wives, it would have been more 
exact to say he had no children by his 
third wife, Hannah Moore. The por- 
trait of Stuart, which is in the gallery 
of the museum in Philadelphia, was be- 
gun by my father in one sitting, and 
finished by me in two other sittings at 
Washington, when Stuart presented a 



somewhat rustic appearance in his grey 
coat. It is true that he spoke con- 
temptuously of this painting, in opposi- 
tion to his children, who highly com- 
mended it; but the picture remains 
there to speak for itself, and to express 
my respect for his talents. Again, in 
speaking of my Washington before 
Yorktown, although you were entitled 
to form your own estimate of its merit, 
so far from its being condemned^ its pur- 
chase was decreed by the senate for 
$4,500, but the bill was not acted on in 
the other house for the want of a few 
minutes at the close of the session. 
My own neglect, and some pride of 
feeling, prevented me from renewing 
the subject in the succeeding congress. 
In the account which I gave to you, as 
I sat down deliberately to state when 
and where I was born, I could not but 
remember the tradition of my old nurse, 
that, alarmed by the approach of the 
British army, my mother suddenly left 
Philadelphia and took lodgings at a 
farm house in Bucks county, where I 
was bom, instead of Philadelphia, as 
was intended — a circumstance of lo- 
cality to which I never attached any 
consequence, and which seldom oc- 
curred to my memory, when I have 
been called and considered myself a 
Philadelphian. Hence the inadvertency 
of my error in a hasty newspaper 
communication concerning the Roman 
Daughter, where I speak of Philadel- 
phia as my native city, instead of the 
city of my infancy. 

But another portion of my biography 
is of more importance both to myself 
and others, in relation to my portrait of 
Washin^on. When Washington had 

given me one sitting (in September, 1795 
— not 1794), his second was delayed by 
an engagement to sit to Stuart, an 
American recently returned from Dub- 
lin. This is the first time I had heard 
the name of this admirable artist ; but 
it certainly was not at his request that 
Washington sat on this occasion to me, 
during which my father also, at my re- 
quest, and close to my elbow, painted a 
portrait, in order that I might stand a 
better chance of profiting by the oppor- 
tunity of possessing a likeness. My 
father had previously painted many 
originals for several states and individ- 
uals, besides numerous copies. Wash- 
ington, however, within ten days gave 
me two other sittings of three hours 
each. At this time we did not know 
Stuart, and he certainly did not enter 
the painting room, though it is true he 
did pass his joke with Mrs. Washington, 
as she herself told me, of her husband 
being /^^/f^/ all round. 

I have stated that this portrait I took 
to Charleston, where I made ten copies 
to order. On my return to Philadelphia 
in May, 1796, 1 saw for the first time, in 
company with my father and uncle, 
Stuart's portrait. We all agreed that 
although beautifully painted, and touched 
in a masterly style, as a likeness it was 
inferior to its merit as a painting — the 
complexion being too fair and florid, 
the forehead too flat, eyebrows too 
high, eyes too full, nose too broad, about 
the mouth too much inflated, and the 
neck too long. Such were the criticisms 
made by artists and others during the 
life time of Washington. This is truth, 
and should be matter of history. After 
the death of Washington, it was my 



opinion and deep-felt regret that there 
existed no portrait which character- 
istically recorded the countenance of 
that great man. With the hope, there- 
fore, of finding something that would 
at least gratify my own feelings, I made 
many attempts to combine in a separate 
picture what I conceived to be the 
merits of my father's and my own stud- 
ies, and with various success; always 
to gratify some willing purchaser, but 
never to satisfy myself, till the seven- 
teenth trial, which resulted, under ex- 
traordinary excitements, in accomplish- 
ing the portrait which is now in the 
Senate chamber at Washington. These 
efforts were solely to gratify my own feel- 
ings and admiration of the character of 
the great original ; and I had every right 
to do so, without reference to any other 
artist's claim. Excited by the praise 
of Judge Tighlman and Judge Peters, my 
painting room, at the comer of Walnut 
and Swan wick streets, was crowded with 
visitors, most of whom were the friends 
or neighbors of Washington — many of 
whom were prepossessed in favor of 
Stewart's portrait. The almost universal 
and flattering approbation of this por- 
trait changed my intentions of then 
going to Europe, and I determined to 
take it to Washington city, and subject 
it to another ordeal. There it received 
the unqualified approbation of Judge 
Washington and Chief Justice Marshall; 
and it was there that the latter gentle- 
man of his own accord (he lives to 
verify my assertion), recommended me 
to procure the written testimonials of 
Judge Peters and others, as a duty 
which they owe to their country, and he 
g&ve the example by writing me the let- 

ter which has often been published. It 
is therefore incorrect to insinuate that I 
wrote a certificate and got gentlemen to 
sign it, **thus trifling with the sacred 
cause of truth and deceiving mankind." 
I have never written or possessed any 
certificate, and no paper has been 
offered to any gentleman to sign. The 
valued testimonials which I possess are 
letters written by the gentlemen who 
signed them, at their leisure, and in 
their own language, and deliberately 
addressed to me, repeating opinions 
which they had previously given in public 
companies. Judge Marshall says of my 
portrait, '* It is more Washington himself 
than any portrait of him I have ever 
seen." Judge Washington, that it is 
** the most exact representation of the 
original I have ever seen." Judge 
Peters pronounces it "the only faithful 
likeness." Major William Jackson, that 
he considered it, *' in striking similitude 
of features and characteristic expression 
of countenance, the best and most faith- 
ful portrait of the great Father of his 
Country that he had seen," &c. &c. 
These letters comprise the names and 
record the authority also of Colonel 
Howard, General Smith, Bishop White, 
Judge Livingston, Charles Carroll, Rufus 
King, General Harper, Wm. Rush, Dr. 
Thatcher, Colonel McLane, Colonel 
Talmadge, Governor Wolcott, Judge 
Cranch, &c., all "honorable men" (to 
adopt your quotation), and certainly in- 
capable of false testimony, and that, 
too, in letters of their own writing. It 
is probable that the statement in your 
first volume relates to the letters of two 
senators : Gen. Smith, who says, " I take 
pleasure in saying that the portrait you 



have exhibited of General Washington, 
is a most accurate likeness of that great 
man. I have no hesitation in saying 
that it is at least equal to any I have 
ever seen, and superior to any except 
one." He meant Stuart's. The other 
senator was Rufus King, who writes, "I 
am not competent to speak of the por- 
trait as a specimen of the art ; but to its 
fidelity as a likeness I willingly bear 
testimony." Every impartial reader 
must perceive a needless reiteration of 
the mischievous word certificate for a 
thing which never existed. 

And, finally, as to the manner of ex- 
hibiting my portrait of Washington in 
the New York Academy. Many persons 
wishing to see what kind of head Stuart 
had made of Washington, a gentleman 
who possessed one, as good as they 
usually are, sent it to the room, where it 
was temporarily placed near my portrait. 
It had 'no frame and was resting on the 
floor, where it enjoyed a better light 
than mine, or any that could fall on it 
if placed higher on the wall. 

No one can take precedence of me in 
frank and cordial admiration of the 
talents of Stuart ; but in regard to these 
portraits, I possess a prior and independ- 
ent right to judge for myself — and I re- 
joice that many good men still live also 
to judge of themselves in this matter 
from their own knowledge. I lament 
that the' public must be amused with 
the envies, jealousies, and misunder- 
standings, of artists, and hope to be 
excused, in vindication of my character 
and of truth, that I now lay down my 
humble pencil to take up the dangerous 
pen, too often the slippery instrument of 
scandal and error. 

With sincere wishes for your health 
and happiness. 

I remain yours, &c., 

Rembrandt Peale. 
To William Dunlap, Esq., 

Author of the History of the Rise and 
Progress of the Arts of Design in 
the United States. 


Philada Dec 27 th 1845 
502 Vine Street 
Dr Sir, 

The great interest for the Fine Arts 
which you manifest in your recent Vol- 
umes, induces me to trouble you with 
this letter. You have made quotations 
from Dunlap's, the only history of the 
Arts in America. I had been collecting 
matter for such a work when I received 
a letter from Mr Dunlap requesting 
some contributions. Satisfied that his 
industry and opportunities would soon 
enable him to accomplish his task, I 
relinquished my purpose, & sent him 
many interesting narratives & anecdotes. 
He made some use of these, but little to 
my satisfaction. I can only account for 
this by my having the misfortune to 
offend him, thus — The National Acad- 
emy of Design had elected Mr Vander- 
lyn, then in N. York, a member. In ill 
health both of body & mind, he un- 
necessarily wrote them a letter of non- 
acceptance, which was ill received by 
the members, & it was moved & 
seconded that his name be expunged 
from their Books. I chanced to enter 
when Mr. Dunlap, in the chair, was 
about to put the question. When it was 
explained to me, I rose & excused the 
nervous excitement of Mr Vanderlyn^ 



and objected to such a record, recom- 
mending instead that the Secretary, as 
he had prematurely entered the name, 
delicately to erase it. Mr Dunlap was 
vexed at my interference with his Reso" 
lution, which was unanimously negatived. 
For this Mr Dunlap never forgave me, & 
punished me by the manner he has men- 
tioned my Father & me in his work. 

In reference to this, I enclose you a 
letter I wrote to him, which I delivered 
to him personally. He received me 
with his usual politeness & promised 
that in a Second Edition (which he did 
not live to make) he would correct the 
objectionable passages. These contribu- 
tions were too hastily put together & 
made too subservient to his own views 
•& the sarcasm & gossip of his character 
— certainly with too little regard for 
the feelings of others. 

Dear Sir believe me 

Very respectfully yours 
Rembrandt Peale 

C Edwards Lester Esq 
U. S. Consul at Genoa. 


Philad Jan 4, 1846 
Dear Sir 

The plan you have proposed appears 
to me well calculated to bring our artists 
•& their works into popular notice, pro- 
vided the sketches, of Manuscript & 
Pencil, be neatly executed, with truth, 
spirit & variety, and accompanied with 
such remarks as you properly observe 
may be made without prejudice or 
favour, beyond your great object. I 
am, therefore, disposed to contribute 
my share, as the oldest living Artist in 

America, by furnishing a Portrait of 
myself & such Biographical matter as 
may be necessary ; but having lived so 
long, it will be proper to condense my 
narrative into as few pages as you may 
allot to each artist. Let me know [how] 
many printed pages you may require, 
when you will want them, & whether 
they are to be given in the language of 
the Artists themselves, or if it is your in- 
tention to compose each one's Sketch 
from the materials sent you — ^because 
this must influence the manner of Com- 
position, and there is so much danger in 
Egotism. Such a work should be delib- 
erately executed, few Artists being lit- 
erary and all perhaps, more or less vain, 
and partial to self, 

I know the advantage of Wood En^ 
graving^ in the process of printing to 
render a publication cheap ; but as you 
term it, to win their way, these cuts^ that 
are to picture Artists, should be executed 
by the very best talents of the Country — 
by Adams & those of his class, because 
our wide-spread Annuals have diffused 
& established a good taste for such 
things, and it would be out of character 
to fail in this particular. 

I remain Respectfully Yours 

Rembrandt Peale ' 
C. Edwards Lester Esq — 

P. S. I would recommend you to 
read Thatchers^ Rhodomontade, a most 
romantic & incredible tale of Osgood 
the Painter, as an example to be 
avoided. It was published some years 
ago in a New York Magazine. The 
name of the Genius does not occur 
till it is given as the last word of the 




Philad March i6, 1846. 
Dear Sir 

Since I sent you my Biographical 
Sketch I have had occasion to make use 
of my lines on PecUe's Washington^ and 
have taken the liberty, which as the 
author of them I am entitled to, to alter 
the structure of them a little. I have 
to request that you will do me the fa- 
vour to erase the two last stanzas, and 
substitute what I send you on the next 
page, which I write fairly out, not to 
give you any more trouble than to pin 
them over the others. 

I have changed one important word 
in the 3d stanza from my printed copy, 
by substituting 'mong, awkward as the 
word is, for last, which was not strictly 
correct. Stuart's first Portrait was 
painted the same time as mine — Wash- 
ington giving Stuart his ist sitting be^ 
tween my ist and 2d. From this pic- 
ture Stuart made his five copies — one 
for Paul Beck, one for Col. Howard, 
one for a gentleman at Washington & 
2 others. The 2d Portrait which Stuart 
painted (that which is in the Atheneum) 
was engraved, to be when finished for 
Mrs. Washington, at whose earnest re- 
quest the general consented to sit a sec- 
ond time. The ist Portrait Stuart sold to 
Winstanley, the Landscape Painter, who 
took it to England. From the 2d Portrait 
painted, I believe in March, 1796, all 
Stuart's copies were infrequently made. 
I remain respectfully yours, 

R. Peale. 

P. S. I think you have done well, 
instead of Woodcuts to substitute Steel 
C. E. Lester, Esq., New York. 

After First Stanzas. 
A nation*s gratitude embalmed his fame, 

And every line that faintly marked his form» 
And every voice that whispered but his name. 

Instinctively made patriot bosoms warm ; 
Yet though his memory lived and wider spread, 
No Portrait beamed the glory of his head. 

At length an artist, 'mong the last to whom 
The Hero sat, a g^at impulse obeyed, 

(For faithful memory triumphed o'er the tomb). 
And o'er his canvass spreading light and shade^ 

With full impulsed heart and pencil, one 

Proud effort wrought the form of Washington. 

You will perceive that I had forgotten 
in which verse the word last had been. 
My motto is — Let the right bie done. 

R. P. 


Washington's entrance into new 
YORK. — The interesting account of this 
event, fronv an interleaved almanac used 
by Lieutenant Governor Van Cortlandt, 
was so mangled in the February number 
of the Magazine (IV., 157), th t a 
reproduction is desirable. Editor. 

N. B. — I went from Peekskill Tues- 
day the 10 of Novemr, In Company 
with his Excellency Gover'r Clinton, 
Coll Benson and Coll Campbell, Lodge 
that night with Genl Cortlandt at Croton 
River, proceeded & lodged Wednesday 
night at Edw. Covenhov'n where we 
mett his Excellency Genl Washington & 
his aids the next Night Lodged with 
Mrs. Fred*k V Cortlandt at the Yonkers 
after having dined with Genl Lewis 
Morris. Fryday morning wee rode In 
Company with the Commander In Chief 
as far as the widow Day's at harlem, 
where we held a Council. Saturday I 
rode down to Mr Stuyvesants stay'd 



there untill Tuesday. Then rode Tri- 
umphant into the Citty with the Com- 
mander. C. E. V. C. 
Manor House^ Croton Landing. 

The bibby family of new york. — 
By an error of proof reading, J. A. 
S., than whom no one could be better 
informed on the subject, was made, 
in the recital of an interview between 
Colonel Thomas Bibby of the Brit- 
ish army — who was aid to the unfortu- 
nate General Faser — and Prince William 
Henry, to speak of the late Bibby family, 
whereas the family is by no means 
extinct, and its head, the venerable 
Edward N. Bibby, M. D., of Kingsbridge, 
is one of our oldest and best known 
citizens. His son, Mr. Augustus Van 
Cortlandt, is the proprietor of Cortlandt 
House, Westchester, where he resides. 
This gentleman took the name with the 
domain. J. A. S. 


Thursday the 23d Day of October, de- 
parted this Life at New Lots, in the 
Township of Flatbush, in King's County, 
Long Island, Elbert Hegeman, Esq., in 
the ninety-first Year of his Age. Few 
Men ever possessed a more humane, 
benevolent and compassionate Heart ; 
he was no less remarkable for his Piety 
than his Benevolence, and exhibited to 
us a remarkable Instance of his Atten- 
tion to the divine Laws of his Creator, 
having read the Bible through, no less 
than Three Hundred and Sixty-five 
Times. His Remains were interred at 
New Lots the Saturday following. — The 
New York Gazette^ Nov. 10, 1777. 


The AMERICAN artillery in 1776. 
— Extract from a London paper, giving 
an account of the evacuation of Boston, 
being the contents of a letter from an 
officer of distinction in the British army 
to a person in London, dated March 3, 
1776 : 

If Something is not Speedily Done, 
his Brittanic Majesty *s dominions will 
probably be confined within a very 
narrow compass. The rebel army is 
not brave, I believe, but it is agreed 
on all hands, that their artillery officers 
are at least equal to our own. In 
the number of shells that they fiung 
last night, not above three failed. This 
morning we flung four, and three of 
them burst in the air. — Tfu Pennsylvania 
Evening Post^ Sep, 21, 1776. 

West Point. 

The heights of weehawken. — New 
Jersey affords some of the most pic- 
turesque and elevated summits in the 
neighborhood of New York city. But 
during the two hundred years since New 
Netherland has been settled, it does not 
appear that any person, civil or military, 
has ever attempted, until very lately, to 
ascertain their actual heights. On the 
5th August, 18 18, the altitude of the 
craggy cliff, overhanging the landing of 
Wiehock ferry, and the monument 
erected on the duelling ground of Ber- 
gen county to the memory of Alexander 
Hamilton, was ascertained by baromet- 
rical measurement. The elevation of 
this picturesque spot, worthy of being 
celebrated by a Woodworth or a Lincoln, 
was found to be one hundred and sev- 
enty-five feet above high water mark. 




The rise and fall of the tide is six feet, 
directly at its base. 

The spirit-level pointed from the 
rugged peak of Wiehock to a higher 
ridge. This was situated immediately 
behind the mansion of Charles Loss, 
Esq., at the extremity of the Hoboken 
causeway. This was found to be one 
hundred and eighty-four feet above high 
water mark. 

The experiments were made with the 
instruments of the New York Philo- 
sophical Society, by Captain Alden Part- 
ridge, engineer, and Samuel L. Mitchell, 
M. D., aided by Dr. Le Baron, P. S. 
Townsend, Jacob Dykman, Prof. Cut- 
bush of Phila., and Prof. McNeven of 
New York University. Capt. Partridge, 
whose skill and experience with the 
barometer transcends that of any other 
person among us, intends to ascertain all 
the heights along the Hudson, from New 
York city to the mountains. — New York 
Gazette, August 10, 181 8. W. K. 

The old coeyman house at coey- 
man's, n. v. — In the month of August, 
1879, whilst making what Dibdin or 
Pennant would have called an "his- 
torical and antiquarian tour " along the 
shores of the upper Hudson, I made a 
visit to the village of Coeyman 's. It is a 
mere hamlet, lying on the west bank of 
the river, thirteen miles below Albany, 
and from its secluded situation seldom 
visited by the tide of summer travel on 
the Hudson. Coming into the place at 
nightfall, at the upper end of the vil- 
lage, over a bridge crossing a rocky 
ravine, known as Coeyman's Creek, we 
saw, perched on the very edge of the 
steep bank of the chasm, near to where 

the waters of the creek empty by a suc- 
cession of falls into the Hudson, the 
old house or ** Castle" of the Coey- 
mans, the family from whom the place 
is named. 

Barent Pieterse Coeyman (or Kocy- 
mans) emigrated from Utrecht, Hol- 
land, to this country in 1636, and en- 
gaged himself as a miller to the first 
Patroon of Rensserlaerwyck. He after- 
wards purchased of the Catskill Indians 
a tract of land, ten or twelve miles long, 
on the Hudson. This caused a pro- 
longed litigation between him and the 
Patroon, which was decided in favor of 
Coeyman, and in 17 14 Queen Anne by 
patent confirmed his descendants in their 

Barent Pieterse Coeyman had five 
children, two of whom only remained 
at Coeyman's, the others settling in va- 
rious parts of the country. The two 
who remained were Peter and his sister 
Ariaantje. Peter married twice, but 
left no male descendants, and with his 
death the name became extinct in the 
locality. Ariaantje lived unmarried to 
the age of forty-seven, when she married 
David Verplanck,and died without issue. 

The original house (or Castle, as it was 
called) of the first settler stood, accord- 
ing to the Coeyman's Gazette, on the 
site of the building in the village ** now 
occupied by the family of the late Jo- 
siah Sherman/' but has been gone for a 
great number of years. The old stone 
house now standing on the north bank 
of the creek, to which reference has 
been made, was built by Ariaantje Coey- 
man some time in the early part of the 
last century. 

Strange stories were long current 



amongst the country people concerning 
this ancient house. A tradition went that 
Ariaantje Coeyman built the house her- 
self , literally carrying the rough un- 
hewn stones with her own hands, and 
that her portrait, which formerly hung 
in one of the rooms of the house, rep- 
resented her with bloody fingers, the 
tips of which were worn into sharp 
points by handling the huge blocks of 
stone. Of course she was supposed to 
haunt the house ; whoever slept in the 
room where her picture hung would be 
spoken to by the portrait. It was even 
said that one unlucky wight, sleeping 
perhaps sounder than he should have 
done in a haunted room, had the cords 
of the bedstead on which he lay cut, 
and received a heavy fall on the floor. 

A small wood-cut before me, repre- 
senting Ariaantje Coeyman (she is hold- 
mg a rose in her left hand), is given as 
^'from the portrait in possession of Ba- 
rent Ten Eyck." 

One branch of the family settled at 
Somerville, New Jersey, and built a 
house about the year 1736. An account 
of this house, which is still standing, ap- 
peared in a Philadelphia periodical in 
April, 1877, and also in the Elizabeth 
Daily Journal for December 8th, 1874. 
The name has died out in New Jersey, 
as well as on the Hudson. The line of 
the former branch seems to have ended 
with Andrew Coeyman,who died in 1804. 
On the slope of the Raritan river "he 
sleeps, with three generations before him, 
him, the last of his race in Somerville." 
Charles A. Campbell. 

Sensational newspaper headings. 
--I always supposed that the newspa- 

pers during the last civil war deserved 
precedence for their sensational news- 
paper headings, until I met with the 
following in The New York Gazette and 
the Weekly Mercury, printed at New 
York, October 20th, 1777, by Hugh 
Gaine : 

"Glorious News from the South- 
ward — Washington Knocic'd 
Up — The Bloodiest Battle in 
America — 6,000 of his Men 
Gone — 100 Waggons to carry 
THE Wounded — General Howe 
is AT Present at Germantown 
— Washington 30 Miles Back in 
A Shattered Condition — Their 
Stoutest Frigate Taken and 
one Deserted — They are Tired 
— AND Talk of Finishing the 


The Tory Typo must have been ex- 
hausted by this effort to glorify Ger- 
mantown, for when the news reached 
the city of the British army to the north- 
ward having been Burgoyned, he could 
not set up one line of caps to catch the 
eyes of his subscribers. 


Burgoyned. — This apt expression, 
which has passed current during our 
Centennial jubilations, seems to have 
originated with General Gates. Lieut. 
Marquois, of the Royal Artillery, who 
was severely wounded at Camden, writing 
to his father August 18, 1780, in describ- 
ing the movements of Gates* army, used 
this sentence, ** With these troops he in- 
tended to have Burgoyrud us, according 
to his owji term." 




Paulus hook. — ^When I prepared my 
paper on the Surprise and Capture of 
Paulus Hook by Major Lee in 1779, 1 
was not aware of the existence of the 
following letter. The copy I send you 
is from the original in the collection of 
Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D., of New 
York City. This letter seems to have 
been the first official act of President 
Huntington, and accompanied the reso- 
lutions of Congress. 

Philadelphia, Septr 28th, 1779. 

I enclose you an Act of Congress of 
24th Instant, and am happy in the first 
exercise o^" the important Trust with 
which Congress has been pleased to 
honor me to have the opportunity of 
communicating to you the Thanks of 
Congress for the judicious Measures 
taken by you to forward the Enterprize 
against Powles Hook, & to secure the 
Retreat of the Party. 

I must beg leave to inform you that 
Congress entertains a just sense of the 
Merit of the Officers and Soldiers em- 
ployed on that Occasion, as well as of the 
Army in general, and that the important 
Business in which they have been en- 
gaged prevented an earlier attention to 
that brilliant Action. 

I am Sir your Hble Servt. 

Saml Huntington, President 
Major Genl Lord Stirling. 

Jersey City, C. H. Winfield. 

f The breeches panegyric. — The 
Provincial typo who set up for the Con- 
necticut Gazette^ of August 25, 1780, a 
long and moving eulogy on the virtues 
of the deceased Hon. Titus Hosmer, 
played havoc with the pathetic. He 

committed the same blunder that gave 
a distinctive name to an edition of the 

The following is the passage : ** The 
public and private losses occasioned by 
the death of Mr. Hosmer are very 
remarkable. What wide and awful 
breeches are made / How many tender 
ties of relation and friendship broken ! 
In the midst of life and usefulness, and 
prospects opening and encreasing — 
But he is gone — the gentleman, the 
scholar, the friend, the senator, the 
patriot, the judge, the benefactor alas \ 
is no more. The will of God is done, 
and his work is perfect. Survivors have 
nothing to do but to worship and adore.'^ 


British plundering. — Comwallis's 
men are so very mean, as to rob the poor 
prisoners of the supply of provisions sent 
in by the flag to Brunswick by their 
friends. Two gentlemen prisoners there, 
had part of an ox and a few turkeys sent 
in, which were all taken away ; they 
begged that the General would be pleased 
to spare them as much of the ox as would 
make them a dinner, but were denied it. 
— Connecticut Gazette^ Feb. 28, 1777. 


An interesting relic. — Mr. John 
Austin Stevens has recently deposited 
in the Museum of the New York Histo- 
rical Society, a lock of hair cut from the 
head of the venerable Colonel Trumbull 
by his friend. Col. William L. Stone. 
This relic, with the enveloi)e containing 
it, in the handwriting of Col. Stone, was 
placed in the hands of Mr. Stevens by- 
Mr. W. L. Stone, his son. Editor. 




Curious Hebrew RfLic. — Can any of 
your readers give any information con- 
cerning this curious statement, clipped 
from the Eastern Chronicle of Pictou, 
N. S., March 12, 1852 ? 

" By the politeness of Col. Lea, com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, we have 
been shown a curiosity of great rarity 
and interest, left for a few days at the 
Bureau. It was brought from the Potta- 
watomie Reservation on the Kansas 
river by Dr. Lykins, who has been 
residing there nearly twenty years of the 
thirty he has spent on the frontier. It 
consists of four small rolls or strips of 
parchment closely packed in the small 
compartments of a little box or locket of 
about an inch cubical contents. On 
these parchments are written in a style 
of unsurpassed excellence, and far more 
beautiful than print, portions of the 
Pentateuch, to be worn as frontlets, and 
intended as stimulants to the memory 
and moral sense. 

Dr. Lykins obtained it from Pategwe, 
a Pottawatomie, who got it from his 
grandmother, a very old woman. It has 
been in this particular family about 
fifty years. They had originally two of 
them, but on one occasion, as the party 
in possession were crossing a rapid in 
some river in the lake country of the 
north, the other was irrecoverably lost. 
The one lost was believed by the 
Indians to contain an account of the 
creation of the world. That brought by 
Dr. Lykins has been kept for a very 
long period in the medicine bag of the 
tribe, used as a charm, and never allowed 
to suffer any exposure, until, by using 

entreaty and the great influence he had 
with Topinepee, the principal Potta- 
watomie chief, he was permitted to 
bring it on to Washington, but under a 
firm pledge to restore it on his return. 
It has hitherto been kept from the rapa- 
cious vision of the white man. Pategwe 
had it in his possession many years 
before his curiosity tempted him to cut 
the stitches of its cover and disclose the 
contents. But this coming to the knowl- 
edge of old Billy Caldwell, chief of the 
Council Bluff branch of the tribe, he 
strenuously advised Pategwe to shut it 
up and keep it close, and say nothing 
about it. Dr. Lykins came to a knowl- 
edge of the circumstance of its pos- 
session from a half-breed. 

The wonder is, how this singular 
article came into their possession. 
When asked how long they can trace 
back its history, they reply they cannot 
tell the time when they had it not. The 
question occurs here, does not this cir- 
cumstance give some color to the idea 
long and extensively entertained, that 
the Indians of our continent are more or 
less Jewish in their origin ? — JVat, Intel- 

New York, luLUS. 

Washington's entrance into new 
YORK, 1783. — In the Anthon Collection 
sold at auction in New York a few years 
since, was a letter from Lt. Col. William 
Hull, who commanded the Light In- 
fantry which escorted Washington into 
the city of New York the 25 ih of No- 
vember, 1783, describing the event. 
Can any of your readers inform me 
what has become of the letter } 

H. P. J. 




Pacific medals. — The following de- 
scription of some curious medals for use 
in the Pacific trade appeared in the 
newspapers of September, 1787: "Sil- 
ver and Copper medals we are told are 
striking off, to be carried by Capt. Ken- 
drick, of Boston, bound to the Pacifick 
Ocean, to be distributed among the na- 
tives of the Indian Isles — On one side 
are represented a ship and sloop under 
full sail, with the words, Columbia and 
Washington, commanded by J. Ken- 
DRiCK ; on the reverse the following : 
Fitted out at Boston^ North-America^ for 
the Pacific Ocean by^ encircling the 
names of J, Barell^ S. Brown, C, Bui- 
finch, /. Derby, C. Hatch, /. M. Fin- 
tard, 1787." 

The Boston News of October 4th 
states that "Sunday last (Sept. 30) 
sailed from this port the ship Columbia 
and sloop Washington, commanded by 
Capt. J. Kendrick and Capt R. Gray, 
on an enterprizing voyage to Kam- 
schatka, on the western part of this 
continent. The object of this voyage 
is to open an intercourse between these 
States and the natives of that western 
country, by trading with them for furs, 
of which commodity, it is said, that 
country abounds. The greatest com- 
mercial advantages are expected to be 
derived from this intercourse." 

As the Columbia River was discov- 
ered by this expedition, and received its 
name from the ship mentioned above, 
and as Captain John Kendrick was, it is 
claimed, the first American commander 
who circumnavigated the globe, these 
medals have a historical importance. 
Have any specimens been preserved by 
our collectors ? W. KL 

Moon cursers. — ^While turning over 
a Boston newspaper of 1778, under date 
of September i7lh, I met the following : 
" By express on Sunday last, we learn 
that Lord Howe's moon cursers are 
plundering all along the Sound, and that 
last week they took four vessels out o( 
Holmes's hole, and destroyed one other." 

Can any reader inform me as to the 
origin of this appellation, and how it 
became attached to the British expedi- 
tion under General Gray ? 

Beacon Street. 

BussEY OR BUSSiE. — Can any of your 
readers inform me concerning an officer 
of this name who was in command of 
Indian troops during the Revolution ?' 
He was a French Canadian, one of six 
brothers. It is suggested to me that 
he may have been in Hazen's regiment 
which was made up of Canadian troops 
and perhaps had Indians among them — 
only the Canadian Indians and those of 
the Stockbridge tribe were friendly to 
the American cause. Where may I find 
a roster of Hazen's command ? 

Faterson, N. J. G. G. H. 

Washington's informants. — Major 
Tallmadge, of the Dragoons, arranged 
for the obtaining of information concern- 
ing the British army and plans from 
persons within the city of New York. 
One of these, the most important, is 
invariably designated in the correspond- 
ence as Mr. C. A few days since a letter 
of Washington was shown me making a 
reference to Mr. C. and Mr. C. Jr. 
Perhaps the addition may help to solve 
the mystery. Who were the Cs ? 

J. A, S. 



Washington's inauguration. — I 
was informed when a youth that Wash- 
ington was inaugurated in the old Fed- 
eral edifice where the United States Sub- 
Treasury building now stands, and it is 
here that the merchants of New York 
propose to erect a monument to com- 
memorate the event. To my astonish- 
ment, I find in the last volume of Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety on page 134, that our first President 
was inaugurated in the " old Walter 
Franklin House," on Franklin Square. 
Will some Boston correspondent be 
good enough to ascertain the authority 
for this statement, that the absurdity 
of putting up a monument in the wrong 
place may be avoided ? 

Broad Street. 

First fire company in America. — 
In his autobiography Franklin claims 
that a paper he read in Junto gave rise 
to the formation of ** a company for the 
more ready extinguishing of fires and 
mutual assistance in removing and se- 
curing of goods when in danger." This 
was in the year 1737. Was this the 
first American fire company ? 


Medallion of franklin. — I have 
in my possession a profile medal- 
lion of Benjamin Franklin, made of red 
clay, and bearing the date 1777. In a 
sketch of Mme. Anna Vallayer Coster, 
written by Mr. Benson J. Lossing, for 
the Harper's Mag. (42d vol.), he says : 
"In the winter of 1777 Mile. Vallayer 
accompanied Beaumarchais to Passy to 
visit Dr. Franklin. * * * Not long 
afterwards she sketched that profile of 

him with the fur cap on his head, which 
is seen on the rare medals of the red 
clay of Passy, which Franklin's host 
caused to be struck in his honour." I 
have been told that these medals were 
made at Fontainbleau. Have you any 
information on this subject ? 

C. E. V. C. 

The franklin stove. — In the Auto- 
biography of Franklin, published by Mr. 
Bigelow in his life of Franklin by him- 
self, notice is made of *' an account of 
the New Invented Pennsylvania Fire- 
Places," ete., in a note to which the 
query is suggested as to whether this 
stove was /w^«/^// by Franklin. Cannot 
this question be settled ? 

Market Street. 

James rivington. — Is there any au- 
thority for the statement that Rivington, 
the Tory printer in New York, was 
really a patriot, and in the confidence 
and pay of Washington^ and his constant 
informant as to British plans ? And is 
the tradition true that the first visit that 
Washington paid on his entrance into 
the city at the evacuation was to the 
Tory printer ? J. A. S. 

The sect of devilism. — In Riving- 
ton *s Royal Gazette, April 26, 1780, 
there appears an advertisement, **A 
Discourse upon Devilism, showing the 
analogy between the antient and mod- 
ern Members of that Sect, delivered 
May 25, 1779, by a Friend to his Coun- 
try." This discourse was published for 
James Rivington. Wliat was this sect, 
and who delivered the discourse ? 

C. H. W. 



The royal American gazette. — 
Information is desired as to the present 
possessor of a file of Alexander Robert- 
son 's paper entitled The Royal Ameri- 
can Gazette, printed at New York dur- 
ing the war. The file it is believed was 
once the property of Mr. McCoy of 
Brooklyn, and is supposed to be in the 
Western States. Typo. 

The execution of major andriS. — 
Roads, in his late History of Marble- 
head, p. 172, says, " that on the 2d Octo- 
ber, when the execution took place, 
General Glover was Officer of the Day, 
and was deeply affected by the scene." 
Every new account seems to bring out a 
different person, as " Officer of the Day " 
on this occasion. Cannot some of your 
correspondents set this matter right ? 
Where is the General Order Book.^ 


The blue bell tavern near kings- 
bridge. — In the Newark news published 
in the Pennslyvania Evening Post for 
October i, 1776, is an account of the 
skirmish on Harlem Heights engage- 
ment on the 1 6th September, which gives 
the name of the tavern as the Blue Ball 
and a learned antiquary informs me that 
Ball is the correct name. Cannot this 
point be established by some early 
document ? The building is now down, 
but the name survives, and we may as 
well have it right. 

New York. 

Hamilton's regiment. — (IV., 157). 
Will Mr. Howe kindly give the par- 
ticulars in regard to a regiment com- 
manded by Col. Hamilton, in which 

Major Howe was a picked man ? Was 
it in the State or Continental line ; 
Infantry or Artillery ? And at what time 
did Alexander Hamilton command it ? 

Adjutant U. S. A. 


Lord edward fitzgerald. — (V., 
42.) Lord Edward Fitzgerald, fifth 
son of the Duke of Leinster and Emilia 
Mary, daughter of the Duke of Rich- 
mond, born in Ireland 1763, entered 
the British army in 1781, and served 
under Lord Rawdon at Charleston, S. 
C. Severely wounded at the battle of 
Eutaw Springs, his life was saved by a 
negro who carried him to his hut, 
tended him until he was able to return 
to Charleston, and remained his devoted 
servant through his life. In 1783 he 
returned to England, and in 1788 again 
came to America with his regiment. In 
March, 1789, attended only by his faith- 
ful negro servant, and accompanied by 
an officer, Mr. Brisbane, he traversed 175 
miles through the wilderness from Fred- 
erickstown to Quebec, for thirty days, 
through a country deemed impassable. 
At Quebec he obtained leave of absence 
to visit Lake Superior, and go down the 
Ohio and Mississippi to New Orleans. 

Letter from Lord Edward Fitzgerald to 
the Duchess of Leinster. 

Fort Erie, June I, 1789. 
Dearest mother, 

I have just come from the Falls of Niagara. 
To describe them is impossible. I stayed three 
days, & was absolutely obliged to tear myself 
away at last. — As I said before, to describe 
them is impossible. — Homer could not in writ- 
ing, nor Claude Lorraine in painting, your own 



imagination must do it. — The immense height, 
& noise of the Falls, the spray that rises to the 
clouds, in short it formed altogether a scene that 
is well worth coming from Europe to see. — 
Then the tranquility of all around, & the quiet 
of the immense forests, compared with the vio- 
lence of all that is close to the Falls, but I will 
not go on, for I should never end. I set out to- 
morrow for Detroit, with one of the Indian 
Chiefs, — Joseph Brant, who was in England. — 
I think often of you all in these wild woods. If I 
could carry my dearest mother with me, I should 
be completely happy here. ♦ ♦ ♦ — Life of Lord 
EdioarJ Fitsgerald, by Thomas Moore ^ /., 44. 

Lord Edward Fitzgerald descended 
the Ohio and Mississippi, and reached 
New Orleans December, 1789, and 
from thence returned to England. The 
avowal of republican opinions acquired 
during his visit to America offended his 
uncle, the Duke of Richmond; he was 
dismissed from the army, and as a mem- 
ber of the Irish Parliament, continued 
in opposition to Government. In 1792, 
he went to France, fraternized with the 
Democratic leaders, and married the 
beautiful Pamela, the daughter of Mme. 
de Genlis. He returned to Ireland, his 
family became fondly attached to his 
wife, and lived several years, engaged 
in rural pursuits, very happily. But 
joining a party of the United Irishmen, 
he headed an armed rebellion against 
the British Government, aided by agents 
of the French Directory. Their plans 
were betrayed, and, wounded when re- 
sisting an arrest for high treason, he 
died in prison, at the age of thirty-five 
years, June, 1798. His talents and 
many high qualities were neutralized by 
his impetuosity and imprudence. 

He caused misery to his affection- 
ate relations, and failed to sbrve his 
country. E. S. Q. 

First national salute to the 
FLAG. — (IV., 312, 462.) The London 
Chronicle for March 19, 21, 1778, says, 
^' Accounts from Nantz, dated March 8 
(just after the salute to Jones' flag), say 
that two days before an affray happened 
between some English and American 
sailors, in which three men were killed 
and several wounded." Also, " The 
populace were so irritated against the 
English that for some time past they 
had been insulted in the streets. And 
that an American adventurer had taken 
a tavern near the dock, and put up for 
his sign the * thirteen stripes^* in conse- 
quence of which his house was greatly 
frequented by all ranks and people." 

G. H. P. 

Salutation tavern. — (IV., 224.) 
S. A. Drake, in his " Old Landmarks of 
Boston," states that the Salutation Tav- 
ern was on the comer of Salutation 
Street and North Street. The tavern 
was the rendezvous of the North End 
Caucus in Revolutionary times. — Mass, 
Historical Society Collections j F/., 154. 

J. A. S. 

First American matrimonial ad- 
vertisement. — (IV., 456). I have met 
with a matrimonial advertisement five 
years earlier than my previous note. It 
appeared in* Rivington's Royal Gazette, 
printed at New York city, January 31, 
1778, and is as follows : 

A Gentleman of an easy, genteel for- 
tune, wishes to meet with a lady of ibout 
23, 24, or 25 years of age, with whom he 
would form an honourable connection, 
and flatters himself if she meets with his 
approbation, that it will be in his power 



to make her very happy, as he is actu- 
ated by the nicest motives of honour. 
Mutual felicity being the principles on 
which he acts and causes this mode of 
application, which he is induced to make 
use ofy being an absolute stranger to the 
ladies of this place. 

The greatest delicacy, honour, and 
inviolable secrecy shall be observed to 
such lady who may be inclined to answer 
this advertisement. Letters directed 
for S. G., to be left in the care of 
Mr. Rivington, the printer, shall be duly 
attended to. Petersfield. 

RoGERENES. — (IV., 64, 227, 3 1 3.) In 
answer to Petersfield, see Life and Trav- 
els of Samuel Bonnas (Bownas) Quaker, 
London, 1756; Phila., 1759; pages 95, 
102, 113, 186-189. This gives an account 
of an interview of 6 days in prison on 
Long Island in 1 702-3, between Samuel 
Bownas, a Quaker preacher, and John 
Rogers of New London, and is very 
interesting ; also in Friend's Library, by 
Wm. Allen, vol. 12. Also, see William 
Edmundson's Journal (Quaker), Lon- 
don, 1 7 15, page 90-91 ; London, 1774, 
p. 103-4 ; or Dublin, 1820, page 1 15- 116. 
There have been several other editions of 
these books, and they are also reprinted 
in the Friend's Library, Vol. 3, edited 
by Thos. Evans, Phila., 1837-8; also in 
Wm. Allen's Friend's Library, Vol. 4, 
1^53-7. Rogers was not a Quaker. 

Camden^ N, J, M. L. H. 


394). The inscription should read 
Scanandoa, not Shenandoah, as printed 
by the Boston Traveller. This famous 
chief, known as "the white man's 

friend," was personally known to Wash- 
ington. He paid the commander-in- 
chief a visit while he was encamped at 
Morristown in 1777. After the war the 
Government recognized the services 
rendered by the Oneidas, and on more 
than one occasion voted them a return. 
In 1794 the chiefs were personally 
rewarded. There is nothing improbable 
in the story of the presentation by 
Washington ; the date may have been 
erroneously copied, as well as the name. 
Your correspondent at Manlius should 
make a further examination. The editors 
of small local newspapers have been 
celebrated for their lack of information. 
Dig out the DeBois or DuBois who 
owned the box, and do not charge it as 
a trick of the " Boston sharpers." 

Beacon Street. 

Fort independence. — (IV., 455). A 
letter from an officer at Phillips' Manor, 
dated February 6, 1777, says, "Since 
our arrival here, have been in sight of 
the enemy every day at Kingsbridge, 
and at Fort Independence. At our first 
coming down, we encamped about half 
a mile from the fort in the open field, 
for five days, but were then obliged to 
move back, on account of a heavy snow 
storm, and have, since our first coming 
here, had several small skirmishes with 
the enemy, but we have not lost a single 
man out of our regiment. Our regi- 
ments are now on this side fort Inde- 
pendence, and two regiments on the 
other side. This fort is about half . a 
mile from Kingsbridge and York side. 
We have lately been over within half a 
mile of the fort, 'with two field pieces, 
&c., but could not persuade the enemy 



to come out and fight us. They have 
got almost all their troops out of York, 
on their lines and in the three forts, to 
prevent our going into the city ; for the 
morning we got down here we threw 
them into great confusion, and we took 
a considerable quantity of their baggage, 
and we now possess their advance guard 
houses. General Putnam has taken 96 
waggons with provisions which were 
going to Howe's army ; and the latter 
has sent a flag to General Washington 
desiring a cessation of arms till April, 
but our brave General returned for 
answer that he should accomplish his 
design, and then there should be a final 
one." — Connecticut Gazette^ Feb, 21, 1777. 


— (IV., 455.) The fort of that name 
commanded the Hudson River, and 
stood about half a mile to the north of 
Spuyten Duyvel Creek, on the ridge 
marked on the map as Tetard's Hill. 
Twenty years ago the fortification was 
in excellent preservation ; much of the 
grass grown embankment perfect, the 
fosse well defined and deep. To the 
northeast and eastward, along the brow 
of the hill sloping down to Tibbits or 
Mosholu brook, a long line of earth- 
works might be traced. The situation 
was admirably adapted to protect a large 
force, or to resist attack; to the west 
and south, steep broken ground to the 
Hudson and Spuyten Duyvel Rivers; 
to the east, at the foot of a sharp de- 
cline, a salt marsh, through which Tib- 
bit's brook found its zigzag way. As 
* defense to New York, the defenders 
controlling the rivers with their vessels 
and the opposite hills on New York 

Island with their armies, the fort was of 
little moment, and was hence early aban* 
doned by the British. 

Above Kingsbridge, westerly of the 
highway, commanding its northerly ap- 
proaches, stood Fort Charles, still partly 
traceable. To the northeast of the 
bridge, about half mile distant, was a 
fort, to which local tradition assigns no 
name, but which is incorrectly marked 
on the map as Fort Independence. 

A house now stands on the summit of 
Fort Independence ; in preparing to 
build cannon balls and musket balls, 
old bayonets, etc., were found, and as far 
north as Fieldston mementoes of British 
occupation are occasionally exhumed. 

At another point the relics are of more 
moment. Here about 1856 some young 
men unearthed several cannon ; the 
most serviceable was mounted, and for 
several years did duty on the Fourth of 
July; then borrowed by the people of 
Mount Vernon, the piece was loaded to 
the muzzle, and when fired exploded, 
killing and wounding several persons. A 
house has since been erected upon-the 
site of the fort. In preparing to build 
and laying out the grounds, the writer is 
informed by the owner of the property, 
that fourteen cannon were found and a 
large quantity of rusted arms, shot and 
shell. Many graves were also disturbed. 
Metal plates, from which the shoulder 
and waist bands had rotted away, bore 
evidence to the regiment to which the 
dead owners had belonged. All of these 
relics, with the exception of two can- 
non, disappeared from a cellar in which 
they were stored, during the owner's 
absence in Europe. 

Fieldston. M. L. D. 



— (IV., 455). Your correspondent W. 
H. is in error in regard to the situation 
of Fort Independence. It was not at 
Spuyten Devil Creek, but near two miles 
to the eastward of Kings Bridge. His 
statement as to the profusion of blood 
lost by the Dyckmans in the vicinity is 
questionable. Mosholu. 

Andre's grave at tappan (V., 57). 
— I am rather surprised to notice in the 
communication of your well-known con- 
tributor a positive assertion that Andr6 
was buried at Tappan. If he had closely 
followed the lively discussion to which 
he refers, he would have seen that there 
is no evidence that Andr^ was buried at 
or near the spot of his execution, nor is 
Miss Seward's Monody any authority for 
such a statement, nor yet the testi- 
mony of Timothy Bigelow, who saw the 
grave in 181 5, of any additional value 
in this regard. It is not denied that a 
grave was dug for Andr6, but it is not 
proved that he was put into it. 

New York. 

Sir henry clinton and the west 
POINT WORKS. — (v., 32). Mr. Camp- 
bell, in his note to his article on the 
Joshua Hett Smith House at Haver- 
straw, calls attention to the passage in 
Sir Henry Clinton's account of the Andre 
affair, in which he speaks of his acquaint- 
ance with the ground on which the 
defences of West Point were built — and 
appears to consider it a mysterious cir- 
cumstance. It is easily explained by 
the fact that Sir Henry Clinton was in 
early life appointed by his father, 
Admiral George Clinton, Governor 
of New York, Captain- Lieutenant in 

one of the New York companies which 
served in the old French war. As the 
line of the Hudson was the thorough- 
fare, and the slow sailing sloops the 
usual mode of conveyance, he had am- 
ple opportunities to familiarize himself 
with the beauties of the Highlands. 


GRESS (v., 62). — Mr. Burdge, in his note 
on Paine's Common Sense, is in error in 
his statement that Henry Wisner, New 
York delegate in the Continental Con- 
gress, voted for the declaration of Inde- 
pendence in opposition to the instructions 
of his State and the example of all his 
colleagues. This ground w^i-s thoroughly 
gone over by the writer in a paper pub- 
ished in the Galaxy for August, 1876, 
entitled " New York in the Continental 
Congress.*' Here it was shown that 
New York had given no instructions 
whatever with regard to a vote for inde- 
pendence, but that the delegates were 
excused voting for want of instructions. 
The fact was that a Convention liad 
been elected in New York with a view 
to determine this very question and was 
about to sit when Independence was 
declared. The first day of its session 
the news was received and the declara- 
tion unanimously ratified. A similar 
explanation of the abstention of the New 
York delegates from voting may be found 
in the writer's biographical sketch of 
John Alsop, printed iri the Magazine of 
American History [I., 226]. If Mr. 
Wisner voted at all, which the Journals 
of Congress do not show, he voted 
without instructions and not in opposition 
to them. J. A. S. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 

Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post Office.) 

Written by Himself. Now first edited from 
Original Manuscripts and from his Printed 
Correspondence and other Writings. By 
John Bigelow. Second edition, revised 
and corrected. 3 vols., i2mo. J. B. Lippin- 
COTT & Co. Philadelphia, 1879. 

In the historical sketch prefixed to the edition 
of 1872, which was itself a revision of that pub- 
lished in 1868, Mr. Bigelow gave an account of 
the ••Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Auto- 
graph Manuscript of Franklin's Memoirs of 
his own Life." These celebrated memoirs were 
prepared at the instance of one of his French 
friends, M. Lc Veillard, the Mayor of Passy, to 
whom Franklin presented in 1789 a copy of all 
that was then finished. At Franklin's death the 
original of the manuscripts passed with his 
other papers into the hands of a grandson, 
William Tempje Franklin, who engaged to pre- 
pare an edition of the life and writings of^his 
grandfather for a publishing house in London. 
For the convenience of the printers the copy 
given to Le Veillard was exchanged for the 
original autograph. From the Le Veillard 
family it was obtained by Mr. Bigelow, then 
Minister to France in 1867. A careful collation 
of the London edition of 1817 with the original 
manuscripts, showed that more than twelve 
hundred changes had been made in the text, 
tnd eight pages, the last in the manuscript, 
entirely omitted. Specimens of these altera- 
tions, the greater number of which, as Mr. 
Bigelow says, Franklin himself would have 
rejected without ceremony, are given in the 
sketch. A second chapter by the editor de- 
jcribes the manner and periods at which th& 
biography was prepared. The first portion, 
containing the first twenty-five years of his life, 
was written in 1771 at Twyford, the country 
awit of Dr. Shipley, then Bishop of St. Asaph's. 
The memoir was resumed in 1784, again 
dropped, and finally continued in 1788. The 
work was first presented to the world in a 
French translation in 1791. The singular con- 
duct of WiUiam Temple Franklin in connection 
with this paper is carefully considered by Mr. 

A third chapter describes the autograph, with 
Its peculiar and characteristic features ; the 
oemr, distinct hand writing, perfectly legible 
thiOQgh abundant interiineations and erasures 
and each of the 220 pages with a margin of half 
rV; 2:. ^**«Pag«- To this branch of his 
work Mr. Bigelow has brought his fine critical 
tMte. and the entire biographical sketch is an 

interesting addition to the curiosities of litera- 
ture. And while on this branch of the subject 
attention should be called to the Bibliography 
proper, which closes the last volume, in the 
compilation of which all known authorities 
have been consulted. Mr. Bigelow prints one 
hundred and sixty-five titles. 

The great merit of these volumes is that they 
for the first time present, in a consecutive form, 
Franklin's own account of his life, and that 
they are within the reach of the ordinary purse. 

In his preface to the present edition, Mr. 
Bigelow notices the strange silence with regard 
to Franklin which until recently has been 
persistently maintained by the British press. 
The Edinburgh Review in 1806 sKarply crit- 
icised the three volume London edition of 
that year. In the December number (Mag- 
azine of American History, III., 770) attention 
was invited to an admirable review of Mr. Bige- 
low's work by Thomas Hughes in the Contem- 
porary Review for July, 1879, in which the rea- 
sons were given for the indifference to Franklin 
in the British world of letters. The April num- 
ber (1880) of the Edinburgh Review contains a 
thorough review of Mr. Bigelow*s book and the 
latest English analysis of the character of Frank- 
lin, whom in the first paragraph it joins with 
Washington, styling these two men the ** joint 
authors of the Republic." ** In France," says 
the Edinburgh Review, ** Franklin accomplished 
as much against England as Washington with 
all his victories." Noticing Mr. Bigelow's hint 
that Franklin's grandson was bribed to postpone 
the publication of the Memoirs, the Edinburgh 
allows that he has established a strong presump- 
tion of wrong, and gives the highest commenda- 
tion to the self-abnegation, in which Mr. Bige- 
low has performed his duty as editor. Of Frank- 
lin's autobiography itself, it says that " it is one 
of mankind^ greatest literary possessions." 
Here, indeed, the neglect of a century is re- 
deemed in a fulness of praise. 

The final chapter of the Autobiography prop- 
er, written the last year of Franklin's life, un- 
accountably left out of William Temple Frank- 
lin's publication and that of his successors, and 
first printed by Mr. Bigelow, is justly described 
as one of the most valuable in the book. It 
describes an interview with Lord Granville, in 
which the perverse nobleman endeavored in 
1772 to instruct Franklin as to the nature of the 
American constitution. His views were to the 
simple effect that the king's instructions to his 
governors, from the fact that they were drawn by 
learned judges, considered in council, and signed 
by the King, became, as far as they related to 
the Colonists, the law of the land, for the King 



is the Legislator of the Colonies. The italics 
are Franklin's own. Franklin could not stom- 
ach such a broad assertion, and took pains to 
note the conversation on his return to his lodg- 
ings, as new in principle and fraught with danger 
to American liberties. The chapter contains also 
notes upon an interview with Lord Mansfield on 
the act taxing proprietary estates. The general 
reader will not find much entertainment in the 
long negotiations which preceded the outbreak 
of hostilities, but, better than any historic record 
of the period, they show in sharp outlines the 
political systems which confronted each other — 
English Subservience and American Independ- 
ence. This branch of the subject is too well 
known to need more than passing comment. , 

In the Magazine for January, 1879 (I^^m 39)t 
the reader will find a curious correspondence 
between John Quincy Adams and Judge William 
Jay concerning Franklin. In an appendix to 
the second vc^ume of Mr. Bigelow s edition 
there appears a letter of John Adams, written in 
1806, in which the bitter old (gentleman takes 
strong ground against both Washington and 
Franklin, whose merits were not, in his eyes, to 
be compared with those of half a dozen other of 
the Colonial statesmen whom he names ; but the 
judgment of mankind, which is the only final 
solvent of reputations, is in accord with that 
already quoted from the pages of the Edinburgh 

first and most consistent of the War democrats, 
who cast aside the bond of party at the call of 
the country. 

Here we find the statement that it was Gen- 
eral Cochrane who in full accord with Secretary 
Cameron, first advocated the arming of the 
slaves for the Union in a speech at the Astor 
House in November of the vear 1861. In the 
extracts from the memoirs of the General there 
are numerous independent and novel apprecia- 
tions of men and measures which amply repay 
perusal. The claim is here made that the advice 
of General Cochrane saved the army from 
annihilation at Fredericksburg. 


No. 5, F. and A. M., located at Zanesville, 

Ohio, and Constituted A. L. 5806 A. D. 1S06. 

Compiled by J. Hope Sutor, W. M. 32mo. 

C. MooREHEAD. Zanesville, Ohio. 

Zanesville took its name from ih6 Zanes of 
Wheeling, a family who came over \^ith Penn* 
Zanesville stands at the confluence of the Musk- 
ingum and Licking rivers, on a tract which was 
granted to Ebenezer Zane in 1796. The Lodge 
of Amity was organized in a house which l^* 
longed to General Isaac Van Home, on the site 
where the Zane house now stands, in 1806. Its 
continuous history is given. Some portraits on 
steel and in photograph illustrate' the volume. 

Incidents connected with the Origin and 
Culmination of the Rebellion that Threatened 
the Existence of the National Government. 
From writings on the subject (printed for 
private use). By John Cochrane, General 
of U. S. Volunteers. Collated by Henry 
O'Reilly. 8vo, pp. 58. Rogers & Sher- 
wood. New York, 1879. 

for the Union. Scenes, Speeches and 
Events attending it. With introductory re- 
marks. By Henry O'Reilly. 8vo, pp. 12. 
Rogers & Sherwood. New York, 1879. 

The indefatigable labors of Mr. O'Reilly in 
numerous fields of enterprise and intellectual 
effort are well known ; and his deposit of mate- 
rial collected, arranged and collated by him in 
the New York Historical Society Library, is of 
great value, and serves to control many disputed 
points in the history of the development of the 
country, and particularly in that of the civil 
war. In the present pamphlets he gives the best 
account of the distinguished services in the 
field and forum of General Cochrane, one of the 


the Olives and Aloes. By James Albert 

Harrison. i6mo, pp. 439. The Riverside 

Press. Houghton, Osgood & Co. Boston, 


Another of the elegant printed and tastefully 
bound volumes, which this enterprising house 
seem never to tire of publishing for the delecta- 
tion of the discriminating reader. This, the 
author tells us in his preface, is not addressed 
to those who have '* undertaken the adventure 
of Spain " as a souvenir, but is meant for the 
light skimmers of summer books, between whom 
and their " Castles in Spain " there lies a sea of 
difficulty and improbability ; yet who would not 
rather see through other eyes than not see at all. 
With graceful hand and winning style, Mr. 
Harrison gently leads one through the defiles 
of the rugged Northern Sierras of old Castile, 
replete with Gothic memories, which still seem 
to echo with the sound of Fonterabia's horn and 
to repeat the heroic, triumphal chants of the 
returning Cid and still further down the orange- 
covered slopes of Seville to the Alhambra and 
the remains of the splendid kingdom of the 
moon. The very names are redolent of rn. 
mance, and the whole book gUtters in *' the blond 
light of yellow Spain." 



TORY. Part I., Beasts. Part II., Birds. 
Part III., Insects. By Seum H. Pea- 
body* Profusely Illustrated. i2mo. C lax- 
ton, Remsen & Haffelfinger. Philadelphia, 

Another attractive book for young people ; 
written in a pleasing conversational style, full 
of anecdotes of the habits and manners of the 
animal creation. A few of the species native to 
America are described, and in their order those 
introduced into the western hemisphere by the 
European immigrants. Here we hnd that Co- 
lumbus brought cows to Hispaniola in 1493, the 
French to Canada in 1600, the English to 
Jamestown in 161 1 and to Massachusetts in 

The tone of the volume may be judged of by 
the caption of the chapter that treats of the 
kangaroo and the opossum, which the author 
quaintly heads, "about several funny fellows.** 
The lessons to be learned from observation of 
the brute creation are happily impressed, as for 
instance patience from the beaver, indomit- 
able hopefulness from the spider. Natural history 
is a fascinating study and should be encouraged 
in youth. 


Young Brave of the Delawares. By 

Elijah Kellogg. Illustrated. i8mo, pp. 

336. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1879. 

This, the concluding volume of the Forest 
Glen series, gives an account of the life of the 
frontiersmen during the exciting colonial period 
when to the dangers of civilized warfare between 
the English and P>ench were added the terrors 
of Indian participation on either side. Such 
romances, when true to the nature they should 
depict, are proper adjuncts to historical instruc- 
tion. Indeed the interest, which belongs to all 
tales of personal adventure and trial, helps to 6x 
the historical incidents which they illustrate and 
explain, on the memory of youth. While quite 
as thrilling as the dangerous yellow-covered 
Jack Shepard literature, their tone is healthy, 
and their influence salutary. 


By Samuel Sampleton, Esq., late United 

States Consul at Verdecuemo. i2mo, pp. 

270. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 187S. 

In a short preface Mr. Luigi Monti announces 
the authorship of this attractive account of the 
experiences of a Consular representative of the 
United States in a Mediterranean port, and the 
petty miseries to which he was subjected by the 

insufficiency of his salary and the demands upon 
his time and labor. Mr. Sampleton had been 
preceded in his post by a gentleman of fortune, 
who was only too happy to have an occasion 
of spending his personal funds in supporting 
American dignity among the well paid repre- 
sentatives of European States. For three years 
Mr. Sampleton struggled manfully under the 
difficulties which surrounded him, and at their 
close had just succeeded in acquiring a knowl- 
edge of his official duties and of the French 
language, which is indispensable to their proper 
performance, when a change of administration 
caused his recall. 

In no manner could the absurdities of the 
constant changes in our Consular service be 
made more manifest, but we must take issue 
with the concurrent thought expressed in the 
volume that additional salaries should be paid 
for the purpose of a more brilliant representation 
abroad. The Consular appointment is not dip- 
lomatic but commercial, and now that it has 
become a matter of grave question whether 
there is need of any diplomatic representation 
whatever, except for special purposes, when 
special commissions would better perform the 
service, it seems unnecessary to take a step in 
the other direction by increasing the importance 
of the secondary position. Let us have Consuls 
well trained in the duties for which they are 
created, adequately salaried, and with competent 
clerical aid, but let an end be put to their 
appearance as ministers in petto in diplomatic 

The story we do not take to be one of actual 
personal experience, but it is nevertheless true. 


Fifth Anniversary of the Organization 

OF the first Company ev^r formed to lay 

AN Ocean Cable, New York, March 10, 

1879. Printed for private circulation only. 

410, pp. 64. 1879. 

Under this title an account, anonymous but 
authentic, prepared chiefly from the reports 
which appeared in the New York papers, is 
here given of what has been called the silver 
wedding of the Atlantic Cable ; it would be 
more proper to say of the two hemispheres, 
which it has bound with its electric circle for 
better or for worse, and whom hereafter no 
man can put asunder. The celebrities of the 
country were gathered at the house of Cyru i W. 
Field, the indefatigable ** promoter," to use an 
English appellation, of this beneficent enter- 
prise. What was said and done and written on 
the occasion, and what good cheer partaken of, is 
here set down. A fac-simile is given of the 
elegant and appropriate card of invitation. 

«-. ■■• . 

-..^1- -- A •« 



FIVE Years ago, and the Historical Re- 
sults. An address delivered before the New 
England Historic-Genealogical Society, De- 
cember 4, 1878. byDoRUS Clarke, D.D., 
Boston. 32mo, pp. 46. Lee & Shepard. 
Boston, 1879. 

Turning from the historical allusions to West- 
hampton, the most picturesque of the four mu- 
nicipalities which made up the beautiful town 
of Northampton, we find that it is the New 
England Primer which, in the opinion of Dr. 
Clarke, *' has done more to form N ew England 
character than any book except the Bible." He 
asks a question, which he confesses he cannot 
answer — Who compiled the New England 
Primer? The Primer used at Westhampton, 
near which he was bom, was a square book, and 
contained the catechism. By public sentiment 
of the town, the Ux nan scripta^ every child in 
Westhampton was required to recite the whole 
in the meeting house on three Sabbaths in the 
year. There was no shirking. The three di- 
visions were recited until the town thought of 
nothing else but catechism. Heaven forgive 
us, but the wicked thought arises that perhaps 
it was the catechism which depopulated New 
England, and drove her youth westward to less 
religious and more fertile fields. 

A paper read before the American Geograph- 
ical Society, February 27, 1879, by Theo- 
dorus B. M. Mason, Lieutenant U. S. Navy. 
8vo, pp. 38. New York, 1879. 

FLES BY A Board of French Naval Offi- 
cers. Translated from Extrait du Memorial 
de TArtillerie de la Marine by Theo. B. M. 
Mason, Lieutenant U. S. Navy. 8vo, pp. 64. 
Office Army and Navy Journal. New 
York, 1879. 


B. M. Mason. 

The readers of the Magazine will remember 
the attention called in its pages (II., 565) to the 
action of Congress, authorizing the acceptance 
by the gallant young officer, author of these 
papers, of a medal conferred upon him by King 
Victor Emanuel for saving a number of lives of 
his Italian subjects, the third honor received by 
him for similar service. From the first of these 
pamphlets it may be seen that he is as inter- 
estea in the theory as he was skillful in the 
practice of life preservation. From the next^ 

by one of those curious contrasts of which 
life is full, that he is as zealous and intelligent 
in the science of putting |>eople out of the world 
as he is in keeping them in it. And this to his 

request of the " Society for the Preservation 
of the Irish Language" for the use of the 
"Irish Classes" in America. 32mo, pp.48* 
Lynch, Cole & Meehan. New York, 1878. 

pp. 104. Do. do. 

It is difficult to notice a book in a language 
of which one knows nothing. Fortunately the 
title-page is in good English, but we add a quo- 
tation from Vallencey, which gives the gist of 
the matter. He says : "The Irish language is 
free from anomalies, sterility and heteroclite 
redundancies which mark the dialects of bar- 
barous nations ; it is rich and melodious ; it is 
precise and copious, and affords those el^ant 
conversions which no other than a thinking and 
lettered people can use or acquire." 

T. A. Bland. i2mo, pp. 202. Lee & 
Shepard. Boston, 1879. 

Whatever opinions may be held of General 
Butler, it will not be denied that he is one of 
the most striking fijjures in the country. In the 
long array of marked public men there is no 
single one, north or south, who has filled a 
larger place in the public mind than he. This, 
perhaps, because his is a positive and thoroughly 
original character. 

This volume is evidently the work of a close 
personal friend, perhaps of an intimate partisan 
of the ambitious statesman, who no doubt has 
kept in view the Presidency of the country. 
The story of his life from his boyhood to 
the campaign for the governorship of the old 
Bay State in 1878, is told in a vigorous, nervous 
style, not unlike that the General was wont to 
use in the famous terse proclamations whidi 
made New Orleans howl during the days of his 
iron but equal rule — a rule which was far more 
satisfactory to the people of New Orleans than 
that of his successors, because of its certain and 
even nature. So safe was the place that even at 
midnight the streets were as quiet as those of any 
city in the Union at noonday* and the General 
himself constantly to be seen in full uniform in 
an open victoria without a single guard. As 
General Dix in his memorable orders gave the 
key note to the early patriotic spirit, so General 
Butler in the single phrase which named the 
negro "Contraband of War," settled his status 
in the contest to the popular mind. 



A review of this nature allows of no dis- 
cnssion of the merits and faults of this remark- 
able man, but when, if ever, the secrets of Lin- 
coln's administration are unveiled, not the least 
curious chapter will be that which will relate 
the manner in which Butler was removed from 
New Orleans without the knowledge of those 
most directly concerned in the conduct of the 
wa^ the chapter entitled ** Gen. Butler as a 
Financial Reformer," we have no more patience 
thaa we have with the General in that attitude ; 
hut to one who showed the indomitable courage 
and pluck that marked the career of this mnn of 
iron during the war, much is to be pardoned. 
An excellent portrait prefaces the volume. 

Circulars affecting the Quartermas- 
ter's Department, U. S. Army, from 1S65 
TO 1877, INCLUSIVE. Compiled by E. W. 
Hewitt and W. E. Coleman. Fort Leaven- 
worth, Kansas, (1879). 

These gentlemen, as clerks in the Quarter- 
master's Department, originally compiled this 
index for their own convenience, but have very 
properly concluded that it will prove a valuable 
aid a.s a reference volume to others discharging 
similar duties. It may be considered as an 
addendum to BrinckerhofTs *' Volunteer Quar- 
termaster," published in 1865. The correction 
of errors is invited. 

ANTS op Richard Porter, who settled 
AT Weymouth, Mass., 1635, and allied 
families ; also some account of the Descend- 
ants of John Porter, who settled at Hingham, 
Mass., 1635, and Salem (Danver), Mass., 
1644. By Joseph W. Porter, of Burlington, 
Maine. 8vo, pp. 344. Burr & Robinson. 
Bangor, 1S7S. 

A brief general account of the Potter families 
opens this well edited and apparently thorough 
genealogy. In this it is stated that nearly all 
of the families bearing the name in the United 
States can be traced to a very few emigrant 

Richard settled in Weymouth in 1635. John. 
of Hinghim and Salem, three miles distant 
from Weymouth, is supposed to have been the 
brother <»f Richard. Another of the name of 
John settled at Windsor, Conn., in 1638. 
Robert and Thomas, brothers, were of the 
eighty-four proprietors of Farmington, Conn., 
in 1640. From Robert is descended President 

Noah Porter of Yale College. Daniel was at 
Farmington, Conn., before 1635. Abel was 
admitted to the church at Boston in 1641. 
Another John was a freeman of Roxbury in 

The editor is descended from the Richard 

Porter first named, of Weymouth. The sketches 

of heads of families are succinct and suggestive 

of genealogic enquirers, and the indexes well 

arranged and thorough. 

THE CENTENNIAL ; An International 

Poem. By W. A. Stephens. i6mo, pp. 72. 

Hunter, Rose & Co. Toronto, 1878. 

This is a good natured, rattling poetic de- 
scription of a trip from Canada to the Centennial 
at Philadelphia, which is worth recording and 
preserving among the reminiscences of that 
already historic event. There is a verse for 
about every object and person of interest, dead 
or alive. 

sey, and ov its Medical Men from the 
Settlement of the Province to A. D. 
1800. By Stephen Wickes, M. D. 8vo, 
pp. 449. Martin R. Dennis & Co. New- 
ark, N. J., 1879. 

In the year 1875, the Medical Society of New 
Jersey resolved to publish its '*01d Transac- 
tions" from its institution in 1706 to iboo. 
The duty of editing these papers fell upon 
tSe author of this volume, and the present 
elaborate history of the profession in the State, 
is the outcome of the investigations made. The 
medical history of Cumberland, Monmouth, 
Hunterdon and Essex Counties has been pub- 
lished in the ** Transactions of the Medical 
Society of New Jersey." Beyond these, the 
Societies of Warren and Sussex have caused 
their histories to be written. The present vol- 
ume is supplementary to these works. The 
author has conveniently divided his subject into 
two parts. The first, historical, presents in a 
rapid summary the beginnings ana progress of 
the art in New Jersey ; the second, biographical 
sketches of New Jersey physicians to the year 
iSoo, alphabetically arranged. 

The author has done his work in an excellent 
manner, and with evident love of his subject. 
The style is simple and natural, and wholly 
without effort or ostentation. The fruits of 
research are lucidly and conci^iely given, and the 
book is an admirable addition to local history 
and biography, while full of interest to the pro- 
fession at lai^e. It is well printed, in clear, 
open type, and on good paper, and its value is 
enhanced by a comprehensive index. 


SWITZLER'S ILLUSTRATED HISTORY ultimately prevaU. Indeed, the necessity of a 

OF Missouri from i 541 to 1877. 8vo,pp. large coin circulation was never more evident 

601. C. R. Barns. Editor and Publisher. J.^*"^ now when there is no longer any power of 

' Government or of banks to regulate the rate 

Saint Louis, 1879. of discount and control the exchanges, with the 

The material of this work was originally pre- attendant outgo or influx of the precious 

pared for the elaborate volume entitled " The metals. 

Commonwealth of Missouri/' and is now re- Mr. BoUes notices the fact that no thorough 

arranged in a form which brings it within the history of the early financial period of the 

reach of ordinary readers. The contributors United States has before been written ; and 

are announced in the following order : Archse- that it is only to be found in meagre and scat- 

ology, A J. Conant; History, W. F. Switzler ; tered papers. His purpose is in three volumes 

Physical Geography, G. C. Swallow ; Material to cover the entire held of finance from 1774 to 

Wealth, R. A.Campbell; the arrangement fall- 1879. '^^^ present treats of the fiist cUarly 

ing to the hands of Chancy R. Bams. Of these, defined period, 1774 to 1789. This is divided 

Mr. Conant is well known throughout the coun- into two books: I. From September, 1774, to 

try for his careful papers on the pre-historic the Financal Administration of Robert Morris ; 

{>eriod of the western country, and Col. Switz- 11. From Morris* Financial Administration to 
er for his long labors on the press of Missouri, the close of the Confederation. The story is a 
and his intimate knowledge of that State. sad one. The colonies were cursed with 
Numerous illustrations give an idea of the depreciated issue;;, each different and differently 
discoveries made in the ancient mounds, and aid secured, and even the coin which fluctuated in 
to an understanding of the civilization and habits amount in a meaningless way, was in great 
of a I'^st people, whose story is only told by these measure depreciated by abrasion or mutilated 
mute witnesses. The history of the part taken by design. The necessities of war compelled 
by Missouri in the late civil war, is commend- an instant resort to bills of credit, and these 
able for its moderation and fairness. The naturally took the form of Continental notes, a 
mineral treasures of the State are well set forth, paper money which had they been supported by 
and a large number of excellent statistical tables proper taxation equally levied and equally col- 
contribute to make of the volume a complete lected from the colonies on whose faith it was 
and useful work of reference, which should be issued, might possibly have been maintained 
found on the shelves of every public library. at a par with coin. So it has been asserted of 

the issues of the Government during the late 

rpTJir TTTXTA-vTi-T A T « Too^z-kT. "tr /^T? t«ttt:« ^^''» ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ caseas iu the other there 

THE FINANCIAL HISTORY OF i Hi. ^^s not in the country the amount of specie 

United States from 1774 to 1789, em- required to maintain convertibility, nor yet the 

bracing the period of the American Revolu- power to obtain it. As it was, even in 1776, the 

tion. By Alrert S. Bolles. 8vo, pp. 371. C^"^*"^'^^*! Pf Pf' 1»*^ ^^'^^^^ depreciated to 

_ ^ ^ _ _ _- _, , o Sdch an extent that it was openly refused, and 

D. Appleton & Co. New \ork, 1879. ^^^i measures were adopted to compel its 

There has never been a time when thorough receipt. Next followed the introduction of large 
knowledge of the true principles of finance was sums of counterfeit paper directly promoted by 
of such vital importance to the people of the the British Government as *de bonne guerre.' 
United States as now. By the rapid develop- The next resort of the Government was to 
ment of our resources, we have grown up to the foreign loans. These were made possible by 
full measure of our paper currency, every dollar the victory of Saratoga in the fall of 1777, »»^<1 
of which would be needed in the daily trans- funds were raised in Holland and France by 
action of the nation, but for the large influx of our Commissioners, against which bills of ex- 
coin during the last three years. If now, by a change wete drawn, but of course these brought 
master stroke of finance, we could utterly no specie into the country, and provided no 
destroy the paper issues to the amount of the foundation whatever for the restoration of the 
gold we have received, the financial prosperity national credit. In the expressive modem 
of the country would be assured beyond a per- phrase, the future of the Republic was dis- 
adventure. countc d by those governments who were polit- 

The previous works of the writer of this vol- ically interested in its success, 
ume entitle him to rank among the very first The appointment of Robert Morris to the 
modern authorities on the subject of finance, direction of the finances in the spring of 1781, 
He belongs to the great school of Morris, and began a new era in the political economy of the 
Hamilton, and Gallatin, the soundness of whose country. A national bank was the regulating 
writings, based on the principle of a strong metal- machine which brought harmony into the d is- 
lie basis in the circulating medium, is as fresh tracted branches of the treasury and pay depart- 
to-day as when they were written, and must ments. A limited amount of specie was secured 



and held with tenacity, bank bills were issued 
and means taken to float them with comparative 
freedom. And with exceptional powers, Morris 
was strong enoogh to redeem the national credit. 
To him Mr. Bofles aptly ascribes the honor of 
being " the peerless financier of the Revolution." 
It is rarely that a subject of this nature is 
treated in a manner as pleasing as this. No one 
who would understand the true history of the 
Revolution, and correctly measure the difficulties 
with which our forefathers had to contend, 
f-hould omit a careful study of this well digested 


My own Times, embracing, also, the 

History of my Life. By John Reynolds. 

8vo, pp.395. Chicago Historical Society. 

Chicago, 1879. 

This is a reproduction, in an attractive form, 
and with the addition of a full index, of a book, 
the story of which is an illustration of the diffi- 
cttlties which all who have devoted themselves 
to historical investigation have had to encounter 
in this country. Governor Reynolds was one of 
the most prominent figures in western public 
life, and it would be supposed this epitome of 
the story of the young days of the western 
country would have commanded a ready sale. 
Not so. Completed in 1854, the first edition, 
probably not more than four hundred copies, 
was printed in a small job office at Belleville, and 
taken by a single bookseller of Chicago, at the 
author's personal instigation. Nearly the whole 
edition was destroyed in the great fire of 1857. 
Practically out of print, the present volume is 
lather a new work than the reprint of an old ; 
and a creditable one it is to the Chicago society. 
Tne extensive range of politics, internal im- 
provement, public life and personal experience, 
lutarally traversed in this bulky volume, render 
e^en a slight analysis impossible. It is discursive 
tnd sketchy, and abounds in details of purely 
local value, but it contains also a mass of in- 
formation which the enquirer would look for in 
▼ain elsewhere. Above all it is stamped with 
an originality and individuality which set well 
iipon the shoulders of a western man. 

TH£ Great West. By Francis Park- 
itAN. i6mo, pp. 483. Little, Brown & 
Co. Boston, 1879. 

This, under another title, is the eleventh 
edittonof the third part of Mr. Parkman's his- 
tory of the early settlement of America by the 
French, published in 1869. as The Discovery of 
tte Great West, Our readers are familiar with 

the three volumes of Mf« Margry's " D^ouver- 
tes et ^tablissements des Francais dans Pouest 
et dans le Sud de I'Am^rique Septentrionale," 
numerous extracts from which have been trans^- 
lated for the pages of this Magazine. 

Mr. Parkman was acquainted with this new and 
important material, but was unwilling to make 
use of it until the collection made by Mr. Mar- 
gry should be made public. He now has taken 
advantage of it, and with these new lights, has 
revised and almost entirely rewritten the narra- 
tive, in which La Salle becomes the central fig- 
ure. The new material particularly concerns 
the causes of La Salle's faihxre to find the mouth 
of the Mississippi in 1684. His quarrel wiih 
Beaujeu, the naval commander of the expedi- 
tion, and the wreck of the " Aimable," told with 
charming precision in the original letter, make* 
a fascinating page of history. The Aimable 
came to grief in the Bay of St. Louis, now Mata- 
gorda Bay; whether by accident, or by design as 
La Salle and his companions believed, cannot 
be determined. There were those, even, who 
thought that it was part of a plan to destroy 
La Salle, concerted by the Jesuits, who did 
not favor his discoveries. Mr. Parkman does 
not seem to give any credit to this view, in- 
deed, passes it by. The expedition separated, 
Beaujeu returning to France, and La Salle 
entering the country to find the mouth of the 
Mississippi by land. The tragic sequel is well 
known. La Salle fell by the hand of an assas- 
sin. The band of explorers waited long and 
vainly for succor from France, but left to their 
fate at Fort St. Louis of Texas they finally 
fell a prey to the treachery of their savage 

the State of New York. Prepared pur- 
suant to a Concurrent Resolution of the Leg- 
islature. By Allen C. Beach, Secretary of 
State. 8vo, pp. 459. Weed, Parsons & 
Co. Albany, 1879. 

These are volumes which will stand in 
history. They mark not only a period in the 
life of the nation, but form a land-mark in his- 
torical investigation. The several monographs 
in this collection, which have been brought 
together and carefully edited by Mr. Beach, 
contain the best accessible information concern- 
ing the events they describe. Nor has the skill- 
ful editor confined himself to printing the ad- 
dresses alone, but has wisely added the best 
attainable accounts of the celebrations them- 
selves, which in another century will interest 
the student of manners and customs almost as 
much as the earlier days they commemorate. 
New York played a great part in the revolution. 
The drum beat without pause upon her borders 


for seven long years. The names of the occa- tional trait of the seaman, he added an inimit- 

sions celebrated are ample evidence of this : I. able grace and courtesy of speech, which won 

The Adoption of the New York State Constitu- instant regard, and his conversation was as fas- 

tion in 1777, which the eminent jurist, Charles cinating as his behavior was modest and letined. 

O'Conor, made the theme of an address vn In a word, he combined in a rare degree the old 

the Constitutions before the New York Histori- requirements of chivalry, a womanly gentleness 

cal Society and a vast audience of the culture and with a manly bravery, that took no account of 

fashion of the Metropolis. II. The Adoption of danger, and had no sense of fear. The per- 

the State Constitution at Kingston (celebrated sonal letters in this volume will be read with as 

Tuly 30, 1877). III. The Battle of Oriskany, celt- much eagerness as the twice-told tale of the 

orated August 6, 1 87 7, under the auspices of the PasNage of the Batteries of Vicksburg and the 

Oneida Historical Society. The attention of Capture of New Orleans and Mobile. With 

historians is invited to the original material filial devotion and modest taste the author has 

now for the first time published in the appendix justified and fulfilled the prophecy made in 

to the addressof Mr. Ellis H. Roberts, the orator the United Service Magazine for January, 1865. 

of the day. IV. The Battle of Bemus* Heights, ** When his biography comes to be written, the 

celebrated September 1 9, 1877. V. Theceremony public, who now see only high courage and in- 

of laying the corner-stone of the monument to domitable vij^or rewarded by great and brilliant 

David Williams, ore of the captors of Andr^, at victories, will recognize the completeness and 

the Old Fort in Schoharie, September 23, 1876. harmony of a character that has so far appeared 

VI. The Surrender of Burgoyne, celebiated at to them only in profile. The stainless honor, 

Schuylerville, October 17, 1877. VII. The the straightforward frankness, the vivacity of 

unveiling of the Cherry Valley Monument, manner and conversation, the gentleness, the 

August 15, 1877, an occasion on which Major flow of humor, the cheerful, ever buoyant spirit 

Douglas Campbell, kinsman of a victim of of the true man — these will be added to the 

that dark tragedy in which the bloodthirsty re- complete education the thorough seamanship, 

venge of the tories and the brutal instincts of the devotion to duty, and lastly, the restless 

the savage were joined in an eager rivalry of energy, the disdain of obstacles, the impatience 

crime, delivered the address. The volume of delay or hesitation, the disregard of danger, 

closes with an account of the Proceedings in that stand forth in such prominence in the por- 

Commemoration of the Occupation of the New trait, deeply engraven on the loyal Amencan 

Capitol in January, 1879, which gave an occasion heart, of the great Admiral." 
for a recital of the past history of the old build- Brave and unconquerable as Nelson, his high 

ing, which was doomed to destruction with all moral character adds to a fame, as a naval 

its memories of seventy years. It will be long commander, equal to that of the hero of the 

before New York shall again witness such scenes Victory, a civic glory all his own. 

as those which marked the summer and fall of 

1877, when herpopulation was literally in move- 
ment by tens and twenties of thousands, as each NARRATIVE OF THE SECOND ARCTIC 
successive celebration called them out to cele- r^^^^.^.^^ „.^^ «„ /-»„.«, ^^ tt tj.,, 
brate the deeds of their fathers on the old historic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall. 
border ground. Mis Voyage to Repulse Bay ; Sledge Jour- 

.___ neys to the Straits of Fury and Hecla and to 

THE LIFE OF DAVID GLASGOW FAR- ^^ing William's Land and residence among 
RAGUT. First Admiral ok the United the Eskimos during the years 1864-69. Ed- 
States Navy. Embracing his journal and »ted under the orders of the Secretary of the 
letters. By his son, Loyal Farragut. With ^'avy. by Prof. J. E. Nourse, U. S. N.. U. 
portraits, maps and illustrations. 8vo, pp. S. Naval Observatory, 1S79. 410, pp. 644. 

5S6. D. Aitleton & Co. New York, 1S79. Government Printing Office. Washing- 

This biography of the most famous naval ^o"» 1S79. 
commander of modem times was written by his The United States Government in the publi- 

only son at the express wish of the Admiral, cation of this massive and elaborately illustrated 

and will hold its place as the authontative record volume has done but a simple act of justice to 

\ of his eventful life. In its preparation the offi- the memory of Captain Hall, who first applied 

cers of the navy have been freely consulted, to Arctic exploration a new and thoroughly 

and as far as possible the story of the Admiral American principle. If the barriers of the Po- 

is related by himself in what his son justly lar seas are to be pierced, as we doubt not, and 

terms his characteristic language. No one who the mysteries held within unfolded by scientific 

him met P'arragut will ever forget him. To a investigation, the success of the enterprise will 

frank, open and forcible nature, which is the tradi- be in large measure due to ihe practical method. 



introduced by Hall, of residence among the 
natives of the highest inhabited latitudes, their 
education, and ultimately their cooperation in 
the important task. 

Hall made three expeditions. Of the first of 
these. May 29, i860, to September 13, 1862, he 
published an account in his Arctic Researches, 

The second voyage and residence among the 
Eskimos covered a period of more than five 
years, June 30, 1864, to September 26, 1869. 
Of this he left no narrative, his time on his re- 
turn being occupied with preparations for his 
third voyage, that of the Polaris, on board 
which vessel he died suddenly, November 8, 
1871. The record of this voyage, prepared by 
Rear Admiral Davis, was published oy the Gov- 
ernment in 1876, and was noticed in the Maga- 
zine for September, 1877 (I., 580). 

After the death of Captain Hall the Govern- 
ment purchased his manuscripts, part of which 
were used by Admiral Davis. Others, com- 
prising the larger portion, were found to belong 
to the second expedition, and form the basis of 
the present narrative. The citizens of New York, 
under the energetic impulse of the late Henry 
Grinnell and Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, were per- 
sonally and pecuniarily interested in all of these 
explorations, and were warmly attached to Cap- 
tain Hall, whose devotion to his self-imposed 
task and simple, modest manners endeared him 
to all with whom he was biou^ht in contact. 
The presence of the Eskimos, whom he brought 
with him as practical evidences of the possibility 
of his well-devised scheme of land exploration, 
contributed not a little to the successful outfit 
of the expeditions. 

It is needless to add that this record is pre- 
pared with the broad scope and nicety of detail 
which characterize the work of our American 
naval officers. The careful meteorological and 
astronomical observations made by Captain 
Hall are of incalculable value to science. The 
narrative of his residence among the natives is 
told with simplicity, and will prove interesting 
to the general reader as a story of personal 
experience, while serviceable in its hints to those 
who follow in his footprints on the glacial 


AND THE Supreme Court of the United 

States. By John M. Shirley. i6mo, pp. 

469. G. L. Jokes & Co. St. Louis, 1879. 

An adnnirahle history of Dartmouth College, 
by Baxter Perry Smith, appeared in 1878, and 
received a careful review in the pages of the 
Magazine for September, 1879 (III., 589). A 
general account of the famous ** Dartmouth 
Cootroven»y " may be found in Mr. Smith's vol- 

ume. The present book treats simply of the 
causes which originated in that controversy, and 
form one of the most remarkable passages in 
American legal and forensic history. They were 
five in number. Four were brought to test the 
validity of the acts of the New Hampshire 
Legislature to amend the charter of Dartmouth 
College. The fifth was brought into court Sep- 
tember 23, 1819. The case, decided against 
the college in the U. S. Circuit Courts, was 
carried up, under special direction of Mr. Web- 
ster, who came into it **at the eleventh hour," 
under a writ of error to the Supreme Court. 
Judge Marshall was the Chief Justice, and Mr. 
Webster relied on the single ground that the 
acts of the Legislature were "not within the 
general scope of legislative power." The points 
in the grand argument of Mr. Webster had been 
essentially made by Jeremiah Mason and Jere- 
miah Smith, who formed with him a ** great 
triumvirate of prodigious intellectual power,'* 
to use Mr. Shirley's expressive and appreciative 
phrase. The lawyer and the jurist will follow 
the close account of the points made in the con- 
troversy, but the general reader will be amply 
repaid by the analysis presented of the charac- 
teristics of the legal giants who were engaged, 
and the estimates of their value in the counsel 
chamber and the forum of large debate. To 
others learned in the law must be left an appre- 
ciation of the manner in which Mr. Shirley in- 
terprets and reviews the judgments of the 


the United States at Washington. 
i6mo, pp. 557. By Wekster Elmes. W. 
II. & O. H. Morrison. Washington, D. C, 


This volume, in the words of the author, pre- 
sents a comprehensive view of the powers, func- 
tions and duties of the heads of departments, 
bureaus and divisions, at Washington, as pre- 
scribed by law and regulations ; together with a 
description in detail of the organization of each; 
also a sketch in detail of their practical opera- 
tions in the transaction of public affairs and of 
business with the people. It will serve not only 
to instruct officers in their duty, but give the in- 
formation required by those who have dealings 
with the departments which will enable them to 
transact their business without the intervention 
of any of the countless horde of middle men. 
who haunt the halls of the public lniildinj;s,an«l 
in their bolder sphere of operations form that 
intangible body which is termed the lobby. 
United States officials are easy of access, and 
have a ready answer for those who know how to 
ask for what they want. This volume will aid 
the latter class in their enquiries. 



OF Life in the Hudson's Bay Territory. 
By H. M. Robinson. With numerous illus- 
trations from designs by Charles Gasche. 
a4mo, pp. 348. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New 
York, 1879. 

The picturesque phases of life in the Hud- 
son's Bay territory are here graphically presented 
in a form of sketches, which illustrate the dif- 
ferent seasons of the year. The opening chap- 
ter describes a winter's journey on a dog sledge 
from Fort Garry, across the frozen expanse of 
Lake Winnipeg, to Norway House at its north- 
em extremity. The great Northern Packet of 
the Hudson's Bay Company, with which the 
journey was made, consists of four dog trains 
and drivers, and scatters news from the forty- 
ninth to the sixty-seventh parallel, and from 
Labrador to Alaska. In the far north summer 
treads close upon the heels of winter In April 
the earth softens, and the streams are liberated 
from their ice chains. This is the season for 
canoe life, and the incidents of this dreamy ex- 
istence arc charmingly related* No one who 
has ever lived for a few days in a can.>c can 
forget the delights and surprises which nature 
presents from the low level of observation which 
the thwarts afford. 

Then follow chapters upon the half-breed 
yoyageurs, descendants of the Canadian boat- 
men, of the Conreurs des Ms, or wood-runners, 
the trappers of the great Northwest, of the wild 
Blackfeet, the Arabs of the Saskatchewan terri- 
tory, and upon the history of the Hudson's Bay 
Company, and the life of whites and Indians in 
camp or on the great fall hunt, which opens at 
Pembina Mountain, in the Dakota region, in 
the 6rst days of September, when the buffalo 

Well arranged and pleasantly written, this is 
a v/elcome addition to the descriptive literature 
of American life and customs. A variety of 
tjrpical illustrations heighten its interest. 


THE Clarke Family of Boston, Mass., 

1731. With review of the same. By Isaac 

Greenwood. For private distribution. 8vo, 

pp. 8. New York, 1879. 

In these pages those interested in this 'class of 
research will hnd a reprint of William Clarke's 
genealogical statement of 1731, which appeared 
m the New England Historical and Genealo- 
gical Register for January, 1879, and of a re- 
view of It from the same magazine for April, 
1879. Nice critical acumen and a thorough 
knowledge of early New England family history 

is shown, and numerous errors corrected. The 
account of the Saltonstalls will interest many. 

Official Pigeon-holes. Sketches based on 
official reports, grouped together for the pur- 
pose of illustraung the services and experi- 
ences of the regular army of the United 
States on the Indian Frontier. 32mo. D. 
Van Nostrand. New York, 1879. 

No one can speak with more authority of the 
services and sacrifices of the small devoted band, 
who for years, on the outskirts of civilization, have 
stood and protected our lont; line of exposed 
frontier from the brand and the tomahawk, than 
the author of these sketches, whose position in 
the Adjutant General's department C|ives him pe- 
culiar advantages for accurate knowledge of the 
subject he treats. The brief sketches he gives 
of actual occurrences, scattered over a period of 
nearly thirty years, are presented as examples of 
the dangers and privations of our soldiery, and of 
the gallantry and fortitude they display. The 
archives of the Government abound in reports 
of their encounters with the ravage foe. Among 
the fourteen sketch;^ are vivid narratives of For- 
syth's fight at the Island of Death, the Fetter- 
man massacre in the Fatal Valley, Powell's fight 
against overwhelming numbers in the same year, 
Pfieiler's fight, and most memorable of all the 
story of Modoc treachery and the massacre of 
the lamented Canby in the Lava Beds, the ' hor- 
ror* of 1873, 

Massachusetts, 1662-1678. Edited by 
Samuel A. Green, 8vo, pp. 46. Groton, 


In July, 1877 (I., 450), the Utention of onr 
readers was invited to \ thorough and interest- 
ing account of this ancient town, included in the 
Proceedings of its Centennial Celebration of the 
Declaration of Independence, and the bi-cen- 
tennial of its destruction by Indians in March, 

These early records are now edited by the 
same careful, patient antiquary. They begin 
with what is called the ' Indian roll," the earli- 
est extant of the town records, and have a local 

We wish some local antiauary would do a 
similar service for the town ot Groton, Connec- 
ticut, the records of which we saw a quarter of 
a century ago in the garret of a country store. 
They were full of interesting memoranda cod- 
cerning the Ledyards and other old families of 
this ancient and notable city. The town is now 
called Ledyard, if we are not mistaken* 



Essmys, by representative writers, on subjects 
connected with Trade, Finance and Political 
Economy. 8vo. G. P. Putnam's So.ns, New 
York, 1873 and 1879. 

X. An Essay on Free Trade. By Richard 
Hawley. 1878. 

XI. Honest Money and Labor. An ad- 
dress delivered in Boston, October 23, 1878, 
by Carl Schurz, Secretary of the Interior. 


XII. National Banking. A discussion 
of the merits of the present system. By 
M. L. Scudder, Jr. Published for the 
Honest Money League of the Northwest. 


XIII. Hindrances to Prosperity, or Causes 
which Retard Financial and Political Re- 
forms in the United States. By Simon 
Sterne. Published for the N. Y. Free 
Trade Club. 1879. 

In our December number, 1878 (II., 763), at- 
tention was invited to the first nine numbers of 
this extremely valuable collection of special 
napers. The able character of the series has 
Deen fully sustained, and a new line of con- 
tributors has come forward. This is as it 
should be ; while it is not in the nature of such 
papers to be other than decided statements of 
opmions (the word doctrinal may as well be 
ttsed), the greater the variety of treatment 
the better. All economic subjects are many- 
lided, though the light which shines through 
the different prisms is fixed and unchangeable. 
Over the subject of national banking there 
bas been and will continue to be the widest 
diversity of opinion, even among those who are 
the most downright advocates of honest money 
sndhard money. The limitation of circulation 
will soon become another ground of controversy. 
There are those who believe that the expansion 
of currency should be in paper. We are of the 
old-fashioned school which would limit the issue 
of paper to a minimum, and look for flexibility 
in com. The new theory may be sound. The 
old has been proved to be so by the experience 
of nations. 

A great error has been committed by the ad- 
^^ocates of the national bank system in their 
unmeasured abuse of the greenback, which has 
troosed the dormant jealousy which has existed 
in OQr people since the days of Biddle's bank 
ipinst the money power. All that is needed to 

make the greenback perfect is to take away its 
legal tender quality, and stamp upon its face 
" payable in coin on presentation at any of the 
sub- treasuries of the United States.*' 

ress and first supkrior of the sisters ok 
Charity in the United States of Amemca, 
ETC. By Charles J, White, D.D. Third 
edition. i2mo, pp. 504. Kelly, Piet& Co. 
Baltimore, 1879. 

Eliza Ann Bayley, or " Mother Seton,' the 
name by which she was known in the familiar 
parlance of the Roman Catholic Church, was the 
younger of two daughters of Dr. Richard Bay- 
ley of New York, where she was born on the 
26th August, 1774. After a careful education 
by her father, she was married to Mr. William 
Seton of New York, a well-known merchant of 
this city, of Scotch descent. I ler correspondence 
shows that from early womanhood the tone of 
her mind was eminently reflective and religious. 
In 1S03 her husband, being in delicate health, 
was ordered to Italy, and his wife accom- 
panied him ; he died not long after. It was 
at Florence apparently that her impressionable 
nature was first influenced by the beauty of the 
altar ot St. Lorenzo. At the same time one of 
the Leghorn bankers, Anthony Filicchi, to 
whom her husband was accredited, seems to have 
influenced her mind to the acceptance of the 
Roman Catholic faith, indeed, to have ind c- 
trinated it to the point of conversion ; but it was 
not until her return that she renounced the 
church cf her fathers. Conversions in those 
days made a great stir in the fashionable world to 
which she belonged, and were ht raided far and 
wide as triumphs of the faith. In i8o3 she re- 
moved to Baltimore with her three daughters, and 
placing her sons at St. Mary's College, she es- 
tablished a female academy. In this she had the 
countenance of Mr. John Eager Howard, the 
advice of the venerable Bishop Carroll, and a 
liberal contribution in money from her Italian 
friend, Mr. Anthony Filicchi. The home of the 
sisterhood or Daughters of Charity was fixed 
near Emmetsburg. and two or three recruits ar- 
rived and "hailed her as mother.' Such was 
the modest beginning of the conventual commu- 
nity of St. Joseph in the valley of that name, 
which has now grown into an extensive educa- 
tional, religious and charitable institution, pos- 
sessing broad acres, commodious buildings and 
numerous branches in other States. 

Mrs. Seton was three times elected Mother 
Superior. She died in January, 182 1, and was 
buried in the cemetery of the community, where 
she " reposes with her two hundred daughters, 
awaiting the final day." 



where they took part in the disastrous campaign 
of the same summer. Sharon troops were later 
in the affair at Danbury, and her militia joined 
in the grand rally which enmeshed Burgoyne, 
A series of biographical sketches, alphabeti- 
cally arranged, follows the historical sketch, and 
appendices are added, containing deeds, list of 
soldiers of the revolution, names of college 
graduates, representatives of the town in Gen- 
eral Assembly, etc. 

Lake and Vicinity. A practical guide-book 
for tourists, describing routes for the canoe- 
man over the principal waters of Northern 
Maine, with hints to campers and estimates 
of expense for tours. Illustrated wiih twenty 
views, etc. By Lucius L. Hubbard. i6mo, 
pp. 145. A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1879. 

Of all months in the year, September and 
October are the best for camping out. Then 
nature is at its best, the bracing air inviting 
exercise, and the insects no longer haunting the 
woodpath or the stream borders. If the reader 
be tempted to camp out, the most attractive 
mode of hunting or fishing excursion, he will 
do well to visit the Moosehead region, and to 
take with him this practical guide, which lays 
down a number of admirable tours. 


FROM THE City of Newburyport. 8vo, 

pp. 178. Published by order of the City 

Council. Newburyport, 1879. 

In this volume will be found a record of the 
exercises taken in various parts of the country on 
occasion of the death of one of the most remark- 
able men of this century. The chief feature in 
its pages is the eulogy delivered by the Hon. 
George B. Loring, who recited m glowing sen- 
tences the conspicuous services rendered by 
Caleb Cushing, for a period of time extending 
over two generations of men, as scholar, jurist, 
statesman, author, diplomatist, legislator, magis- 
trate. Of an emment puritan stock, distinguished 
in the church and the law, he brought to the 
public service, which he espoused in his early 
manhood, every trait requisite to success. His 
versatility of mind, vast acquirements and extra- 
ordinary memory, combined with an untiring 
energy and capacity for labor ; his grasp of sub- 
ject and his minute attention to detail, have 
rarely been equalled, and certainly never ex- 
celled ; and to administration after administra- 
tion. even th>«se with the political opinions of 
which he differed, he was the chosen mentor on 
innumerable occasions, when hb knowledge of 

international law was essential to correct diplo- 
matic action. The only fault found with his 
character was an alleged want of political con- 
sistency, but it is hard to measure the operations 
of an intellect so large as his by ordinary stand- 
ards. Personally he was one of the most fasci- 
nating of men, and his conversation full of 
graphic illustrations. Long before his death the 
animosities he had aroused had faded away, and 
his loss was universally lamented as a national 
calamity. The city of his birth honors herself 
in this memorial to the memory of her most 
distinguished son. 


Canada. By W. G. Beers. New edition, 

containing the laws of the game as recently 

amended. i6mo, pp. 276. Dawson Bros. 

Montreal, 1879. 

The name of Lacrosse is not likely to be for- 
gotten so long as history preserves the memory 
of the massacre of the British garrison at Mic- 
hillimimackinac by a party of Indians, who 
surprised the fort while apparently intent upon 
this exciting game. From time immemorial it 
has been the national game of the northern 
tribes. An interest in it was renewed in i860, 
and a set of rules published by Mr. Beers, who 
may, therefore, justly lay claim to having *' nat- 
uralized " the sport. It first met popularity ia 
Montreal, when the Iroquois Indians of Caugh- 
nawaga introduced it, has been adopted by 
various clubs, and has maintained a permanent 
existence with occasional periods of great pop- 


Lawyers* Summer Wayfarings in thk 

Northern Wilderness. By John Lyle 

King. i2mo, pp. 293. The Chicago Legal 

News Co. Chicago, 1879. 

This is another of those breezy, summery vol- 
umes which breed discontent in the minds of 
citizens home bound, in this torrid year, when 
the planets are astray and weather prophets 
abound. It tells of an excursion of three Chicago 
lawyers into the northern wilderness ; an un- 
settled region, uninhabited even by Indians, 
which IS traversed by the Brule and Michigami 
streams. Those who would follow in the foot- 
steps of the adventurous party will do well to 
take this fascinating volume with them as a 
mentor and guide. It will teach them how to 
conduct themselves towards each other, as weU 
as towards the beasts of the field, and the birds 
of the air, and most particularly the finny tribes 
on which they must chiefly depend for their 
*' daily bread.^' 


Vol. V SEPTEMBER 1880 No. 3 



FOR a proper understanding of the event which I have undertaken 
to describe, it will be necessary to know the condition of the 
British wood-pile. The winter of 1779-80 was one of unusual 
severity. Heavy falls of snow in the vicinity of New York began 
about the middle of December, and these, added to the intense cold, 
soon cut off all communication with the city by water. By the middle 
of January the North River between New York and Paulus Hoeck could 
be crossed on the ice by the heaviest cannon, and soon afterwards 
" Provisions were transported upon Sleighs, and Detachments of Cavalry 
marched from New York to Staten Island (11 Miles) upon the Ice."* 
The cold was not only intense but long continued. As a consequence, 
fuel became so scarce in the city as to cause great anxiety. The wood 
on hand rose to such a fabulous quotation, that the British Commandant 
was forced to fix the maximum price ?X four pounds sterling per cord. So 
limited was the supply, that at one time all the fuel belonging to the 
army in the city was " 70 cords of Wood and 80 Chaldrons of Coal," ' 
and the Barrack Master was driven to " purchase a number of old Ships 
and Hulks to be cut up " to warm the shivering army.' " The Raven, 
A Brig & Schooner belonging to His Majesty," were devoted to this 
purpose. This scarcity, and the consequent high price of fuel, added to 
the urgent appeals of the British officers, with the offer of one dollar 
per cord for cutting, stimulated many efforts to supply the garrison. 
Whenever the scouting patriots were not too near, the Heights of 
Bergen, covered as they were with a heavy growth of timber, were a 
tempting field to the woodcutter. Paulus Hoeck as a depot, and its 
garrison to supply covering parties to the woodsmen, were brought into 
requisition.* With these shifts, and the aid which the tory inhabitants 
of Bergen gave them, the British army passed the winter. But the 



sufferings and annoyances already endured prompted early and abund- 
ant provision against their recurrence. During the following summer the 
crash of falling timber, under the sturdy strokes of the woodman's 
axe, was a familiar and frequent sound from Fort Lee to Bergen 
Point. The wood was thrown over the rocks or hauled to the shore to 
be loaded on boats for transportation to the city, or stored at Paulus 
Hoeck for the use of that garrison and to supply the New York market 
when needed. The refugees and inhabitants of uncertain patriotism 
were largely engaged in this business, and by it were at once enabled to 
testify their loyalty to their king, and earn a livelihood for themselves. 
But while the work was thus profitable both in a patriotic and personal 
view, it was not wholly unattended with danger. The patriots of the 
irregular as well as of the regular army, at uncertain and unexpected 
times, overran this paradise of the woodchopper, rendered his pros- 
pective profits in the business somewhat precarious, and now and then 
abridged his personal ability to serve his king. This made necessary the 
construction of redoubts and block-houses, into which the woodchopper 
could retreat at night, and to which he could fly in case of attack by 
day. The attempt of General Wayne to destroy one of these block- 
houses is the subject of my story. 

On the New Jersey shore of the Hudson, directly opposite Eightieth 
Street in the city of New York, is a ravine, through which furnishes a 
very good pass from the river to the top of the heights. It also sup- 
plies an easy grade for the hauling of wood from the swamps to the 
landing on the shore. The soil and gravel carried by the water down 
this ravine have formed a small plateau a little above the level of high 
tide. The gorge is funnel-shaped, with the small end at the top of 
the hill, and through it the water from the swamps on the high ground 
flows to the river. Ascending this ravine the bearing is north, and thus 
the land lying on the northeast, or between the gorge and the river^ 
assumes an angle somewhat acute. The easterly or river side of this 
triangle consists of the Palisades, which are precipitous, though at 
this point broken and irregular. The southerly side is closed by the 
ravine, with its rocky and precipitous bank, decreasing in height as it 
ascends the mountain. These two sides are inaccessible to attack. 
The third side of the triangle opens upon a level field on the top of the 
mountain. Within this triangle, and thirty-three feet northeast of the bank 
of the ravine, and eighty-seven feet northwest of the palisade on the river 
side, stood the block-house. Its foundation was about fifteen feet square. 
It was constructed of logs, in shape probably, like most structures of 


the kind, and mounted two pieces of artillery. The traces of the 
foundation as thev exist at this time show the river side of the structure 
to have stood on a line running northeast and southwest. The door, 
and probably the only entrance, was on the southwest side and towards 
the ravine. Fifty feet to the south of the block-house is a cleft in the 
rock. This is twelve feet wide at the bottom, but narrows in the ascent 
so as to admit the passage of only a single person. The bottom of the cleft 
is thirty-eight feet below the level of the block-house, and forty-three 
feet, horizontally measured, from the top. It offered the only entrance 
into the works from the ravine or river side. Across the field in front, 
and about sixty yards distant from the block-house, an abatis was con- 
structed from the bluff on the river to the bluff on the ravine. It must 
have been about two hundred and twenty -five feet in length. Within this 
abatis, and probably extending from bluff to bluflf, was a stockade, near 
which was a parapet. The only entrance to the block-house through 
the defences was " a subterraneous passage sufficient only for one man 
to pass." Whether this "passage" refers to the cleft in the rock 
already described or to one under the stockades is perhaps somewhat 
doubtful. If to the latter, it is probable that the opening was to the left 
of the block-house. This would give access to the brook further up the 
gorge. But I am inclined to the opinion that the cleft in the rock was 
the " subterraneous " entrance referred to. It was a natural passage, 
one impossible to be passed if defended, and opening at the nearest 
point to water for the garrison, and to the landing for communication 
with New York, near the door of the block-house, and the only way of 
escape towards Paulus Hoeck which Wayne was careful to cut off. 

The construction of this work was due to an organized effort of a 
few refugees to induce their compatriots "to be employed on ample 
wages to cut fire wood for the use of his Majesties Garrison at New York." 
Those inclined to engage in the enterprise under Tom Ward and others 
were requested to call at the house of Jacob Jeralemon between the 19th 
and Tuesday, the 25th day of April, 1780. On the latter day the oppor- 
tunity to join the enterprise seems to have closed. There is no doubt 
that a sufficient number were enrolled for the object contemplated, for 
on the night of Wednesday, the 30th day of April, a body of refugees, 
under Colonel Abraham Cuy ler, who was in command (probably for the 
reason that he outranked Ward), crossed the river and occupied the 
ground. Apprehensive that they might be disturbed in their work, 
General Pattison, then in command at New York, ordered Major 
Lumm, then in command at Paulus Hoeck, to send one hundred men 


under a captain, at day-break of Thursday, May ist, to take post on 
these Heights for the purpose of covering Colonel Cuyler and his men/ 
It was at this time they began the construction of the works already 
described. Besides the fortifications, a dock was constructed at the 
mouth of the ravine, to facilitate the loading of the boats. 

From this time until the 21st of the following July the refugees held 
the place and proceeded with their work of cutting wood, and commit- 
ting depredations on the people for miles around. The negroes of 
Bergen County regarded this post as the gate through which they 
might pass from slavery in New Jersey to freedom in the city of 
New York. They improved every opportunity to secure this change 
until they became a " burden to the Town," and the officer in charge 
was requested by his superior to prevent them passing the North 
River.* Where Colonel Cuyler was at the time of the attack, and why 
he was absent, I do not know, but in his absence Captain Tom Ward, 
subsequently of Fort Delancey, a refugee post on Bergen Neck, was 
in command^ with about seventy men. 

The British army lay on the east side of the Hudson, their encamp- 
ment extending as far up as Yonkers. While the. position of the block- 
house was of great strength, its design was not to offer obstinate or long- 
continued resistance to hostile approach. It was for temporary safety 
from the attacks of raiding parties of the patriots. More than in its 
own strength the safety of the position lay in the proximity of the 
British army. By crossing the river directly to the position immediate 
relief could be given, while by passing lower down a body could pass 
up the ravine of the Awiehaken and strike the rear of an attacking 
force by way of Three Pigeons, English Neighborhood and Liberty 
Pole. A source of yet greater danger to an attacking force lay in the 
ease with which a body of the enemy could cross the river from Dobbs 
Ferry to Closter, pass up the road there constructed, and by a short 
march seize upon the New Bridge. This pass over the Hackensack 
occupied, and the body marching below seizing the " Little Ferry," an 
attacking force would be effectually entrapped, with no way of escape 
except by cutting its way through the enemy. 

At the time of the attack, which is the subject of this paper, Wash- 
ington's headquarters were at the " Dey House " in Preakness, and 
General Wayne's at Totowa, now Paterson. When and to whom first 
occurred the thought of destroying the block-house it is quite impossible 
to say. But there is no doubt that the aid and comfort which the 
refugees were giving to the enemy in securing a vast quantity of fuel, 


and the number oi cattle, owned by the farmers of Bergen County, 
which were liable to capture by foraging parties, suggested the pro- 
priety of breaking up this tory lodge, and driving the cattle into the 
American camp/ The enterprise having been determined on, its 
execution was entrusted to General Wayne. With his usual energy he 
forthwith began to reconnoitre the ground and its approaches, to weigh 
carefully the probabilities of the post being relieved from New York 
City, and to prepare a warm reception for Clinton's grenadiers should 
they attempt to reach the heights through the passes leading up from 
the river. 

Accompanied by Robert Erskine, Geographer of the Continental 
army, Wayne visited Closter on the 17th of July, and carefully con- 
sidered the possibilities of the British crossing the river from Phillips* 
farm, and pushing on to New Bridge by way of Closter landing* 
How near to Bull's Ferry he extended his examination of the ground 
does not appear, but he was without doubt well acquainted with the 
locality. On the 19th he submitted to the Commander-in-Chief a plan of 
operations. On the following day this was approved, and he was 
directed to proceed with the First and Second Pennsylvania Brigades, 
and Colonel Moylan's dragoons, " upon the execution of the business.*' 
His cautious Chief suggested a mounted " patrol all night," to provide 
against an ambuscade which the enemy might attempt, from informa- 
tion received through their emissaries near the American lines. Immedi- 
ately on receipt of this order. General Wayne directed Captain Zebulon 
Pike to proceed with the horse under his command towards the lower 
landing at Closter, where he was to keep a strict eye on the motions of 
the enemy encamped on the opposite side of the river. Wayne was 
apprehensive that they would cross in force and push on to New Bridge 
for the purpose of cutting oflF his retreat. Captain Pike was to be on 
the ground at " the first dawn of day,** provide material for a fire, and 
in case the enemy indicated an intention to land on the Jersey shore, to 
"raise as large a smoke as possible on the summit of the hill** in the 
rear. Expresses with full particulars in writing were to be despatched 
to Wayne by way of the Liberty Pole. 

With the force mentioned and four six-pounders belonging to 
Colonel Proctor's artillery, in all about eighteen hundred men, Wayne 
moved from his camp at Totowa at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 
20th by the road leading to Hackensack. At nine in the evening he 
arrived at the New Bridge. This was a little above the village, and was 
the only bridge over the Hackensack River south of the old bridge- 


Here he halted until one o'clock in the morning, when he again took up 
his line of march on the road leading to the Liberty Pole, now Engle- 
wood. To ensure the safety of the New Bridge and his line of retreat, 
a field officer, with one hundred rank and file, properly officered, was 
left at this point. The remainder of the force proceeded by way of 
Liberty Pole and the road leading to Bergen to the road leading from 
the latter, at what is now Leeonia, to Fort Lee. Here the Second 
Brigade marched up the Fort Lee road to the Palisades ; the Sixth 
Regiment to the lookout directly opposite to Spuyten Duyvel Creek, 
the Seventh to Fort Lee to observe the motions of the enemy on York 
Island. These two regiments lay concealed from observation, but ready 
to meet the enemy should they land and enter the defiles. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Harmer also posted a captain and forty men on the bank over- 
looking the landing opposite to Spuyten Duyvel, while he, with the 
remainder of his command, advanced southerly along the summit of the 
mountain about one mile towards Fort Lee, so as to be in a position to 
defend either place. Patrols were ordered to pass constantly between 
these points. General Irvine, with the remainder of his (Second) 
brigade, moved from Fort Lee on the mountain towards Bull's Ferry. 
As he moved along he threw out a chain of flankers upon his right, to 
beat up the enemy if, having scented the movement, they had prepared 
an ambush. From Bull's Ferry he moved along the river at the foot of 
the rocks and took a position on the plateau, near the landing, in order 
to cut off the retreat of the garrison to the boats. 

The First Brigade, under Colonel Humpton, with whom were also 
General Wayne, Moylan*s dragoons, and the artillery, moved along the 
open road by waj' of English Neighborhood to Bull's Ferry. Before 
leaving the old road, Wayne ordered Colonel Moylan to mount a foot 
soldier behind each of his dragoons, and ride with all possible speed 
towards Bergen. On arriving at the Three Pigeons, he left one or two 
horsemen and some foot to take post at that place to cover him from 
any attempt of the enemy by way of Weehawken. A detachment of 
foot also marched to the same point to aid the cavalry ia case of need. 
With the remainder of his dragoons and mounted foot Colonel Moylan 
proceeded to and occupied the fork of the road leading to Paulus 
Hoeck and Bergen. This point was, in my opinion, .on the top of 
Weehawken Hill. Here the road divided, one leading to the town of 
Bergen and Paulus Hoeck, and the other to Weehawken Ferry. By 
occupying this position he was sure to intercept an enemy coming from 
Paulus Hoeck or from New York by way of Weehawken. No evidence 


has been found to justify a conclusion that the dragoons went nearer 
Bergen on this occasion. And the fact that one month afterward 
Bergen Neck was foraged of its cattle, seems to justify a belief that 
they did not. So that the cattle collected and driven off in this expe- 
dition must have been found between the present Union Hill and the 
New Bridge. This finds corroboration in Major Andr6's '* Cow Chase,** 
which as a whole may be regarded as more historial than poetical. 

I under cover of th' attack 

Whilst you are all at blows. 

From English Neighb'rood and Tinack 

Will drive away the cows. 

On arriving near the block-house, at about ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing, Wayne reconnoitered the works. The First Regiment was posted 
in a hollow way about one hundred yards to the north of the block- 
house ; the Second covered the artillery, and the Tenth occupied the 
ravine to cut off the retreat of the garrison towards Paulus Hoeck. The 
First and Tenth Regiments were ordered to keep up a constant fire into 
the port-holes of the block-house to favor the advance of the artillery. 
These dispositions having been made, at eleven o'clock the artillery 
advanced to the medium distance of sixty yards from the block-house 
and opened fire. Without intermission, the cannonade was kept up until 
a quarter after twelve. During this time fifty-two shots penetrated the 
front of the block-house, its two small guns were dismounted, and 

Five Refugees ('tis true) were found, 
Stiff on the block- house floor. 

That any of the shot which penetrated the house passed through, I have 
no other evidence than the fact that on the opposite side of the ravine 
two six-pound shot have recently been found, and the following stanza 
from the " Cow Chase : ** 

No shot could pass, if you will take 
The Gen'ral's Word for true ; 
But 'tis a d — ble Mistake, 
For every Shot went thro*. 

But the refugees stationed in different parts of their defences main- 
tained a stubborn resistance, and fired upon the assailants with telling 
effect. At this point of time, Wayne received a despatch from Captain 
Pike at Closter landing that the enemy at Valentine's Hill had embarked 
about three thousand troops on board of nine ships, one schooner and 
two sloops, and were beating down the river. Convinced of his inability 
to destroy the block-house with the light guns he had, and expecting 


the enemy to land on the Jersey shore for the purpose of reaching 
the upland to attack him, or cut off his retreat, he convened a 
council of war on the field. This body soon arrived at the con- 
clusion to retreat without delay. Wayne immediately sent word to 
Colonel Moylan to drive off the cattle from the Three Pigeons 
and proceed with all despatch to the Liberty Pole. When the troops, 
however, comprehended the situation and that they were to retreat, 
leaving the works undestroyed and the garrison uncaptured, the 
First Regiment left the hollow in which they had awaited the effect 
of the artillery fire, and with impetuosity, broke through the abatis and 
rushed up to the stockade. The Second caught the enthusiasm and 
also rushed forward. The Tenth, being in the ravine, and General 
Ir^'ine*s troops, being below the rocks along the river, were unable to 
advance. It was at this juncture that the heavy losses of the day 
occurred. The attacking force was unable to pass the stockade. •This 
being within easy musket range of the block-house, the refugees, firing 
through the loop-holes, deliberately shot d(jwn the baffled troops. After 
considerable effort of the officers to withdraw their troops they fell 
back, and with the artillery moved up towards Fort Lee and Closter to 
meet the enemy should they attempt to land. This, however, was not 
attempted. After destroying some wood-boats at the landing near the 
mouth of the ravine, and capturing the deck-hands and cabin-boys, the 
disappointed troops marched back to New Bridge, taking with them 
the killed and wounded, except three who lay dead under the stockade. 
General Wayne remained at New Bridge that night, and reached his 
headquarters at Totowa on the following day. 

The results of this expedition were not gratifying to the Amer- 
icans. They drove off, between the Three Pigeons and New Bridge, 
"several hundred quadrupeds, consisting of horses, horned cattle, 
sheep and hogs ; '* or as Major Andre described it : 

All in a cloud of dust were seen 
The sheep, the horse, the goat, 
The gentle Heifer, a.s obscene. 
The Yearling and the shoat. 

They captured a few men in charge of the wood-boats at the landing, 
and burned the boats. They killed six and wounded fifteen refugees. 
Nothing more than this was accomplished, notwithstanding the com- 
paratively large force employed, the labor performed and the bravery 
exhibited. But as a set-off to these meagre results were the works at 
the post undestroyed, fifteen killed and forty-nine wounded. The 



failure produced a keen and deep-felt mortification. Washington deeply 
regretted the misfortune, and hastened to explain away its bad effect 
upon Congress. General Wayne spoke of the attack as only a ruse to 
draw the enemy over to the Jersey shore, that he might cut them to 
pieces in the gorges of the mountain. He afterwards assigned another 
object to the expedition, in which he claimed to have been successful, 
but which to me seems an afterthought, viz., to prevent, or at least 
delay, the British sailing from New York to attack the French, then 
recently arrived at Newport, yet all of these ideas may naturally have 
made part of the general combination to keep the British force at New 
York alarmed and on the alert. 

To add yet a keener pang to the mortification of failure, the enemy 
indulged in great exultation. In their sarcasm it did not require the 
trained soldiers of the King to rout the "rebels" with the hero of 
Stony Point at their head — a few mercenary wood-choppers were able to 
withstand the flower of the American army, although about twenty- 
five times their number. Sir Henry Clinton testified to them " his very 
particular Acknowledgement of their Merit." The King of Great 
Britain acquainted " the survivors of the brave seventy that their beha- 
vior is approved of by their Sovereign," and characterized their resist- 
ance as a "very extraordinary instance of courage." A sarcastic notice 
was published in Rivington Gazette of July 28, 1780: 

" A lady presents her compliments to the Sir Clement of the Phila- 
delphia Ball Room, and desires the next country dance may commence 
with a new movement, called 

A Trip to the Block-House, 


Woodcutters* Triumph, 

in compliment to a certain General, who (emulating his brother Arnold) 
was lately checked on the North River by a malluureuse event, and his 
glories (now on the Wane) threatened with an insuperable mortifi- 
cation." The most keen and clever satire of the expedition was 
the mock heroic poem, by Major Andr6, called **The Cow Chase." 
But notwithstanding all this rejoicing, the Refugees did not care to 
try the experiment of another attack. They had been saved, not 
through their own prowess, but through a mistake in attacking them 
with such light guns. On the 9th of August following they evacuated 
the place, burnt the block-house, and retired to Fort Delancey, on 
Bergen Neck. 





Thus ends the story of Wayne's attack on the block-house, near 
Bull's Ferry, July 21, 1780. What little glory is derivable from it does 
not belong to the American side. It is true, while they were Loyalists 
in sentiment, the Refugees were American born. The only comfort the 
patriots could derive from repulse was found in the fact that they were 
so manfully withstood by Refugees and not by the British. If when 
Greek meets Greek in the tug of war, the glory of triumph belongs 
alike to victor and vanquished, then the patriots could insist upon their 
right to a share of what the Refugees claimed for themselves for the 
stubborn defence of their works. Viewed in any other light, they were 
entitled to but little credit for the labors and sacrifices of that day. 
Block-House Point did not add freshness to the laurels which Stony 
Point had placed upon the brow of General Wayne. 

Jersey City. 


'Ibid., 318. 'Ibid.,340. * Ibid,, 364. 

' In a letter, dated " near the Liberty Pole, llurgen County. Augaat a6th, 1780," Wishingtoo 
writes to Governor Livingston : " Oar extreme distress for want of provision makei me deiirODl 
of lessening the coniumption as much as powible. Some brieades of the armjr have been five 
days without meal. To endeavor lo relieve iheit wants by ftripping the lower part of the county 
of its cattle, I moved Iwo dajrs ago to this place, and yesterday completely foraged Barbadoes and 
Bergen Necks. Scarcely any eat;le were found but milch tow» and calves of one and two jrean 
old, and even those in no great plenty." (New Jersey Revolutionary Correspondence, 354.) For 
an interesting account of this foraging party, vidi New York Journal, Sept. It, 1780, and Win- 
lield'a History of Hudson County, 183. 





Notice to Refugees and others^ That are in- 
clined to be employed on ample wages to cut 
Fire Wood, for the use of his Majesty's Garri- 
son at New York, under the direction of Capt. 
Thomas Ward, Dayid Babcock, John Everet 
and Philip Luke, Loyal Refugees, are desired 
to call between the date hereof, and Tuesday 
the 85th instant, at the honse of Jacob Jerale- 
mon, Inn-Keeper, joining the Tea-Water Pump, 
where attendance will be given at all times by 
the aboYe named persons. 

New York, April 19, 1780. 

\RivingUnCs Gazette, April 22, 17S0.] 




New York, April 30, 1780. 

You will be pleased to order a Detachment of 
a Captain and 100 Men, from the Garrison at 
Panlis Hook to march from thence to-morrow 
Morning at Day break, with One days Provi- 
sionSk — This Detachment will proceed upon the 
Road leading to the English Neighbourhood, 
and the Commanding Officer will take Post 
upon the Heights, half a Mile below Bulls 
Ferry, upon the North River, in such manner 
as will most effectually cover a Body of Ref- 
ugees under CoL Cuyler, who are to take Post 
ind establish themselves, at the Place above 
mentioned this Night, in order to cut wood for 
the Army. The distance from Paulis Hook is 
Eight Miles. The Detachment will remain till 
San Set and then return to their Quarters, and 
Ibe Officer Commanding the Party will com- 
municate with Mr. Cuyler in such manner, as 
may most effectually tend to forward this Ser- 

I have only further to observe that Mr. Cuyler 
is not to be understood as having any Military 
lUak upon this Occasion. 

l^. K Histancal Society ColUctions, 1875.] 



Totowa, 1 8th July, 1780. 
la obedience to jronr Excellency's orders I 

proceeded with Mr. Erskine to reconnoitre the 
landing places from Closter to Dobbs's Ferry, 
and found the following viz : — 

Closter landing situate about six or seven 
miles above Fort Lee — and a little south of 
Phillips's was formerly made use of by the 
Inhabitants in its vicinity, and rendered practi- 
cable for two horse sleds, from the Declivity of 
the mountains to the river is about one half of a 
mile which is too steep and narrow to admit of 
Common Carriages — the descent being equal to 
one foot in five on an average — ^nor is there 
a sufficient area at the Dock to turn a team, or 
lodge stores upon — notwithstanding this the 
enemy found means to carry up a few light 
field pieces in H — ^but from experience I know 
that Artillery can be conveyed by manual labor 
over precipices and thro defiles impracticable for 
Horses and waggons which must have been 
the case here. 

This road is at present obstructed by felled 
trees and large rocks so that nothing but single 
footmen can pass and that with difficulty, — A 
few infantry might defend the avenue — yet it 
will not afford a proper position to erect a 
Battery to cover the landing from the Insult of 

The next is called Closter Dock — about a mile 
and a half higher up the river, and a little 
North of Phillips's, this road is also Im- 
practicable for waggons part of the way form- 
ing an angle of near 20 degrees decent — but as 
a Military position much superior to the first — 
between this and Dobbs's is another landing, 
less practicable than either of these. 

Our next object was Dobbs's ferry which 
affords an easy and safe carriage, the roads 
leading to it from Closter, Paramus, &c, — 
being very level and with a little improve- 
ment may be made excellent — there are six 
months men under Captains Laurence, and 
Blanck, at Tappan and Closter sufficient for 
the purpose. 

The ground on the West side of the river is 
favorable for Batteries against shipping — an 
attempt was made by the enemies Gallies to 
annoy the ferry way in 1778 — when they soon 
found it expedient to fall down the river on re- 



ceiving a few shot from a little work thrown up 
in haste to cover the landing — as noted on the 
enclosed sketch. 


Data for ascertaining the width of the North River at 
Dobbt^s Ferry, taken with a theodolite, July 17th, Z780, 
by Robt Enkine, F. R. S. Geogr. A. U. S. [From a drt^i 
in Departmtnt 0/ Statty Watkington.'\* 

There are two small eminencies one on the 
North the other on the South side the road 
which with a Block-house and Captains com- 
mand in each, would efTectually cover the 
Battery from any attempt by land unless accom- 
panied by Artillery and in-force. 

* The original draft of this sketch is in the New York 
Historical Society Collections, but there is no Mte of any 
forts indicated upon it. 

The east side is also favorable for Batteries 
to cover the landing — And immediately to the 
S« E. is a hill or strong rising ground command- 
ing all the country within reach of cannon shot, 
and may be rendered a safe repositary for the 
stores when landed. 

The inclosed sketch will show respective posi- 
tions alluded to with the width of the River at 

I must beg leave to refer you to Mr. Erskine 
for the state of the roads and their distances. 

Interim, I am your Excellincy's most obedient 
and very Humble Servant. 

Anty Waynb 


N. B. There is a very fine forage country 
in the vicinity of Dobbs's, the owners chiefly 
His Excellency 

Genl. Washington. 

\From original in Department of State, IVaskm 



Head Quarters Colonel Dey*s 
20 July, 1780 
Dear Sir, 

You will proceed with the first and second 
Pennsylvania brigades, and Colonel Moylan's 
regiment of dragoons, upon the execution of 
the business planned in yours of yesterday. I 
do not at present think of any necessary altera* 
tion, except that of detaching a few horse this 
afternoon to patrol all night, and to see that the 
enemy do not, in the course of the night, throw 
over any troops to form an ambuscade. They 
need not go so low down, nor in such numbers, 
as to create any alarm. They may inquire as 
they go for deserters, after whom they may say 
they are in pursuit. The enemy have so many 
emissaries among us, that scarce a move or an 
order passes unnoticed. You are so well ac- 
quainted with the critical situation of the 
ground, that it is needless in me to recommend 
the extreme of caution. I most heartily wish 
you success, being, with real esteem, &c.^ 
[Sparks* Writings of JVashington, VII,, 1x5.] 






Totoway 20th July 1780. 
Dear Sir : 

You will proceed with the horse under your 
command towards the lower landing at Closter, 
so as to be certain of arriving on the lookout 
tomorrow morning by the first dawn of day — 
where you will keep the strictest eye on the mo- 
tions of the enemy, encamped on Voluntine's 
hill, and near Phillips's, — should you discover 
an attempt in them to effect a landing on this 
side the North river you will immediately raise 
as large a smoke as possible on the summit of 
the hill in your rear keeping it up as long as the 
enemy continues to cross for which purpose you'l 
prepare fuel and materials the instant you ar- 
rive on the ground. 

You will also despatch two or more trusty 
horsemen with the particular intelligence in 
writing of the numbers &c. that embark, the 
moment they get on board the boats, — they are 
to push with all possible despatch by the Lib- 
erty Pole towards Bull's ferry where I will be 

You are to call on Captain Blanck of the six 
months men to join you with his company, and 
all the malitia he can collect, and shou'd the 
enemy attempt a landing you and he are to give 
them every possible opposition — the defiles 
thro' which they must pass to gain the hill will 
be very favorable for the purpose— and if prop- 
erly defended may oblige the enemy to retire 
and reflect lasting honor on the troops that op- 
pose them. As the safety of the whole Division 
and horse greatly depend on a strict observance 
of every part of these orders I am confident 
they will be carried into execution. 

You will retire tomorrow evening to the new 
bridge giving Captain Blanck directions to send 
to that place, if he should make any discoveries 
after you leave him. 

Interim, I am your most obt Huml Servant 

Anty Wayne 

[From orig^ifiai in Dcpartmint of State ^ Wash' 

Note.— No address to this letter is given. It was 
probably written to Colonel Moylan, possibly to Capt. 
Fike, who. on the following day, reported to Wayne from 
the place indicated. 


GEN. Wayne's division orders 
After Orders New Bridge, 

12 o'clock 21 St 1780 

A field officer with two companies or one 
hund. Rank and file properly officered to take 
post at this place, which if attacked in the ab- 
sence of the Division, must be defended to the 
last extremity. 

The Sixth Regiment will advance to the look- 
out immediately opposite, Spiken-devel Creek 
or Kings Bridge — the seventh to Fort Lee in 
order to observe the motions of the enemy on 
York Island ; The Officers and men will secrete 
themselves so as not to be observed from the 
opposite side the River — 

Lieut. Col. Harmer will leave a Capt. and 
forty men on the bank overlooking the landing 
place, in order to defend that defile — whilst he 
with the remainder advances along the summit 
of the mountain about one mile lower down be- 
tween that and Fort Lee, so as to be in a posi- 
tion to move to either place or point in case the 
enemy attempt a landing, but the Capt's com- 
mand must continue in the post assigned him at 
all events, — 

Patroles to pass constantly between the posts 
and up the river, should the commanding officer 
observe the enemy embarking — they are to send 
immediate notice to Genl. Wayne towards Bull's 
ferry, and to make every possible opposition, 
when the enemy begins to ascend the Hill, and 
as the situation of these Regiments will admit 
of Acting in Conjunction in case of necessity ; 
the General has the fullest confidence that they 
will maintain the posts assigned them ; and 
at the point of the Bayonet, meet the enemy in 
the gorge of the Defiles and dispute that ground 
at every expence of blood until the arrival of 
the Division when they may be assured of 
effectual support and in all human probability 
of a glorious victory. 

General Irvine with the remainder of his 
Brigade, will move by fort Lee on the sum- 
mit of the mountain for Bull's ferry and endea- 
vor to introduce a sufficient number of men 
between the Block-house and the River if practi- 
cable so as to prevent the retreat of the garri- 


son, great caution must be observed on this route A party of foot will adyance towards the 

least the Troops may be drawn into an ambush, Pigeon to cover you in case you are pushed—- 

should that be the case the Bayonet will be their shou'd that event happen your own good judg- 

true resort — Which they will use with a confi- ment will govern your retrograde manouvre. 

dence of being vigorously supported by the first If a movement of the enemy up the river 

Penns. Brigade, moving parallel with them — renders a retreat necessary, I will find means of 

attended by Colo. Moylan*s Dragoons and the giving you the earliest intellegence. 

Artillery along the open road — Genl. Irvine will You will oblige the Inhabitants to serve as 

direct a chain of flankers to observe the advance Guides, letting them know the consequences 

of the right column, the situation of the ground of a deception. 

being favorable for it— if he makes any material I wish you success and am with much esteem 

discovery he will be so obliging as to communi- Yours most affect. 

cate it — the soonest possible — r * -.,t 1 

A T^ u . * *!. i: . -11 * *!. [Anty Wayne] 

A Detachment from the first will prevent the *- -* 

retreat of the Refugees towards Paulers hook, \From originalin Department of State ^ Wash» 

Whilst this is performing, the Artillery will be ington^ 

preparing to demolish the Block House. „ -„ . . , , ... 

J^ .... . % ' ^ NOTK. — Thw order mtut nave been given in the mom- 

Every precaution will be used to guard agamst .^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ probably before the 

any serious consequences from up the river, and first Brigade left the main road at English Neighbor^ 

should the enemy be hardy enough to attempt Hood. 

the relief of this Post from Fort Washington it 

may add never faiding laurels to troops which 
has always stept the first for Glory, and who has 
everything to expect from victory — nothing to 
dread from disgrace, for altho it is not in their 
power to command success, the General is well 
assured they will produce a conviction to the 

world that they deserve it. J^^^ ^'' '^80. 

. . , . -^ - , , Dear General. 
r/Vww original tn Department of State^ Wash- 

. . 1 The Enemy Agreeable to a rough calcula- 
tion has embarked (on board nine ships, one 

NoTB.-Tbe above order was issued by General Wayne schooner and tWO sloops) about three thous- 

at 13 o'clock in the night bciwccu the 20th and axst of , — . . , , 

J . and Troops, and are now under way beat- 

ing down towards New York, they appear to 

have left a small encampment near Phillips 

\ II House but perhaps not many. Troops now there 

may be necessary to forwd on the remains of 

their Baggage, if any there be, there has several 

July 2ist 1780. small vessels such as sloops and schooners gone 

Dear Sir : ^p ^j^j^ ^^y ^^^ ^zy near Phillips's House which 

After mounting a footman behind each Dra- possibly they mean to embark the remainder of 

goon you wUl proceed as fast as possible towards ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^ Baggage on board, off-the mov©. 

Bergen town-when you arrive at the Pigeon- ^^^^^ ^^ ^j^^.^ droops, of the Manor, appears 

you will leave one or two trusty horsemen, and ^^ |^ ^^^ GenL 

as many foot as you think proper in order to ^ . , „ 

- ^. r r *i. ¥? V ItLva. with Respect your most obd. servant, 

cover you from any attempt of the Enemy by *^ ' 

mhoek rouU,^ ^ ^«»- !*»"• 

Altho. its of consequence to drive off as many '^^ Genl. Wayne. 

cattle as possible — yet I do not wish you to \From original in Department of State ^ IVashm 

commit yourself too much. ington.] 


At the New Dock of Closter. 





July 2i8t, 12 o'clock. 
CircuinsULnces render expedition necessary 
therefore begin to drive the cattle from Three 
Pigeons — this may be done with the horse only. 
Yon will proceed with all possible despatch to 
the Liberty Pole. We will cover your rear. 
Yonrs most Sincerely 

Anty Wayne 
To Colonel Moylan 

[Frvm ori^inalin State Department^ JVashing' 


Headquarters July 21, 1780 

The Commander in Chief admiring the Gal- 
lantry of the Refugees, who in such small 
Numbers defended their Post against so very 
considerable a Corps and withstood both their 
Cannonade and Assault ; desires his very par- 
ticular Acknowledgement of their Merit may be 
testified to them. 

His Excellency requests you will give in a 
Return of the Numbers present at this spirited 
Defense, that he may give Direction^ for 
uniform, Cloathing and Hals being given them 
from the Inspector GeneraFs Office. 

In fniureyinir Requisition of Ammunition will 
be valid with the Ordinance 
I have the Honor to be 

Sir. Your most Obedient 

and most humble Servant 

John Andre 
D. A. G. 

[Rivingtons Cautte, July 26, 1780.] 

Non.— The above approbation was signified to Colonel 
Cnyler, by the Adjutant General. 



New Bridge 9 o'clock P. M. 21 July 1780. 
1^ General 

Being convinced that our field-pieces were too 
^t to make the wished impression on the 
block-honse by Bull's Ferry, from an ex- 

perience of more than an hour (at no greater 
distance than from fifty to seventy yards), 
during which time both officers and men 
evinced a degree of bravery seldom equalled, 
but never excelled ; and seeing the enemy in 
motion on York Island, and their shipping un- 
der way, together with certain accounts of the 
embarking of a very large body of troops from 
Valentine's Hill, it was unanimously determined, 
in a Council of War on the field, to withdraw 
the artillery, and fall back by easy degrees to 
this place, to prevent the disagreeable con- 
sequences of being shut up in Bergen Neck. 
We accordingly moved off, after burning the 
fiats and boats lying at the landing, and driving 
the cattle from that country, which was part of 
our plan. Our loss is from fifty to sixty killed 
and wounded, whom we carried off", without the 
least molestation. I will have the honor of 
transmitting to Your Excellency the particulars 

I think it my duty to mention, that the enemy 
are in full motion on the North River, chief part 
of their troops embarked. As they have com- 
pleted their foraging in the East and West- 
chester, may not good policy induce them to 
take post between the Liberty Pole and this 
place, in order to render that essential article 
very difficult for your Excellency to procure, in 
case of a sieg ? I will shift my ground about 
two in the morning, and fall back towards the 

^Sparks* Correspondence of the Revolution y II I ^ 




Camp Totawa July the 22d 
Dr. General, 

Enclosed I have sent you return of the killed 
and wounded of the Artillery detached to first 
and second Pennsya. Brigades — 

I am sorry every thing was not done that was 
expected from the Artillery in the attack 
on the Block House yesterday. I believe you 
are convinced it was impossible for men to do 
more than was done both by men and officers 
but the loggs were so thick that it is impossible 
for six pounders to penetrate them and in conse- 




qaence rendered it impossible for us to demolish 
it, if we had twelve or eighteen pounders in- 
stead of six we would have completed the busi- 

I have the honor to be with respect your very 

Hm. Servt; 

Jos. Prick. 
The Honorable Genl. Wayne 


Return of the Killed and Wounded of that part 
of the Pennsylvania Troops engaged at the 
Block House at Bulls Ferry on the 2 1st July 

Proctors Artillery — Wounded, i CorjKiral, i 
Bombardier, 2 Gunners, 8 Matrosses. 

Detached Party of the first Regt.— Killed, 2 
Serjeants & S Rank & File ; Wounded, Lieut. 
Hammond, Lieut. Crawford, 2 Serjeants, and 
24 Rank & File. 

Second Regt. — Killed, i Serjeant & 4 Rank 
& File ; Wounded, Lieut. De Hart and 3 Rank 
and File. 

Detached Party of the Tenth Regt.— 
Wounded, i Serjeant and 4 Rank and File. 

Artillery— Total Wounded, . .12 
Infantry— Total Killed, . . .15 

Total Wounded, . .37 


Total Artillery & Infantry Killed & 
Wounded, 64 

Jos Harmar Lt Col 



Totowa 22 July, 17S0 
Dear General, 

In pursuance of the plan, which your Excel- 
lency was pleased to adopt, the first and second 
Pennsylvania brigades with four pieces of artil- 
lery belonging to Colonel Proctor's regiment, 
and Colonel Moylan's dragoons, took up their 
line of march on the 20th, at three o'clock P. M. 
and arrived, a little in the rear of New Bridge, 
at nine in the evening. We moved again at one 
in the morning, in order to occupy the ground 
in the vicinity of Fort Lee and the landing op- 

posite King's Bridge, by the dawn of day ; and 
agreeably to the inclosed order, we advanced 
towards Bull's Ferry, — General Irvine, with part 
of his brigade, along the summit of the moun- 
tain, and the first brigade, under Colonel Hump- 
ton, with the artillery and Colonel Moylan's 
horse, on the common road. About ten o'clock, 
part of the first brigade had reached that place. 
Colonel Moylan with the horse, and a detach- 
ment of infantry, remained at the fork of the 
road leading to Paulus Hook and Bergen, to re- 
ceive the enemy, if they attempted any thing 
from that quarter. 

On reconnoitering the refugee Post, near 
Bull's Ferry, we found it to consist of a block- 
house, surrounded by an abatis^ and stockade to 
the perpendicular rocks next the North River, 
with a kind of ditch or parapet, serving as a 
covered way. By this time we could discover 
the enemy in motion on York Island, which be- 
gan to open a prospect- of our plan taking u full 
effect. General Irvine was directed to halt in a 
position from which he could move to any point 
where the enemy should attempt to land, either 
in the vicinity of this post or Fort Lee, where 
the sixth and seventh regiments were previously 
concealed, with orders to wait the landing of 
the enemy, and then, at the point of the bayo- 
net, to dispute the pass in the gorge of the 
mountain, at every expense of blood, until sup- 
ported by General Irvine, and the remainder of 
the troops. 

The first regiment was posted in a hollow way 
on the north side of the block-house, and the 
tenth in another hollow on the south, with or- 
ders to keep up a constant fire into the port- 
holes, to favor the advance of the artillery, 
which was covered by the second regiment. 
When the four field-pieces belonging to Colonel 
Proctor's Regiment arrived at the medium dis- 
tance of sixty yards, they commenced a con- 
stant fire, which was returned by the enemy, 
and continued without intermission from eleven 
until a quarter after twelve o'clock. By that 
time we received expresses from Closter, that 
the enemy were embarking their troops from 
Valentine's Hill,* at Phillips Landing. We also 

* Valentine's Hill wai the residence of Thomas 
Valentine, about two and a half miles below Yonkers. 



saw many vessels and boats moving up with 
troops from New York, which made it necessary 
to relinquish a lesser for a much greater object, 
that is, drawing the enemy over toward the posts 
already mentioned, and deciding the fortune of 
the day in the defiles through which they must 
pass before they could gain possession of the 
strong grounds. 

In the interim we found that our artillery had 
made but little impression, although well and 
gallantly served, the metal not being of sufficient 
weight to traverse the logs of the block-house ; 
but when the troops understood that they were 
to be drawn off, such was the enthusiastic 
bravery of all ranks of officers and men, that the 
first regiment, no longer capable of restraint, 
rather than leave a post in the rear, rushed with 
impetuosity over the abatis, and advanced to the 
stockades, from which they were with difficulty 
withdrawn, although they had no means of 
forcing an entry. The contagion spread to the 
second ; but by very great efforts of the officers 
of both regiments, they were at last restrained, 
not without the loss of some gallant officers 
wounded and some brave men killed. Happy 
it was that the ground would not admit of the 
further advance of the tenth regiment, and that 
the situation of General Irvine's brigade pre- 
vented them from experiencing a loss propor- 
tioned to those immediately engaged (as the 
same gallant spirit pervaded the whole), which 
might be a means of frustrating our main 
object, by incumbering us with too many 

The artillery was, therefore, drawn off, and 
forwarded towards the wished-for point of action. 
The killed and wounded were all moved away, 
except three, that lay dead under the stockades. 
Daring this period. Colonel Moylan's horse 
drove the cattle &c. from Bergen up towards 
the Liberty Pole, whilst a detachment of in- 
fantry destroyed the sloops and wood-boats at 
the landing, in which were taken a Captain 
and mate, with two sailors. Some others 
were killed whilst attempting to escape by 
swimming. Having thus effected part of our 
plan, we poshed forward to oppose the troops 
from Valentine's Hill that we expected to land 
at the nearest point to New Bridge. If effected, 
we were determined to drive them back, or to 

cut our way through; but in this project we 
were disappointed; the enemy thought proper to 
remain in a less hostile position than that of the 
Jersey shore. We therefore passed the New 
Bridge, and, by easy degrees returned to this 
place about an hour ago. 

Inclosed is a copy of the orders of the 20th 
together with a return of the killed and wounded, 
64 in number, among whom are Lieutenants 
Hammond and Crawford, of the first, and Lien- 
tenant Dehart of the second, all very worthy offi- 
cers ; the latter mortally wounded. 

I cannot attempt to discriminate between 
officers, regiments, or corps, who, with equal 
opportunity, would have acted with equal forti- 
tude. Should my conduct, and that of the 
troops under my command, meet your Excellen- 
cy's approbation, it will much alleviate the pain 
I experience in not having it in my power to 
carry the whole of the plan into execution, which 
was only prevented by the most malicious 

[Correspondence of the devolution ^ IIl,^ 37. 
The Casket 0/ 1%2^, III., 396.] 



July 23d, 1780 
It is with infinite pleasure that General 
Wayne acknowledges to the worthy officers and 
soldiers under his command since the 20th inst., 
that he never saw more true fortitude than that 
exhibited on the 21st by the troops immediately 
at the point of action — Such was the enthusias- 
tic bravery of all ranks of officers and men that 
the 1st regt, no longer capable of restraint, 
rushed with impetuosity over the Abattis and 
up to the Stockades, from which they were with 
difficulty withdrawn ; the contagion spread to 
the 2d — ^but by the united efforts of the field 
and other officers of each regt, they were at last 
restrained. The General fortunately would not 
admit of the further advance of the loth & the 
situation of General Irvine's & the other troops, 
prevented them from experiencing some loss of 
men ; as the same gallant Spirit pervaded the 
whole, they very probably would have shown 
the same eager desire for close action. The 
Block-house was only a secondary Object, & 



to serve as a line to draw the enemy across the 
river, & to afford us an opportunity of deciding 
the fate of the day in the deBles through which 
they might pass before they could possess the 
strong ground. At 12 o'Clock the affairs as- 
sumed a pleasing aspect — By intelligence from 
Closter that the British were embarking at 
Phillips & falling down the river towards Fort 
Lee, where the 6th & 7th regts were posted with 
orders to secrete themselves, and after the enemy 
landed to meet them in the gorge of the moun- 
tain & dispute the pai« with the point of the 
Bayonet at every expence of blood, untill Gene- 
ral Irvine with the 2d, and Colonel Humpton 
with the first Brigades would arrive to support 
them. So that there ought to be no difHculty in 
giving up a small object for one that was capital. 
Indeed, had the artillery been of sufficient 
caliber, the brave officers & men who conducted 
them would have succeeded in the reduction of 
the block-house by a constant fire of more than 
one hour, within the medium distance of 60 
yards, & not be under the disagreeable accusa- 
tion of leaving a post unreduced behind them ; 
this being too trifling an affair to attend to any 
longer, when a more ample and glorious pros- 
pect was before us, but in this we have been 
disappointed as the enemy prudently chose to 
remain in a less hostile position than that of 
the Jersey shore. 

The General cannot attempt to discriminate 
between officers, Regts or Corps, who with equal 
opportunity would have acted with equal Forti- 
tude — & he fondly hopes that day is not far dis- 
tant, when the prowess of those troops will be 
acknowledged by the European & American 

By order of General Wayne 


A. Camp 
[Pennsylvania Archives ^ VIII. , 452.] 

of the Artillery at the attack on the Blockhouse 
that I think it would have been impossible for 
men to have behaved better. Give me leave to 
assure you that I am of opinion, their conduct 
on that occasion presages happier efforts in the 

I wish you to have your expenditures of Com- 
mutation replaced as soon as possible, but as to 
the quantity & quality I le.ive that to you. 

I am Sir 

Yr obt St 

W. Irvine 
Captain Trumbull 

[From the original in possession of Dr, W, A^ 



Camp, July 23d, 80 

I am perfectly convinced that so far from any 
thing being wanting in the officers and the men 




Totoway 26 July 1780 

Dear Colonels 

You have undoubtedly heard of our march 
to Bergen, but as ignorance, malice or envy, 
aided by the tongue of slander, may attempt to 
misrepresent that affair, I shall just mention 
the objects in view, viz. : to drive the stock 
out of Bergen Neck ; to prevent the enemy 
from receiving constant supplies from that 
quarter, and in case of a siege to secure to oar 
own use those cattle which they would cany 
into New York. One other was the destruction 
of the Refugee Post near Bull's Ferry, consist- 
ing of a Block-House, surrounded by a stockade 
and abbatis, with a ditch or parapet serving as & 
covered way, garrisoned by refugees, tories, and 
all the banditti, and robbers and horse thieves 
of that country, with some pieces of artillery. 
But the grand object was to draw the army 
which General Clinton brought from Charleston, 
made up of grenadiers, guards and light infan* 
try, into the defiles of the mountain in the vicin- 
ity of Fort Lee. where we expected them to 
land, in order to succour the Refugee post, or to 
endeavor to cut ofiF our retreat to New Bridge ; 
the object to them was great j the lure appeared 
to take ; three thousand British embarked at 



Thillips's and fell do^Ti opposite the landings, 
where the sixth and seventh regiments were 
posted with orders to secrete themselves until 
the enemy had debarked, and then to meet them 
in the gorge of the defiles, and with the point of 
the bayonet to dispute the pass at every expense 
of blood, until the arrival of the first and second 
brigades, which would place the British boys be- 
tween three such fires, aided by the bayonet, too 
much for human firmness to withstand ; but 
^hese gentry prudently remained on board, which 
was a less hostile position than that of the Jer- 
sey shore. I may now with safety mention, that 
one object, not the least, was to divert their at- 
tention from a meditated attempt upon Rhode 
Island, in a combined attack by land and water 
on the French fleet and army at that place. Six 
thousand men were actually embarked, who 
have been delayed by this manouvre four 
days, a circumstance which will render their 
meditated attack wholly abortive. I always had 
the highest opinion of the Pennsylvania troops, 
if it were possible, on this occasion they would 
have increased my admiration. 

Tell Mrs Delaney and Mrs Peters that of 
equal rank no country or service can produce a 
more worthy ofHcer than their brother. Lieuten- 
ant Colonel Robinson ; if he has a fault, it is 
extreme excess of bravery. He commanded the 
first regiment that day ; his horse was wounded 
under him in two places, and his coat riddled by 
musket balls and buckshot ; he has deservedly 
become the idol of his soldiers. 

[T/u Casket {Sept., i%2c)\ III., 3()-],'\ 

XVI r 


Totoway 26 July 17S0 
Dr Sir, 

You have undoubtedly heard of our tour to 
Bergen, but it is a duty I owe to you, the troops 
I commanded & to myself, to make you ac- 
-quainted with the objects of that expedition, 
lest the envy. Malice, or tongue of Slander 
-should attempt to misrepresent that affair. 

One was to take all the stock out of Bergen 

neck to prevent the enemy from receiving con- 
stant supplies from the Inhabitants out of that 
Quarter, and in case of a siege to secure to their 
own use those Cattle that they would Inevitably 
carry into New York, another was the Destruc- 
tion of a post near Bull's ferry consisting of a 
Block-House, surrounded by a strong Stockade, 
and abattis, Garrisoned by the Refugees & a 
wretched banditti of Robbers, horse thieves, &c. 

But the Grand Object was to draw the army 
which Sir Henry Clinton brought from Charles 
town into action in the Defiles of the Mountain 
in the Vicinity of Fort Lee, where we expected 
them to Land in order to succour the refugee post, 
and to endeavour to cut ofifour retreat to the Lib- 
erty Pole & New Bridge, the apparant object to 
them was great, and the lure had like to take 
the wished effect. Three thousand men consist- 
ing of the flower of the Brittish Army were 
embarked from Phillips and stood down the 
river hovering off the Landing near Fort Lee, 
where the 6th & 7th Pennsy Regiments lay con- 
cealed with directions to let them land unmo- 
lested (giving me Intelligence of the attempt,) & 
then to meet them in the Gorge of the Defile 
and with the point of the Bayonet to dispute the 
pass at every expense of blood, until the arrival 
of the first and second Pennsy. Brigades when 
we should put them between three such fires as 
no human fortitude would withstand, and I may 
now with safety mention that it was also de- 
signed to divert their attention from a Medi- 
tated attempt on Rhode Island by a combined 
attack by Land and Water on the French 
fleet & Army in that place, this has had the 
effect by retarding them four days after they 
had actually Embarked upwards of six thou- 
sand men for that very purpose, it will there- 
fore be too late to attempt anythmg at this 
period as the french will be prepared for it. 

Inclosed is the order of the 20th and 22d to 
which and to the General's letter to Congress I 
must refer you for particulars. 

I always had the highest Opinion of the troops 
but my most Sanguine wishes, fell far short of 
the real fortitude, & bravery, which pervades the 
whole, even the new recruits rushes on to 
storm altho. not the object. 

[Pennsylvania At chives VIII. ^ 450.] 





Head Quarters, Bergen County, 

July 26, 1780. 
Sir : 

Having received information that there were 
considerable numbers of cattle and Horses in 
Bergen Neck, within reach of the enemy and 
having reason to suspect that they meant 
shortly to draw all supplies of that kind with- 
in their lines. I detached Brigadier General 
Wayne, on the 20th, with the first and second 
Pennsylvania Brigades, with four pieces of Ar- 
tillery attached to them, and Colonel Moylan's 
regiment of dragoons to bring them off. I had 
it also in contemplation, to attempt, at the same 
time, the destruction of a Block-house erected 
at Bull's Ferry, which served the purposes of 
covering the enemy's wood cutters, and giving 
security to a body of Refugees, by whom it was 
garrisoned, and who committed depredations 
upon the well affected inhabitants for many 
miles around. 

General Wayne having disposed of his troops 
in such a manner as to guard the different land- 
ing places on the Bergen shore, upon which the 
enemy might throw over troops from York 
Island to intercept his retreat, and having 
sent down the Cavalry to execute the business 
of driving off the stock, proceeded with the first, 
second and tenth regiments and the artillery to 
the Block-house, which he found surrounded by 
an abattis and stockade. He for sometime 
tried the effect of his field pieces upon it, but 
though the fire was kept up for an hour, they 
were found too light to penetrate the logs of 
which it was constructed. The troops, during 
this time, being galled by a constant fire from 
the loop holes of the house, and seeing no chance 
of making a breach with cannon — those of the 
first and second regiments, notwithstanding 
the utmost efforts of the officers to restrain them, 
rushed through the abattis to the foot of the 
stockade, with a view of forcing an entrance, 
which was found impracticable. This act of in- 
temperate valor was the cause of the loss we 
sustained, and which amounted in the whole to 
three officers wounded, 15 non commissioned 
and privates killed and 46 non commissioned 

and privates wounded. The wounded officers 
are Lieutenants Hammond and Crawford of the 
first and Lieutenant D. Heart of the second, the 
last since dead. I cannot but mention his death 
with regret, as he was a young gentleman of 
amiable qualities, and who promised fair to be 
serviceable to his country. 

The dragoons in the meantime drove off the 
stock which were found in the Neck ; the sloops 
and wood boats in the dock near the block-house 
were burnt and the few people on board them 
made prisoners. 

I have been thus particular, lest the account 
of this affair should have reached Philadelphia, 
much exaggerated, as is commonly the case upon 
such occasions. 

[Pennsylvania Packet^ Atigust i, 1780.] 



Philadelphia, Aug. 4, 1780 
Dr Sir : 

I duly received & thank you for your Favour 
of the 26th July inclosing your Orders on the 
late Excursion to Bergen. They have been 
spoken of here much to your Honour & with 
the gallant Behaviour of the Men shew that tho' 
we did not meet with entire Success we de- 
served it. 

Neither the Objects of the Expedition, nor 
the Conduct of it were fully understood here at 
first & as often happens on such Occasions were 
misrepresented, but a few Days & better In- 
formation soon set the Matter right — if any 
Doubts had remained the General's Letter 
wiped them off, tho' in some Respects it tended 
to make the Affair of the Block-House a more 
important Business than it really was. As to 
the Whispers of Envy & Malevolence of Slan- 
der, you must, my dear Sir, submit in common 
with your Fellow Men to a Share of them as the 
Tax which Merit and Distinction must pay. 
The World would be too estimable if every 
Action was judged upon the Principles of Can- 
dour & its due Worth assigned it unalloyed by 
Jealousy & Uncharitableness. In one Respect 
military merit is least subject to it than any 
other, as it has Witnesses of Companions & the 
Benefits arising to mankind from a conspicuoos 
Display of it are such that the World is ready' 



to be its Friend for its own Interest. Should 
yen be called as probably yon may to any dis- 
tingnished Rank of civil Life you will find the 
Arts of busy wicked Men more successful, and 
not so easily detected or parried. Scarce a 
week elapses but some wretched Falsehood takes 
^^^ng with Respect to us, flutters about & dies, 
when a new one more palatable & adapted to 
the State of the Day arises which in its Turn 
gives Way to a fresher. For a time I felt my- 
self hurt & spent Time and Labour to counter- 
act them, but I have long since learned that the 
best Shield is Integrity & truest Remedy, Pa- 
tience. I am informed that there has been 
much Industry used this Spring & Summer in 
Camp on this Score & that it is very frequent at 
this Time. So much Pains to lessen me in the 
Opinion of Mankind while I am pursuing dili- 
gently the Interests of my Country with a single 
disinterested View to its Success in this great 
Cause fully convinces me that there are some 
Men who have different Intentions & who fear 
honest Men on public Stations. I have at dif- 
ferent Periods had my Passions worked upon, 
my Interests assailed, splendid Prospects held 
forth to engage me in the Views of Party & I 
never experienced the full Weight of Enmity 
till I had fully declined every Overture of this 
Nature in such a Manner as left no Hope of 
Saccess. However, I trust there is Virtue & 
Discernment in the World sufficient to support 
a Man in doing his Duty & that I have some 
Friends who will judge upon facts not upon 
Suggestions especially when they come thro' so 
oofntpt a Channel. 

Fanner has Directions to purchase a red 
Cloth for the Facings if to be had in Town & 
they will be forwarded as soon as possible. 
Lyttle has set out with supply of stores & a 
good Stock of Shirts and Overalls — 2000 of each 
which with what gets to you in other Direc- 
tions will, I hope, prove a comfortable Supply. 
Adieu, my best Wishes attend you, & I beg you 
to believe me Very much 

Your Sincere Friend & Obed 

Hble Servt 

Jos Reed 

[Ffvm cfiginal in pcssession of Henry B, 



Philadelphia August i5»i7So 

General Wayne made an unsuccessful attempt 
to storm a block-house of the enemy's at Bergen 
a few days ago. The attack was made with the 
utmost gallantry and the place would probably 
have been carried, but no entrance could be 
found, there being no other but a subterraneous 
one. Our loss was sixty odd killed and wounded, 
in exchange for which we got some hundreds of 
bullocks. As much as we want beef this is but 
bad exchange. 

[Papers relating chiefly to the Maryland Lint 
during the Revolution^ p, 1 14.] 



East Hampton, Suffolk Co., L. I., 
August 20 1780 

I HAVE the satisfaction of communicating to 
your Lordship, an instance of courage, which 
reflects the greatest honour on a small body of 
the Refugees. 

About Seventy of them had taken post on a 
part of the opposite shore on the North River, 
called Bull's Ferry, where they had fortifled 
themselves with a Block-house and Stockade, to 
be protected in cutting wood, the labour they 
were employed in for their maintenance. 

A corps of near two thousand Rebels, under 
their Generals Wayne, Irving and Proctor, with 
seven pieces of cannon, made an attack upon 
them on the 21st ult. Notwithstanding a 
cannonade of three hours, almost every shot of 
which penetrated through the Block-house, and 
an attempt to carry the place by assault, they 
were repulsed by these brave men, with the loss 
of a great many killed and wounded. The ex- 
ertions of the Refugees did not cease : after 
having resisted so great a force, they followed 
the enemy, teized their stragglers and rescued 
from them the cattle they were driving from the 
neighbouring district. 

The Block-house which I visited was pierced 
with fifty-two shot in one face only, and the two 
small guns that were in it, were dismounted 

1 84 


Six of the Refugees were killed and fifteen 
wounded — the far greater part in the Block- 

[Frifm The London Gautte sprinted in the Cow 
Chase ^ London, 1781*] 




Head Quarters, nth Dec. 1780. 

I HAVE the pleasure of sending you, by the 
direction of his Excellency the Commander in 
Chief, the enclosed extract of a letter which he 
has received by the last pacquet, from Lord 
George Germain, one of his Majesty's principal 
Secretaries of State, and which he is happy to 
communicate to you, by the first opportunity. 
I am, Sir, Your most obedient 
humble servant 

Fred. Mackenzie 

D. A. Gen. 
Capt. Ward, Loyal Refugees. 


Extract of Letter from Ix)RD Geor(;e Ger- 
main to his Excellency SiR Henry Clinton, 
dated ^h October 1780. 

" The very extraordinary instance of courage 
shewn by the Loyal Refugees, in the affair of 
Bull's ferry, of which you make such honorable 
mention, is a pleasing proof of the spirit and res- 
olution with which men in their circumstances 
will act against their oppressors, and how great 
advantages the Kings troops may derive from 
employing those of approved fidelity. And His 
Majesty, to encourage such exertions, commands 
me to desire you will acquaint the survivors of 
the brave Se\'ENTY, that their intrepid behavior 
is approved of by their Sovereign." 

\Riviugton*s Gazette, December 13, 1780.] 



West Point loth Octr 1780 
Our Brigade was posted at Fort Lee to watch 
the enemies motion from F. Washington which 

is directly opposite to it, while we lay there two 
British soldiers swam over to us in the night, 
from this place I had a fair view of the City, 
the East River & their encampment on York 
Island. One of the inhabitants said that Jacob 
Glenn had been in his Home, that he is an 
Engr. in the Levies and that he was in the 
Block-house when General Wayne attacked it, 
which they have since evacuated and demolished 
— this is all I can tell about him. 

[From the original in possession of C. E, Van 


col. proctor's force 

In the department of State, at Washington, 
there is an original " Return of the non-commis- 
sioned and matrosses in the Corps of Art*y, the 
States to which they belong & the number want- 
ing to complete the Establishment, July 12, 
1780," which probably gives Colonel Proctoi's 
force in the attack : 

" 4th Regt, Col. Proctor, Penna. 8 Companies, 
effective force of non-com. & Mat. 149 ; want- 
ing to complete 283, establishment 432." 



Thursday, the 19th instant, the first and 
second Pennsylvania brigades, commanded by 
Brigadier General Wayne, marched from their 
respective encampments for the purpose of col- 
lecting & bringing off those cattle in Bergen 
County, immediately exposed to the enemy. 
After executing the vrder, General Wajrne on 
his return visited a block-house in the vicinity 
of Bergen town, built and garrisoned by a num- 
ber of Refugees to prevent the disagreeable 
necessity of being forced into the British tea 
service. The work was found proof against 
light artillery, when a part of the first and second 
Pennsylvania Regiments were ordered to at- 
tempt it by assault when after forcing their way 
through the abatis and pickets, a retreat was in- 
despensably necessary, there being no other 
entrance in the Block-house but a subterraneous 
passage sufficient only for one man to pass. 



Our lots consists of 69, including 3 officers, 
killed and wounded. Lieutenant Moody and 
six of his party were taken on their return from 
an excursion to Sussex. 

[Pennsylvania Packet^ July 25, 1780.] 

We hear that on Friday morning last the 
Pennsylvania line under the command of Gene- 
ral Wayne, made an unsuccessful attack against 
the block-house, the enemy erected some time 
ago at Closter, in Bergen County. Our failure, 
it is said, was owing to the lightness of our 
artillery, and the enemy's metal being much 
heavier than was expected. Our troops however 
recovered several hundred head of quadrupeds, 
consisting of horses, homed cattle, sheep and 
hogs, which the banditti that infest the neigh- 
bourhood had plundered from that inhabitants. 
Our loss on this occasion is said to be several 
killed and wounded. 

[I/ew Jersey Gazette^ July 26, 1780.] 

On the morning of the 25th ult, died at Camp, 
of the wounds he received in bravely doing his 
duty before the Block-house near Bulls ferry on 
the 2ist Lieutenant Jacob Morris De Hart, 
brother of Col De Hart, of the 2d Pennsylvania 
Regiment, aged nineteen years, the emulation 
and fire necessary to warm a soldier's breast soon 
kindled in this young, but manly officer, having 
entered into the service of his country at sixteen; 
from which time his sweetness of disposition, 
and attention to duty, gave htm the affection of 
officers of every rank. At five o'clock in the af- 
ternoon he was buried with the honours of war, 
sttended by a large concourse of officers from 

tke different lines of the army. 

\New Jersey Gazette^ August 2, 1780.] 

^tract of a letter from Tappan^ dated August 

II, 1780. 

The British have called in their out-posts. 
On the 9th instant they evacuated and burnt the 
^k-house in Bergen, on which General Wayne 
^7 made an unsuccessful attack. 

\Tht Connecticut Gazette, August 2^, 1780.] 



Yesterday morning about nine o'Clock, Gen- 
erals Wayne and Irwin with the ist and 2d 
Pennsylvania Brigades of Infantry, Col. Moy- 
land's Cavalry, and Proctor's Artillery, the 
Flower of Washington's Army, consisting of 
about 1000 Troops, with 6 Six Pounders, and 
one Howitz, appeared in yiew of Col Cuyler's 
Refugee Post, on the Jersey Shore, which was 
then commanded by Capt Thomas Ward ; about 
10 o'clock they advanced with their Cannon 
to within 60 Yards of the Refugee Works, and 
commenced a tremendous Cannonade, which 
lasted till half past 11 ; they attempted to storm 
the Abbatis but were repulsed with the Loss of 
about 90 killed and wounded, among which are 
five Officers. 

The Loss of the Refugees is 4 killed and 8 
slightly wounded ; no Veterans could have be- 
haved better on this Occasion than these few 
Loyalists. And his Excellency the Commander 
in Chief has expressed his Thanks and Appro- 
bation to this Loyal Band for their spirited 
and gallant Behaviour. 

[Rivington's Gazette, July 22, 1780.] 

The following is the Names of the brave Ref- 
ugees that were killed and wounded at Col. 
Cuyler's Refugee Post, near Fort Lee, abcut 8 
Miles from New York, on Hudson's River, on 
Friday, the 21st inst. viz : 

Thomas Phillips, of the artillery John Mc- 
Murdy, with another man, and a Negro, killed. 

Lieutenant George and Absolam Bull, Alex- 
ander Sharp, John and Ezekiel Fealy, and John 
Mullan wounded. 

The principal Officers on the Attack were 
Colonels Moylan, Stewart, Hayes, Proctor, and 
Majors Lee and More. 

Thus the chosen Band of Washington's Army 
were repulsed by a few determined Loyalists, 
and we have reason to believe the Loss of the 
Rebels much greater than has yet been ascer- 
tained — and to add more to the spirit of the Ref- 
ugees, a Party, under the Command of the 
brave Captain Ward, pursued the Rear of the 
retreating Army upwards of 4 miles, retook 



twmtf Head of Cattle that were carried off 
fmat the well affected Neighbonn, Killed one 
Rebel, and nude Pntoner of Genenl Wayne's 
Semnt and another. 

By the confeuion of the rebeli, ve now Bnd 
the low tnslBuied by them in their lale attack of 
the Refugee Post — last Friday, was at least 150 
killed and woanded, and among them ; officers, 
two of wh[ch are said [o be ColoncU. 

[Jiivinglm's GaielU, July a6, 1780,] 

Chatham, Jaly 36, Last Friday General 
Wayne with a detachment of 1600 men, made 
an assault upon a block-house of (he enemy, 
near Ball's Feny, on the North River, but 

findii^ it very strong {htld only S4 Xt/ugeeii 
drew off the men. Our loss, we are lold 
amounts to near 50 killed and wounded. (But 
tht Jletumt lay 150.) 

[RivingUin'i CautU, July 29, 17B0.] 

That my readers may better understand the 
Gonstmction of a block house I add a view from 
Anburey's Trnvcl-;. These constructions were 
essentially similar, and in common use throughoot 
the frontier as protection against the Indians. 
A stockade surrounded them without, and an 
exterior line of abatis occasionally afforded a 
more perfect defence, 




Having been honored with an invitation from Mr. Augustus Van 
Cortlandt, the present proprietor of the ancient estate of Cortlandt, to 
present some facts relating to a portion of his land, which, one hun- 
dred and two years ago, was hallowed by the blood and burial of the 
bodies of a large number of friendly Indians, who, while assisting the 
American cause in the Revolution, bravely laid down their lives on the 
fields, which are now found almost covered from sight with rank 
weeds, bushes, and stately trees, the growth of the last thirty years, 
I have prepared the following sketch : 

Some fifty-five years ago, an incident occurred, which made such 
an impression on my mind that it will never be forgotten. I will relate 
it in my own style. 

Late one pleasant afternoon, two persons were leisurely walking 
up the road, which was then known as the New Road, although it 
was publicly opened soon after the year 1800. Before that period it 
was a lane, used by several farmers on its line, and at its entrance 
from the old Mile Square Road — about one-quarter of a mile south of 
the scene of the incidents of my story — were set up " posts and bars,'* 
which closed it from the public. 

The elder of these two persons was a lady, some 65 years of 
age ; the other, the writer of these lines, a stout lad of about 14 years — 
her grandson — of an inquiring turn of mind, whose numerous questions 
somewhat annoyed the ancient dame ; in fact, his tongue was more active 
than all other members of his body, and while passing on towards the 
spot I refer to — then an opening in the woods — she told him the reason 
why it became known as the " Indian Field," and related many interest- 
ing incidents connected with the terrible massacre of the friendly 
Indians, which the lad had often heard talked about from his early 

At the period spoken of, the cleared opening, lying on the left- 
hand side of the road, was almost square, containing two or three 
acres of land, and was surrounded on three sides by large trees, and a 
dense wood, covering several hundred acres, known as "Cortlandt's 
Woods,** which that lad, a few j-ears later, was fond of visiting for the 



partridge, woodcock, wild pigeons, grey squirrels, and other game 
which were abundant in their season, and of which he carried away 
numbers in his game bag. 

The soil, of this open space, was of a light and loamy nature, 
though I well remember to have seen grain growing upon it during 
several seasons, and it was also a famous place for wild strawberries, as 
were also the fields on the high grounds on the easterly side of the road, 
which were formerly known as the Battle Field on " DeVeaux's 

The brave Indians who offered up their lives on and near these 
heights in the month of August, 1778, were the Stockbridge Indians, 
under the command of Abraham Ninham. The first knowledge we 
have of this tribe is, according to Dr. Timothy Edwards, that they were 
of the Muhhekaneew tribe, which migrated from Hudson River about 
the year 1734, and settled at Stockbridge in Massachusetts, after which 
period they became known as the Stockbridge Indians. Their chief, 
Abraham Ninham, usually known by the latter name, was an intelli- 
gent, trustworthy, and brave man, and by many persons supposed to be 
a half-breed. 

Early in the year 1775, Ninham offered his services to the Provincial 
Congress, who employed him as a scout and a bearer of dispatches to 
other tribes of Indians farther west. In the performance of this service 
he met with both personal loss and much suffering. The Congress, on 
the 4th of July, 1775, appointed " a committee to take under considera- 
tion the sufferings of Abraham Ninham.** Their report was made, and 
Ninham was satisfactorily compensated. 

On the 7th of August, 1776, Gen. Washington wrote to Timothy 
Edwards, who was then Commissioner of Indian Affairs, on the sub- 
ject of employing, in the service of the United States, the Stockbridge 
Indians, who had previously expressed themselves "anxious to lake 
part in our favour.** Mr. Edwards, a few days after, was ordered to 
** engage all the Stockbridge Indians he can, and they should be officered 
and paid agreeable to the former resolve of the Commissioners of In- 
dian Affairs.*' They are found in service August 21, 1777, at which 
period the following interesting account of these Indians appeared in 
the newspapers of the day. 

" On the late alarm occasioned by the evacuation of Ticonderoga, 
a number of Stockbridge Indians marched with the militia of that 
County, and were stationed with Generals Nixon and Fellows, between 
Fort Edward and Fort Ann. 


On the i8th of July last, General Fellows sent out five of them 
on a scout to Skenesborough ; the next day before the sun set, they 
returned with six prisoners, consisting of two regulars and four tories. 
The account being somewhat entertaining, I shall give it nearly in the 
words of Ninham,- who commanded the party. He says : 

" We passed the creek and went within a mile or two of 
Skene's house, where we lay down in a thick spot of woods by 
the side of the road. It was not long before there came along two reg- 
ulars driving a number of horses. We jumped up and seized them ; the 
regulars were so very much frightened that they made no resistance ; 
neither could they speak plain. We found, by the noise, there were a 
number more behind driving cattle. One of our prisoners called to the 
sergeant for help ; upon this we thought it wise to make the best way out 
of the woods. Our prisoners attempted to get away from us; we were 
therefore obliged to make them feel that our hatchets were heavy. I 
told them, if you will behave like prisoners, we will use you well, but if 
you don't, we must kill you. After this they behaved well, and did ev- 
erything we bid them. On our way to our encampment we thought we 
would take in with us as many tories as we could find, and in order to 
find them out, we gave our prisoners their guns, taking out their flints. 
When we came near a house we told our prisoners, you must keep be- 
fore us, and if you see any man you must cock your guns and present 
them at them, and demand who they are for — the King or the Country ? 
They did so, and the tories answered, they were for the King, or they 
should have moved off long ago. They seemed to be glad to see the 
regulars, and told them, you are our brothers. I knew one of the Tories, 
as I came in sight of him, I therefore put my hat over my face, for fear 
the fellow should know me, till the red coats had done their duty. 
After he had in a most strong manner declared he was for the king, I 
asked him further, — will you be true to the king — and fight for him till 
you die? O yes — said the tory. Upon this he discovered his error, 
knew me — and immediately said — what king do you mean ? I mean 
King Hancock. Ah, said I — we have found you out, we dont know 
kings in America yet ; you must go along with us." 

In the following month of October, Ninham, with his company 
of Indians, made application to Congress, ** to be employed in the 
service of the United States; who, in their proceedings, October 25, 
I777» requested that they report themselves to Major General Gates 
for duty ;" and at the same time, " Ordered, that 200 dollars be paid to 
the said Abraham Ninham for the use of himself and his companions, and 



as an acknowledgement for their zeal in the cause of the United States.'* 
Next year (1778), in the month of August, General Washington, with 
his main army, lay encamped at White Plains in Westchester county, 
from which place Colonel Gist was detailed, with a small body of light 
troops, to act in connection with the Stockbridge Indians, in skirmishing 
between the lines, they having had a fight on the 20th of August with 
Colonel Emmerick, who was obliged to retreat to Kingsbridge. Eleven 
days after. Colonel Gist divided his troops into three parties, the largest 
of which, being under his command, was posted on Husted's Hill, 
three to four hundred yards east of " New Road." About the same 
distance above, and about one hundred yards east of the ** Mile Square 
road," lay Major Stewart with the second portion. The third squad of 

light infantry, under the command of a Captain , were posted in the 

woods, on the descending slope of the hill opposite, about two hun- 
dred yards east of the " New Road," and in the rear of the Stock- 
bridge Indians, who were in advance, on the Mile Square road. This 
was the position of the American troops on the morning of the 31st of 
August, 1778, when the battle began. The greatest struggle, was on the 
second field north of Daniel DeVoe's house, where the bodies of some 
seventeen Indians lay, cut and hacked to death ; besides many others, 
who were killed and wounded in their attempt to escape in several direc- 
tions. It was a terrible conflict, or rather a slaughter of about thirty In- 
dians, besides a few who were severely wounded, including two or three 
of the light infantry ; several of the slightly wounded and others, of 
both infantry and Indians, managed to escape in the woods and swamps. 

Many years afterwards, this fight was a frequent subject of conver- 
sation by those of the families who had visited the fields immediately 
after the conflict. Interesting incidents were related, and occasionally 
were noted down by myself ; these, with the several published reports 
made at the period by the British press, are my authorities for the 
following account of the Indian massacre on ** De Veaux's Heights." 

In the month of July, 1778, while a large body of British troop lay 
encamped at Kingsbridge, three of their prominent officers, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonels Simcoe, Emmerick and Tarleton, with a body of hussars, 
started on a tour of observation by taking a northeasterly direction, 
which led them to the high ground of Valentine, and afterwards upon 
the Mile Square road. When they had proceeded about a half a mile 
above the lower Valentine's Hill, they stopped at the entrance of a 
lane on the left hand side, which led up to several farm houses in 
a northerl}'- direction. 


While resting here a few moments, the party had a very singular 
and narrow escape, which Simcoe in his journal thus describes: "The 
Stockbridge Indians, about sixty in number, excellent marksmen, 
had just joined Mr. Washington's army. Lt Col Simcoe was 
describing a private road (the lane) to Lt Col Tarleton ; Wright, his 
Orderly dragoon, alighted and took down a fence of (Daniel) DeVou's 
farm yard (adjoining the lane) for them to pass through ; around this 
farm the Indians were ambuscaded ; Wright had scarce mounted his 
horse, when these officers, for some trivial reason, altered their inten- 
tions, and spurring their horses, soon rode out of sight, and out of reach 
of the Indians. A few days after, they had certain information of 
the ambuscade they so fortunately had escaped ; in all probability 
they owed their lives to the Indians' expectation of surrounding and 
taking them prisoners.** The latter part of the following month 
Simcoe prepared a plan, by which he thought to circumvent both the 
Indians and a small body of light troops under the command of 
Colonel Gist. Early in the morning of the 31st of August Simcoe, 
with a large number of troops of all kinds, set out, with the ex- 
pectation of enticing the American troops and Indians down the Mile 
Square road, and at the same time of advancing his flanks both on 
the right and left, which movement, he says, "would be perfectly 
concealed by the fall of the ground upon the right, and by the 
woods (Cortlandt*s) upon the left; and he meant to gain the 
heights (Husted*s) in the rear of the enemy, attacking whomsoever 
should be within by his cavalry and such infantry as might be neces- 
sary. In pursuance of these intentions, Lieut.-Colonel Emmerick, with 
his corps, was detached from the Queen*s Rangers and Legion, as 
Lieut.-Colonel Simcoe thought, fully instructed in the plan,** which was 
that he should post his command in Cortlandt*s woods, on the west 
side of the upper house, the residence of Frederick De Voe, but 
instead he placed them near a half mile south, and opposite Daniel De 
V oe*s house. However Simcoe says : " Emmerick most unfortunately 
mistook the nearer house — Daniel De Voe's — for one at a greater dis- 
tmce, the names being the same, and there posted himself, and sent 
from thence a patrole forward upon the road, before Lieut.-Col. Simcoe 
could have time to stop it. This patrole had no bad effect, not meeting 
with an enemy ; had a single man of it deserted, or been taken, the 
whole attempt had probably been abortive. Lieut.-Col. Simcoe, who 
was halfway up a tree, on the top of which was a drummer-boy, saw a 
flanking party of the enemy approach. The troops had scarcely fallen 



into their ranks when a smart firing was heard from the Indians, who 
had lined the fences of the (Mile Square) road, and were exchanging 
shot with Lieut.-Col. Emmerick, whom they had discovered. The 
Queen's Rangers moved rapidly to gain the heights, and Lieut.-Col. 
Tarleton immediately advanced with the Hussars and the Legion cav- 
alry ; not being able to pass the fences in his front, he made a circuit to 
return upon their right, which being reported to Lieut.-Col. Simcoe, he 
broke from the column of the Rangers, with the Grenadier Company, 
and directed Major Ross to conduct the Corps to the heights, advanced 
to the road, and arrived without being perceived within ten yards of the 
Indians, who had been intent upon the attack of Emmerick*s Corps and 
the Legion. The Indians now gave a yell, and fired upon the Grenadier 
Company, wounding four of them and Lieut.-Col. Simcoe. They were 
driven from the fences, and Lient.-Col. Carleton with the Cavalry got 
among them and pursued them rapidly down Cortlandt's ridge ; that 
active officer had a narrow escape ; in striking at one of the fugitives 
he lost his balance and fell froYn his horse. Luckily the Indian had no 
bayonet and his musket had been discharged." 

Another version of the affair, from one of those engaged in it on the 
British side, appears to have been written in a spirit of jealousy. It 
is set forth as **A Genuine account of the late affair at Kings- 
bridge.** " The British Troops fell in with a party of 60 Light Infantry 
of the Rebels, and 48 Stockbridge Indians under the command of the 
son of Ninham, about a mile from our lines, when Colonel Tarleton, 
with the Cavalry of the Legion (late Pennsylvania Dragoons) and part 
of the Queen's Rangers, charged and pursued them a considerable dis- 
tance. Several of the rebel Light Infantry and nineteen Indians were 
killed on the field refusing quarter, and many are supposed to have per- 
ished in the woods of their wounds. Ninham's son was killed and ten 
prisoners taken, among them a rebel Captain and two Indians.** 

Simcoe says: "The Indians fought most gallantly; they pulled 
more than one of the Cavalry from their horses. French, an active 
youth, bugle-horn to the Huzzars, struck at an Indian, but missed his 
blow ; the man dragged him from his horse, and was searching for his 
knife to stab him, when loosening French's hand he luckily drew out a 
pocket pistol and shot the Indian through the head, in which situation 
he was found.** 

A lieutenant of Colonel Emmerick*s corps also set forth ** A detail 
of the whole proceedings of the detachment that day, the truth of which 
can be testified by all that were present.'* He says: ** Detachments 


from the Queen's Rangers, Chasseurs, De Lancey's Second Bat- 
talion, and Legion Dragoons, under the Command of Lieut.-Colonels 
Simcoe, Emmerick and Tarleton, marched the road to Mile Square for 
four miles, about 10 o'clock they took their several posts, viz., the 
Rangers and Legion Dragoons in a wood on the right, the Chasseurs, 
Light Infantry and Riflemen on the left, Lt. Col. Emmerick, with Dra- 
goons and some Light Infantry, in the centre; at 12 o'clock Lt. Col. 
Emmerick discovered a body of rebel Infantry of between 50 and 60 
Indians coming down the road directly for him, he immediately made 
an attack on them, and then kept retreating by degrees, in order to 
draw them through the right and left wings, which as soon as he found, 
by the warm firing of his Light Infantry and Riflemen and the Grena- 
diers of the Rangers, was accomplished, he immediately faced about 
and ordered a charge by his own Dragoons, accompanied by those of 
the Legion, which, by their activity and spirited behaviour, together 
with that of the Infantry then engaged, very soon put a period to the 
existence of 37 Indians and a number of Rebels; there were 10 
prisoners taken, amongst them one Captain and two Indians of the 
Stockbridge tribe. Our loss was two killed of the Legion, two of the 
Chasseurs, and three of the Queen's Rangers wounded ; amongst the 
slain was the young Indian Chief Ninham. The old Sachem, Ninham^ 
has since been found dead of his wounds in Col. Cortlandt's Fields." 

These several versions of this brutal affair, made principally by 
officers engaged in it, were all on the British side, and clearly prove 
that there was but a small body of American troops engaged, including 
the Indians — perhaps less than one hundred, all told — while the British 
troops out-numbered them nearly or quite five to one, and thele were 
picked men, drawn from both infantry and cavalry, under the command 
of three able and distinguished officers, who had sufficient skill to draw 
these improperly armed Indians into an ambuscade, where infantry and 
cavalry enclosed, and broke them up in detail, and being well mounted, 
were enabled to cut them down as they attempted to escape; the 
Indians having but little idea of resistance against cavalry, especially 
as their muskets were generally without bayonets, and at this time 
were unloaded. 

Several of these Indians escaped through the woods and swamps. 
Others ran down the ridge, and across a small bridge over Tippet's 
Brook, a half of a mile distant, where, on the other side, a few of 
them hid among the rocks and bushes. Bolton says, "The cavalry 
being unable to scale the rocks, called upon the fugitives to sur- 


render, promising them as a condition for so doing life and protection. 
Upon this, three ventured to throw themselves upon the mercy of the 
British soldiers, and were immediately drawn out by the bridge and 
there killed ; since which period this bridge, which yet belongs to the 
ancient domain of Cortlandt, has been known as the " Indian Bridge." 

The old lady, spoken of before, was at the time of the conflict a 
young woman of eighteen. She, with several others of the family, the 
next day visited a portion of the grounds where this butchery took 
place, the principal part of which was on her father's land, leased from 
Colonel Phillips. Here she saw a great many dead Indians, and one 
British trooper in particular, who lay alongside of a fence which she 
pointed out to the troublesome lad previously introduced, and she 
added, " that he was a fine, tall, splendid looking young soldier, whose 
looks she had never forgotten." 

Several of the wounded soldiers were taken to the houses of Frederick 
and Daniel Devoe, where their wounds were dressed and cared for, and 
one poor Indian was brought to the latter's house — a most distressing 
looking object — having one side of his head or face cleaved down 
by a sabre cut almost to the chin ; here he was nursed several weeks, 
when he was able to get away to some of his comrades north, where 
he finally got well, but with a face frightfully disfigured. Others 
were afterwards found maimed ; the old Chief, Ninham, was so badly 
wounded that he must have soon after died ; yet before his death he 
was able to crawl down the hill to a running brook, towards Jesse 
Husted's house, where his body was afterwards found by the peculiar 
action of the house dogs, which led to the suspicion that they had eaten 
human fJesh. They were followed, when the remains of Ninham*s body, 
which had been nearly devoured by the dogs, were found, and also the 
mutilated bodies of two or three more ; all of which were buried in the 
" Indian Field," and a number of large stones piled on their graves, 
not as a monument, but to protect the bodies from further desecration. 





What " Magna Charta '* was to the Commons of England the " Dec- 
laration of Independence" was to the Patriots of America; nor was 
the acknowledgment of the Rights of the Commons wrung with greater 
reluctance from the usurper John, than ours from the Third Georg^e ; 
and the names of the twenty-five *< Barons of Runnymede" and the 
fifty-six " Signers *' stand side by side immortal in history. 

It is deeply to be regretted that so little has been handed down to us 
concerning many of the illustrious men whose signatures are appended 
to the great " Declaration,*' and it is for the purpose of presenting to 
the public the life and character of one of these gifted men that this 
article is written. 

Among the many who left the shores of Old England to seek a new 
home midst the forests of America, was Richard Clymer, a native of 
Bristol, England, who arrived in Philadelphia with William Penn in the 
fall of 1699. Of this gentleman little or nothing is known, except that 
he left two sons — William and Christopher, and a daughter Ann. Chris- 
topher Clymer was a well-to-do merchant and ship-builder of Philadelphia, 
who took to wife Deborah, daughter of George Fitzwater, a Philadel- 
phia merchant, by his wife, Mary Hardiman. Her sister, Hannah Fitz- 
water, married William Coleman. Christopher Clymer had two chil- 
dren, viz. : Elizabeth, an infant, who died December 20, 1739, and George. 
Mrs. Clymer died March 6, 1740, and Christopher, himself, June i, 1740. 
■ George Clymer was born in the City of Philadelphia, June i, 1739. 

At his father's death he was taken to the home of William Coleman, 
his uncle by marriage, who formally adopted him, and eventually left 
him the bulk of his fortune. 

Young Clymer received a liberal education at the College of Phil- 
adelphia (now University of Pennsylvania), but was not formally grad- 
uated. After leaving college he entered the counting-house of Mr. 
Coleman, where he applied himself diligently to the work of mastering 
the intricacies of a mercantile life. He did not, however, neglect to 
i improve every spare moment in thorough research into every branch 

i of science and literature. In 1764 he entered the counting-house of 

i Reese Meredith, whose wife was a distant relative of his mother, and 

' March 22, 1765, he was united in marriage to his kinswoman, Elizabeth 

Meredith. This lady's brother, General Samuel Meredith, has recently 


iw»**4 mmm ""■■"■ -j'--<"'" 


been made the subject of a memoir in this Magazine, and her sister, 
Ann, became the wife of Colonel Henry Hill, a notable man of his day. 

In April, 1765, Reese Meredith took his son, Samuel, and son-in-law, 
George, into partnership with himself — the firm becoming Meredith & 
Sons. November 7, 1765, the three partners attended the great meeting 
in the State House yard, called for the purpose of protesting against 
the usurpations of the British Government, and signed their names to 
the six stirring resolutions then and there adopted, now historically 
known as the Non-Importation Resolutions. This, Mr. Clymer's first 
public act, was but an earnest of his greater and more hazardous 
action at a subsequent period of his country's need and danger, and 
may be taken as the keynote to his future public life. The records 
•of the next five years are silent in respect of Mr. Clymer ; they were 
undoubtedly spent in the pursuit of knowledge and business. In 1770 
Mr. Clymer took his seat in the Common Council of Philadelphia, and 
for the next forty-three years took an active and honorable part in the 
stirring events of the day. From the Common Council Mr. Clymer 
retired in 1775, and became an Alderman. On the 27th of April, 1772, 
Governor Penn appointed Mr. Clymer " Justice of the Court of General 
"Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and^of the County Court of Common 
Pleas of Philadelphia." In October, 1773, he attended the meeting held 
in Independence Hall, called for the purpose of resisting the importation 
of tea, and was appointed chairman of the committee selected to request 
the tea agents to resign. In June, 1774, Mr. Clymer attended the great 
meeting in the State House yard, held to take measures in regard to 
the Boston Port Bill. The presiding officers were John Dickinson, 
Thomas Willing and Edward Pennington, all three of whom subse- 
quently opposed independence, and the last of whom was sent to 
Virginia imder arrest. 

At this meeting a Committee of Correspondence was appointed, 
with John Dickinson as chairman and Mr. Clymer as one of its mem- 
bers. This committee issued the call for the famous First Continental 
"Congress, which met at Carpenter's Hall, September 5, 1774. January 
23, 1775, he took his seat in the Provincial Convention, which met for the 
purpose of ratifying the actions of the late Congress. They remained 
in session until the 28th. On the 24th of April, 1776, he attended the 
famous meeting in the State House yard, and was one of the foremost 
to urge the organization of the " Associators," and to further prove 
his zeal for liberty accepted a captaincy in Colonel John Cadwalader's 
^* Silk Stockings " (3d Battalion), of which his brother-in-law, Samuel 


Meredith, was Major, and subsequently Lieutenant-Colonel. July 20, 
177s, George Clymer and Michael Hillegas were appointed Treasurers 
of the Continental Congress. ft is rather a coincidence that Mr. 
Clymer was the first Treasurer of the Government of 1774, and his 
brother-in-law. General Meredith, of the Government of 1789. Mr. 
Clymer resigned this position August 6, 1776. From October 20, 1775^ 
until July 22, 1776, Mr. Clymer was a member of the Committee of 
Safety for the province of Pennsylvania, and chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Pilots and Navigation. 

On the 26th of November, 1775, Messrs. Clymer, Mease, Howell,, 
Biddle, Wayne and Cadwalader (John) were appointed a committee 
by the Committee of Safety to make arrangements for casting some 
heavy cannon. On the 28th of December, 1775, Messrs. Howell, White 
and Clymer were appointed a committee to superintend the construction 
and equipment of a floating battery. On the 29th of February, 1776, 
Messrs. James and Owen Biddle and George Clymer were appointed 
a committee to superintend the completion of the fortifications on Fort 
Island in the Delaware. April 16, 1776, all the committees were reor- 
ganized. We find Mr. Clymer chairman of the Committee on " Can- 
non *' and " Further Defences,'* and member of those on " Floating 
Battery," '* Ships," " Fort Island " and " Powder House." 

Mr. Clymer was chairman of the Committee of Safety on the fol- 
lowing days, viz : May 7 and 27, June 10, 12 and 15, and from July 4 
to 9, 1776, and during 1776 of the City Vigilance Committee. July 20> 
1776, Mr. Clymer was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress,, 
and cheerfully affixed his signature to the great " Charter of American 
Liberties," an act which has rendered his name immortal. It is sincere 
matter of congratulation to all true patriots that none of the illustrious 
fifty-six " Signers " fell from the high and lofty position to which this 
act of theirs elevated them 

July 22d Mr. Clymer accompanied the regiment, of which he 
was captain, to Amboy, returning September ist. Mr. Clymer was 
a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1776, and was largely 
instrumental in procuring the adoption of the Constitution under 
which Pennsylvania was governed from 1777 to 1790. On the 26th 
of September Congress sent Messrs. Clymer and Stockton to New 
York to confer with Washington on the affairs of the army. When 
Congress left Philadelphia for Baltimore in December Mr. Clymer 
was one of the commissioners who remained at Philadelphia to- 
guard the public interest. On the loth of December he marched with. 


his regiment to " Dunk's Ferry." It was Washington's plan that Cad- 
walader should cross at that point and attack the Hessians under Donop 
at Mount Holly, but the ice prevented this arrangement from being 
carried out. The battalion however took part with credit at Princeton 
on the 2d of- January, 1777. This is the only action that Captain 
Clymer ever took part in. He subsequently held the rank of Colonel. 

During the winter of 1777 Mr. Clymer was in the Pennsylvania 
Assembly. Under the Constitution he could hold a State and Federal 
office at the same time, and the records abundantly prove that he was 
in demand in both places. March 12, 1777, he was re-elected to Con- 
gress, and on the 9th of April we find Messrs. Wilson, Clymer, Lee, 
Clark and John Adams were appointed a committee to confer with the 
authorities of the State of Pennsylvania as to the best means to oppose 
the enemy should they march through New Jersey to attack Philadel- 
phia. After the battle of Brandywine the British burned Mr. Clymer's 
house, and he was compelled to remove his family to Princeton. In 
November he was re-elected to the Assembly. His term of office as 
Congressman expired December loth. 

In January, 1778, Congress appointed George Clymer a special 
commissioner to proceed to Valley Forge to inquire into the alleged 
abuses of the Commissary Department. In October, 1778, he was a 
third time elected to the Assembly, and on the 7th of December Con- 
gress sent George Clymer, Samuel Matthews and Samuel McDowell to 
Fort Pitt as special commissioners to quiet the savages. The nego- 
tiations with the chiefs whom they met there were eminently successful, 
and he received the thanks of Congress. The records are silent as 
to Mr. Clymer during the year 1779, ^^^ from October, 1779, until 
November, 1780, he was absent both from the State and National 
councils. In the spring of 1780 (May 17) he, with Robert Morris, John 
Nixon and others, organized an institution known as the Bank of 
Pennsylvania, with a capital of ;£^3 15,000, for the express purpose of 
furnishing the army with supplies. Ninety-three patriots pledged their 
lives and fortunes to this noble cause. Mr. Clymer and his brother- 
in-law, General Meredith, each gave ;£'5,ooo in silver. The bank was 
opened July 17, 1780, with two directors and five inspectors. John 
Nixon was the first, and George Clymer was the second director. 
November 24, 1780, Mr. Clymer was a third time elected to Congress, 
and again a fourth time November 22, 1781. On the 31st of December 
Congress incorporated the " President, Directors and Corporation of 
the Bank of North America." Mr. Clymer was one of its first directors. 


The bank was als^j re-chartered by the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1782. 
Ttiis year, 1782, the firm of Meredith & Clymer was dissolved by mutual 

In 1782 Mr. Clymer and Edward Rutledge were appointed by 
Congress commissioners to visit the Southern States, and urge upon 
them the prompt payment of their several quotas into the depleted 
National Treasury. This was Mr. Clymer's last official act in connec- 
tion with the Continental Congress, and in November, 1782, he retired 
from its halls never to return. He withdrew to Princeton for the pur- 
I)Ose of placing his two sons, Henry and Meredith, in the College of 
New Jersey, under the accomplished Witherspoon. Henry was gradu- 
ated in 1786, and Meredith in 1787; the latter had as a classmate John 
Read, who afterward married Meredith's cousin, Martha Meredith, and 
was the third President of the Bank of Philadelphia, 1819-1841; George 
Clymer being the first, and Nicholas Biddle the second. Mr. Clymer 
remained in Princeton until October, 1785, when he was elected to the 
Pennsylvania Assembly; he was re-elected successively in 1786, 1787 
and 1788, serving until October, 1789. 

He was the author of the present penitentiary system of Penn- 
sylvania, and was chairman of the Committee on Commercial Regu- 
lations, lie largely reformed the Criminal Code. He also obtained a 
charter (or the Academy of Fine Arts, of which he was the first 
President, and one for the Philadelphia Agricultural Society, of 
which he was the first Vice-President. 

In May, 17S7, he took his seat in the Federal Constitutional Con- 
vention, anil was an active participator in the debates on the Federal 
side. Amiuig the most notable members were, first of all, its great 
Prcsulent. Washington. Then we find John Langdon of New Hamp- 
shire ; Rufus King of Massachusetts; Roger Sherman of Connecticut; 
Alexanvler Hamilton of New York; William Livingston, William Pat- 
erson, David llreasley and Jonathan Dayton of New Jersey; Benjamin 
Franklin, Robert and tiouverneur Morris, James Wilson, George Clymer 
and Jarcd Ingersoll of Pennsylvania; George Read and John Dick- 
inson of Delaware; James Madison of Virginia; Hugh Williamson of 
North Carolina; John Rutledge and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of 
South Carolina. The reputation of the others were more or less local, 
but ^.>t those mentioned national. 

In October, 1788. Mr, Clymer was elected to Congress. There were 
sixteen candidates. Peimsylvania was entitled to eight representatives^ 
and as the State had not yet been divided into districts, they were 


elected at large. On the 31st of December, 1788, the vote was counted 
in council. It was as follows : 

Frederick A. Muhlenburg, 8,707 John Allison, Jf06j 

Henry Wynkoop, 8,246 Stephen Chambers, 7>oSo 

Thomam Hartley, 8,163 William Findly, 6,586 

George Clymer, 8,094 William Irvine, 6,492 

Thomas Fitzsimmons, 8,075 Charles Pettit, 6,481 

Thomas Scott, 8,068 William Montgomery, 6,348 

John Peter Gabriel Muhlenburg, 7,417 Blair McClenachan, 6,223 

Daniel Hiester, 7>403 Robert Mitchell, 5>8so 

The eight gentlemen who had received the highest number of votes 
were declared duly elected. 

On the 24th of March, 1789, Mr. Lewis, in the Pennsylvania 
Assembly, moved, and Mr. Clymer seconded, that a call be issued for a 
Constitutional Congress to revise the Constitution then existing. Mr. 
Clymer was a member of this Convention, which was the third he had 

He served one term in Congress, viz., from April, 1789, until March 
4, 1791. This year President Washington, who was extremely anxious 
to retain his services in the National Government, appointed him Super- 
visor of the Internal Revenue for Pennsylvania. His efforts to collect 
the duties on spirits led to the famous Whiskey Rebellion. It is 
worthy of note that his son, Meredith Clymer, and son-in-law, George 
McCall, were members of the First Troop Philadelphia City Cav- 
alry (Captain John Dunlap), and acquitted themselves with honor 
during that; perilous period. Among their comrades we notice a 
Mease, a Wilcock, a Conyngham, a Ross, a Ringgold, a Nixon, and a 
Ewing — names familiar to old Philadelphians. George Clymer dis- 
played great fearlessness in the discharge of his arduous duties. 

In 1796 President Washington appointed Mr. Clymer and Colonels 
Benjamin Hawkins and Andrew Pickens a Commission to treat with 
the Creeks and Cherokees in Georgia. This was Mr. Clymer's last 
official act He justly considered that he was now entitled to retire 
from a public life, which had covered a period of nearly thirty years, 
spent in behalf of a nation struggling for freedom. He had signed one 
of the first appeals to Britain for a redress of wrongs; had seen that 
and subsequent appeals disregarded ; he had seen three millions of 
people rise in their might, and declare that " taxation without repre- 
sentation is a failure ; " he had signed the glorious Declaration, which 


asserted the liberty of America; he had largely assisted in giving ta 
Pennsylvania two Constitutions, and to the nation one ; he had spent 
freely of his treasure, and frequently risked his life in order that his 
countrymen might have that freedom so devoutly longed for ; and now 
that all these desired ends had been obtained, he quietly retired to pri 
vate life, followed by the love and veneration of an entire nation. 
Probably no man in America so closely resembled the Father of his 
Country, in many respects, as the quiet ''Quaker merchant of Phila- 

It must not be supposed, however, that Mr. Clymer's retirement 
from public life was spent in inglorious ease ; on the contrary it was one 
of activity. He was President of the Philadelphia Bank and of the 
Academy of Fine Arts; Vice-President of the Philadelphia Agri- 
cultural Society, and of the American Philosophical Society, and a 
Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania, both previous to 1779 and 
again at the Union, November 18, 1791. Among Mr. Clymer's papers 
ai e to be found many plans for bridges, canals, and various kinds of 
machinery and agricultural implements ; he is also accredited with 
being the inventor of the Columbian Printing Press, and several other 
useful machines. 

Mr. Clymer died at the residence of his son, Henry Clymer, Esq., 
near Morrisville, Bucks county, Penn., Tuesday, January 24, 18 13, in 
the seventy-fourth year of his age. His remains lie in the old Quaker 
Burying Ground, corner of Hanover and Montgomery streets, Trenton, 
N. J. A simple headstone bears the following inscription : 

Hic. Jacet. 


A Signer of the 

Declaration ok Independence 

Born June ist 1739 

Died Jany 24. 1813. 

Aged. 73 yrs. 7. mos. 24. dys 

Mrs. Clymer survived her husband two years, dying at another 
residence of her son Henry, in Northumberland, Pennsylvania, in 
February, 181 5, aged 72. They had issue as follows; i WilliAm Coleman^ 
2 Julian, 3 Henry, 4 Meredith, 5 Elizabeth, 6 Reese, 7 Margaret, 8 Nancy, 
9 George. Of these, William, Julian, Elizabeth and Reese died young. 
Henry, the eldest surviving son, married the daughter of Thomas 
Willing, of Philadelphia ; Meredith died unmarried, and George married 
a Miss O'Brien, of Philadelphia. Of the daughters, Margaret married 


George McCall, and Nancy, Charles Lewis, the latter of whom left no 
issue. George Clyraer the younger, as he is called, had but one son^ 
Meredith Clymer, of New York, a distinguished surgeon and medical 
writer, who served as a Surgeon-General during the late Rebelliori 
(staff), was for some years Surgeon in the Pennsylvania Hospital, and 
is a Fellow of the College of Physicians. 

Henry Clymer had six children, and is now represented by his son, 
Dr. George Clymer, M. D., U. S. Navy, Washington, D. C. Colonel 
Edward Overton, M C. from Philadelphia, is a grandson of Henry. 
A full record of the descendants of Richard Clymer, of Bristol, England, 
later of Philadelphia, may be found in the archives of the Pennsylvania 
Historical Society, Philadelphia. 

George Clymer was a thoroughbred gentleman ; never, in his conver- 
sation, making the most remote allusion to any subject or circumstance 
that might injure the feelings of any one present. In all his relations, 
whether domestic or public, he was worthy of imitation ; he filled the 
spheres of husband, father, friend and citizen in the fullest manner and 
highest sense, and to do good seemed to be the entire aim of his exist- 
ence. Eminently original in thought and invention, he shunned applause 
and notoriety. With no pretension to oratorical powers, he yet had the 
faculty, by the earnestness of his manner and the logic of his reasonings 
to hold entire attention. Punctuality wjls a remarkable trait in his char- 
acter ; he never kept any one waiting. Notwithstanding an apparent 
sternness and reserve of manner, he possessed an underlying vein of 
humor, and his conversation was frequently enlivened by anecdotes,, 
which lost nothing of theii zesi from the quaint manner in which they 
were related. As a scientist, art-critic and inventor, he had few rivals; 
indeed, no study, no matter how profound, seemed beyond the grasp of 
his master mind. His portrait, by Peale, taken in April 12, hangs in 
independence Hall. It shows us a man of medium height, well formed^ 
with a rather large, massive head, set firmly on the shoulders, the sil- 
vered locks brushed smoothly back, revealing an expansive forehead, 
keen grey eyes, aquiline nose, thin lips, firmly set, and a smooth, 
rounded chin. The face, altogether, is indicative of great mental force 
and vigor. 




Upward of a full century has passed since the founder of St. 
Louis died in his bateau on a homeward trip from New Orleans up the 
Mississippi River. The voyageurs went ashore in the wilderness, and 
made their leader's grave near the point where the Arkansas unites 
itself with the greater stream — el Padre de las aguas. It is a burial spot 
unknown at this time to man, the mark of human incident being fully 
outgrown in the face of nature. Meanwhile, the name of the brave and 
honorable Liguest, as though death in the sighing forest had cast about 
it also a spell of secrecy, has barely escaped an equal oblivion. The 
unconsecrated ground where his comrades were compelled to leave 
him, has been scarcely more reticent of his deeds and influence than 
have the generations living and moving and fulfilling his plans. His 
name is almost without a place in Western annals, and entirely absent 
from the American Cyclopaedia. This circumstance, however, is not 
so singular as the absolute change of roles in the story of the settlement. 
In a recent volume of narrative, an American book, the credit of estab- 
lishing the French colony at St. Louis is unhesitatingly ascribed to 
Pierre Auguste Choteau, the young man chosen at '^lew Orleans to be 
the confidential aid of Laclede Liguest. Certainly the possible miscar- 
riage of a name is no more strangely exemplified than in the instance of 
this enterprising man, whose fortune it was to give original direction to 
a great system of affairs, and whom fate has left unmemorialized by 
**■ storied urn or animated bust.*' 

One who contemplates the colonization centred at the capital of 
Upper Louisiana in 1664, should find reason for believing that a mind 
of a unique order shaped its early historic conditions. Added to great 
spirit of adventure, no man ever showed more wisdom or integrity of 
purpose than Liguest in the founding of a new society ; even in the 
scanty historical accounts which have had so little to tell of him directly, 
the fact is not wholly wanting evidence. His loyalty to his sovereign in 
the naming of the village, his celibacy, his death from a fever at the age 
of fifty-four, and his burial by the sorrowing boatmen without priestly 
office, appear to be nearly all the facts of a personal character which 
historical writers have recorded of him ; beyond these, the accounts of 
the early life of the settlement hardly specify an individual act of his. 
It is left to conjecture what part he assumed in the conduct of those 


afiairs, which for several years seem to have progressed like harmonies 
or like exhalations. The character of the colony was clearly, however, 
given to it by Liguest, made up of elements of his choice and essen- 
tially guided by him. Apart from express prerogative of control, his 
force with his followers must have been of largely magnetic quality. 
His, no doubt, was an intellect to pervade and regulate the social world 
he had organized without great consciousness of the fact on one side or 
the other. 

The journal kept by Colonel Auguste Choteau in those days is 
preserved in the Mercantile Library of St. Louis ; no better resource 
for information on these matters has been handed down than this 
account of Liguest's intimate companion. The young man accompanied 
him on the first voyage northward when seeking a location for the new 
trading-post. An exclusive trade with the Indians in Upper Louisiana 
as far north as St. Peter's River was the privilege secured by royal 
charter to the adventurous traders, Laclede Liguest, Antoine Maxant 
4 Co. Liguest, the active partner in the commercial enterprise in 
America, was at the prime of life, about forty years of age. As simply, 
gravely sketched in the fine French script of the young man's diary, the 
journey of exploration up the river was marked by no very romantic 
incident. Liguest was attended merely by a little company of hunters, 
trappers and mechanics, without hope of abundant veins of gold or 
youth-perpetuating waters, but with expectation of work. Their equip- 
ment was wholly unlike that of the cavaliers who, first of foreign adven- 
turers, heard the sound of the mighty river volume moving on between 
the swaying forests, and saw in its majesty the Father of Waters. They, 
on the contrary, journeyed in rude bateaux, and carried merchandize 
for the Indian trade. Storing their goods at Fort de Chartres, the band 
of explorers continued up the river to the turbid mouth of the Missouri. 
It was late autumn when they reached the present site of .St. Louis on 
their return. There Liguest landed and commenced blazing some of the 
lorest trees for the purpose of distinguishing the spot. He said to 
Auguste Choteau, who stood beside him, " You will come here as soon 
as navigation opens, and will cause this place to be cleared in order to 
form our settlement after the plan that I shall give you." His young 
companion noted also his remarking, on his return to Fort de Chartres, 
" that he had found a situation where he intended to establish a settle- 
°^^ ClT^^^^ "^ight become hereafter one of the finest cities of America." 
" F K ^^^' returning with a party of mechanics to the place selected, 
in February, lyQ^^ had already built some sheds to house the tools and 



provisions, and temporary cabins for the shelter of the men, when 
Liguest arrived in the early part of March and laid out the plan of the 
village. Some partial knowledge of these facts with ignorance of others, 
probably afforded the assumed ground for the statement before men- 
tioned of the establishment of the settlement by Pierre Auguste 

Liguest's discriminating judgment disclosed in the choice of situa- 
tion was exceeded when he made up the company — another matter and 
a more difficult one. Adventurous spirits they were, who held the 
Indian trade monopoly in the wild West in the latter part of the past 
century, yet withal so gentle and just that for some time neither jail nor 
statute was required in the frontier trading-post.. Far more homogen- 
eous the society must have been at that day than afterward, when 
Frenchman, Spaniard and halfbreed, the French refugee of high quality, 
the rude trapper, the coureur des bois^ the miner, the cavalier, the adven- 
turer, and the respectable old trader, lived on familiar terms together. 
The place bore for a long time as much the aspect of a French village 
as if it had been situated in France. The strong infusion of Saxon life 
happening in the early part of this century, served to modify not to 
destroy its architectural character. Here and there some of its primi- 
tive features are even yet not obliterated, but offer pictures of quaint 
gables and porches in nooks which have been left in some degree undis- 

The early settlers were under a truly patriarchal form of government, 
albeit not dwelling in tents. A life more idyllic than was ever else- 
where known in America went on in this French trading settlement. One 
almost feels in the present great thriving West that there of all places 
such gently poetic conditions of living could never have existed. The 
shocks of subsequent events, Indian attacks, encounters with river 
pirates, desperate deeds of lawlessness, and the records of Bloody 
Island were without presage in this quiet dawn of civilization. Such of 
the villagers as were engaged in agricultural pursuits were to be seen 
working merrily together in the " common fields." Twenty, thirty, per- 
haps more, of these fields were laid off adjoining each other near the 
village and forming one inclosure, the expense of fencing and general 
care being a common cost. A field measured an arpent wide and forty 
arpents long, containing about thirty-four acres, and to be had free on 
condition of being worked. One or more portions of this long ribbon 
of farmland was allowed to a man according to the number to be sup- 
ported in his family and his ability for the work. A tract of commune 


lands near by, not cultivated, was used in common by all the people for 
pasturage, wood, game and fruits. If a dispute happened among any 
of the inhabitants, the patriarchal body of chief citizens were not long 
in reasoning them into peace and good will again. The manners and 
the usual costumes of the villagers were the most simple imaginable. 
The merchants and upper classes dressed and carried themselves gen- 
teelly. The women, true to national instinct, gracefully cultivated their 
charms; in some of the present St. Louis homes they have feminine 
descendents of almost peerless loveliness. The voyageurs, caureurs des 
iots and farmers, usually wore no hat, but tied around their heads a blue 
cotton handkerchief ; in winter they wore the white blanket coat, and 
in summer either a white cotton shirt or a red woolen one ; pantaloons of 
buckskin served them in the colder weather and colored cotton ones in 
the summer. The men frequently wore a belt with sealskin pouch for 
tobacco, pipe, flint and steel ; as an equipment for the Rocky Mountains 
or a hunt for wild animals in the neighborhood, they added a butcher- 
knife and small hatchet. The comrpunity was a virtuous one, but with 
some proportion of the people much wanting in education ; among their 
written documents it was not uncommon to see a man's " mark " for 
signature. A majority of the colonists were natives of Louisiana or of 
Canada. They were of pious habit, and also, of course, carried abound- 
ing Gallic lightheartedness into the simple life of the frontier. Simple 
groups of villagers were sometimes to be seen gathered at the brink of 
the river, where they would sit watching the athletic sport of youths 
leaping down the embankment. Their fondness for amusement fre- 
quently exhibited itself in a little dancing in some of the log -cabins on a 
Sunday evening after the religious worship of the day had been faith- 
luUy observed. It was a custom continued down to Bishop Rosatti's 
time, when Ren6 and Gabriel Paul with their companions of the orches- 
tra, were accustomed after morning service to hear the affectionate 
prelate command, " My children, you must dine with me." Ren6 Paul, 
no doubt, took as much delight in the soft waltz of a Sunday evening as 
in the Te Deum or De Profundis of a cathedral service. For this violon- 
<^llo, pressed thus to dine with the bishop, was the same who introduced 
his dear Parisian round dances into that Western society — the simple 
souls, accustomed to meet so cordially at each other's houses for their 
Sunday evening recreations, having never yet dreamed of these whirl- 
ing graces of the gay French capital. 

In the simpler days it was Father Gibault who faithfully ministered 
to the spiritual needs of the gentle flock and their energetic leaders. 





• * 

l: ; 


• r 

! I. 


* ■ 



f ■ 

The first little church was dedicated in 1770; the walls of this ecclesias- 
tical structure were formed by fragrant logs standing endwise; the 
interstices were filled with mortar, and wooden pegs fastened shingles 
two feet long and six inches wide on the roof. The religious life of the 
little colony had commenced six years previously — that is, with its first 
form of existence. When Ligfuest laid out the village, a square dedi- 
cated to mother-church was prominent in the plan. To this day the 
consecrated ground, now in the very heart of Western business life^ 
is held for its original use. Encompassed on all sides with the scenes 
and clamor of trade, repairs have been recently going on in the cathe- 
dral, which contains in its shadowy vaults the ashes of the early settlers 
of St. Louis. 

A usufructuary possession of land was all that Liguest was empow- 
ered, under sanction of royal authority, to grant. St. Ange de Bellerive, 
who arrived with the French troops stationed at Fort de Chartres two 
years after the colony was established, was vested with the power of 
conferring grants— or rather, the few which he made were afterward 
publicly confirmed by the Spanish Lieutenant-Governor. From him 
Liguest received a grant of land on La Petite Riviere, where he built 
a mill, the body of water afterward known as Choteau Pond being 
produced by the dam constructed at that point. Although without 
kindred in the New World, Liguest exercised a domestic taste in his 
manner of living, and built himself a house immediately after his arrival 
at the site selected for the trading-post. This structure, which stood on 
the square occupied by Barnum's Hotel, was superior to any of the 
other houses at first built in the village, in having its lower story of 
stone and being provided with a cellar. A number of squaws dug and 
carried away the dirt from the cellar of M. Liguest*s house, receiving 
beads and trinkets for the service. They belonged to the Missouri 
tribe of Indians, of which a hundred and fifty warriors visiting the place 
became sufficiently enamoured of the French society to avow their 
resolution never to leave them. To change their too friendly purpose, 
threats of the soldiery at Fort de Chartres had finally to be resorted to 
by M. Liguest; under which circumstances, they departed cheerfully 
and never returned. 

For half a dozen years the dread condition of the presence of a 
Spanish commandant in the upper province was postponed ; the unwel- 
come intrusion had almost from the first been imminent, the news of 
the early surrender of the French possessions west of the Mississippi to 
Spain having been received at New Orleans within a month after the 

'i ■• 


founding of the trading-post to the northward. It was during these 
years that the colony was most distinctively what Liguest, aided by aus- 
picious fortune, had made it. Indirectly the English gave the village 
its great impetus of rapid growth before the end of its first year. Some 
accession of numbers happened from the French population of Cahokia 
and of other towns east of the Mississippi, who sought a new abode in St. 
Louis, when England formally took possession of her newly acquired 
territory on the eastern side of the river. Much to the advantage of 
St Louis, again, was the dislike conceived for the English by the 
Indians, a great part of the Indian trade in peltries being transferred on 
this account from points east of the river. Thus it happened from 
various causes that the venture of Liguest was rapidly proving itself a 
grand success. The lowering of the lilied flag for the emblems of Spanish 
rule effected very little change in the affairs of the colony. Both Piernas 
and Cruzat, the earliest Spanish commandants, were popular officers 
with a conciliatory policy. The life of the colony was still nearly as 
much under the influence of Liguest and Bellerive as if theirs had been 
the political as well as the moral authority. The settlers enjoyed life 
and trade was prosperous. Peltries and furs bought from the Indians 
were the main objects in commerce ; at the time of Liguest*s death the 
average value annually of these goods received in St. Louis was about 
$300,000. The merchandise was shipped to Canada, thence to Europe, 
and it required four years for the returns to be made. If less rapid than 
the transactions of our own day, they were at least followed by enviable 
content. A feature to be noticed in this commerce is, that in their expe- 
ditions to the North and West, the French traders had not much to fear 
from the Indians. The contrast is the greatest possible between these 
peaceful relations and those pertaining to the enterprises of General 
Ashley commenced in 1823. In this interval, during which the organi- 
zation of the Missouri Fur Company and the establishment of John 
Jacob Astor's commercial house in St. Louis had taken place, a change 
had come over the Indian's dream of the fur trader. In General 
Ashley's day not less than two-fifths of the men perished in the trade. 
Not all of these luckless adventurers, however, were murdered by the 
Indians; the white bears devoured some and others were drowned. 
But the Indian troubles were frequent ; at one time fourteen were lost 
in a battle with the Cherokees. It was a sad phase of a trade com- 
menced so peacefully with the company of Liguest. 

It is a noteworthy fact that almost simultaneously with the death of 
the founder of the colony should have happened the close of a singularly 


happy period of its history. The year of his death commenced the rule 
of that new Spanish commandant, the third in office, whose proceed- 
ings, if not the true cause of disaster to the colony in 1780, brought 
abundant calumny upon his own name. The Indian attack of that date 
was the first greatly calamitous event which the people suffered. The 
new era was ushered so sharply in as to give by contrast a peculiar 
charm to the picture of the brief, quiet period preceding it. The story 
of the first fourteen years of the village life is like a summer idyl written 
as preface to a history abounding in dark chapters of violence and mis- 
fortune. The wise and good Liguest, somewhat vaguely sketched with 
his colony in the foreground, is scarcely to be recognized except through 
that society in its course of daring adventure, justice, love, and pros- 
perity. A more heroic character might have been developed in Lig- 
uest had his wisdom been less directed to the general good, and his 
friendship for his followers a less sacred motive. 





Commuaicated by John Russell Bartlett 

The poverty of their languages tends 
strongly to excite exertions to express 
ideas by figures of speech. Hence their 
violent gestures and repetitions in all 
their public speeches. Their ideas are 
drawn from sensible objects, and these 
being few in number give a character to 
their eloquence which differs materially 
from ours. Like the rays of light 
brought to a focus by a lens, their ideas 
being few with only a few words to 
express them, Byron would call them 
"ideas of fire." Unaccompanied by 
enthusiasm, genius produces only unin- 
teresting works of art. Enthusiasm is 
the secret spirit which hovers over the 
eloquence of the Indian. 

All the senses of the Indian, from his 
mode of living in the open air, and 
indeed from necessity, exist in the high- 
est possible perfection. Their persons 
are the first forms in the world. Stand- 
ing erect, his eyes flaming with enthu- 
siastic ardor and his mind laboring 
under an agony of thought, the Indian 
is a most impressive orator. He speaks 
in the presence of his assembled nation, 
on some important subject, and shows 
that he feels an awful responsibility. 
At Prairie du Chien in the summer of 
1829, while listening to many Indian 
speeches, I was forcibly struck with the 
evident marks of the awful responsi- 
bility which the orators felt during the 
time they were addressing the United 
States Commissioners. I have seen an 
Indian orator when in the course of his 
speech he began to touch upon the sub- 

ject of a sale of his country, turn pale, 
tremble in every limb, and sit down 
perfectly exhausted in body from the 
operations of his mind. The Indian 
orator's audience is his whole nation, 
often several other assembled Indian 
nations, and the subject matter of his 
discourse is of great national impor- 
tance. When the subject matter is a 
sale of his country, in addition to his 
whole nation as an audience, he sees 
seated before him, the United States 
Commissioners attended by a large num- 
ber of military officers in full dresses, 
and an army of soldiers drawn up in 
battle array. The cannons and the 
lighted matches and all the parade, show, 
pomp, and circumstance of glorious 
warfare, are presented to the orator's 
near and full view. On each side of 
him sit all the chiefs and warriors of his 
nation; behind him sit all the women 
and children of his people. His subject 
is one that is of the highest conceivable 
importance to him and his nation. His 
country he is called on to sell and quit 
forever, contains the bones of his an- 
cestors and the hearts of many perhaps 
that loved him most dearly. His wives 
and children listen in breathless silence 
to every word he utters. Every eye 
among his auditors watches every gesture 
he makes. 

Placed in such a situation, the char- 
acter of his eloquence is easily con- 
ceived. It abounds with figures drawn 
from every natural object presented to 
his eye. He " thanks the Great Spirit 
that He has granted them a day for 
their council with a cloudless sky, or 
with a few clouds, as the case may be; 
that their several paths between their 



homes and the council were open and 
unattended with dangers ; that the storm 
is passed away and gone ; and he hopes 
that during the time they may be 
detained from home the beasts may 
not destroy his com, nor any bad birds 
be permitted to fly about with bad 
stories around the council fire!" All 
this is uttered with little gesticulation 
and without enthusiasm, but should he 
touch on the subject of a sale of his 
country, his whole soul is in every look, 
every word and every gesture. His 
eye flashes fire, he raises himself upon 
his feet, his body is thrown into every 
variety of attitude, every muscle is 
strained, every nerve is exerted to its 
utmost power, and his voice becomes 
clear, distinct and commanding. He 
now becomes, to use his own expressive 
phrase, A MAN. 

He recalls to the minds of his auditors 
the situation and circumstances of his 
ancestors, when they, and they only, 
climbed every hill and every mountain 
and traversed every vale in quest of 
game, angled in every river for fishes, 
sailed in every lake, and glided along 
on every stream of water in their 
canoes. He tells his auditors that all 
the labor their ancestors had to perform 
was merely what the white man calls 
"sport" or "pastime"; that in winter 
they dwelt in the thickest forests beside 
the unfrozen spring of pure water, and 
in the summer in the coolest, shadiest 
groves. In winter he was protected 
from every piercing wind; in summer 
from every burning ray of the sun. 

The white man came across the 
Great Water ; he was feeble and small 
in stature ; he begged for a few acres of 

land, so that he could by digging in the 
earth like a squaw raise some corn, 
some squashes and some beans for the 
support of his family and himself. In- 
dian pity was excited by the simple tale 
of the white man's wants, and his re- 
quest was granted. But soon indeed 
thereafter he who was so feeble and 
small at first, became so mighty and 
large that his head reached the clouds 
and with a tree for his staff he drove 
the red man before him from river to 
river, and from mountain to mountain, 
until the Indian seated himself on a small 
spot of earth as a final resting place, 
and now the white man wants that small 
spot ! 

We will continue to use the language 
of Hoowaneka (Little Elk), in council 
at Prairie du Chien on July i, 1829: 
"The first white man whom we ever 
knew was a Frenchman. He lived 
among us as we did. He painted 
himself, smoked his pipe with us, sang 
and danced with us, and married one 
of our squaws, but he never wanted 
to buy our land ! The Red-coat (the 
British) came next. He gave us new 
coats, leggins and shoes, guns, traps 
and knives, blankets and jewels. He 
seated our chiefs at his table to eat w^ith 
him ; he fixed epaulets on their shoul- 
ders, and put commissions in their 
pockets. He suspended large medals 
on their breasts, but he never asked us to 
sell our country to him / Next came the 
Blue Coat (the American). No sooner 
had he seen a small portion of our coun- 
try than he asked for a map of the whole 
of it ! Having shown him its map, he 
wanted to buy it all instantly.* Gov- 
ernor Cass last year at Green Bay urged 



us to sell all our country to him^ and now 
you, father, repeat the same request. 
Why do you wish to add our small coun- 
try to yoi^rs, which is already so large ? 
When I went to Washington City to see 
our Great Father, I saw great houses 
all along the road, and Washington and 
Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York 
are great and splendid cities ! So large 
and beautiful was the President's house; 
the tables and chairs, the mirrors and 
carpets were so beautiful, that I thought 
I was in Heaven, and the old man there 
was the Great Spirit ! but after he had 
taken us by the hand and kissed our 
women I found him like ourselves, 
nothing but a man ! You ask us to sell 
our country, and wander off into the 
boundless regions of the West. We do 
not own that country, and the deer, elk, 
bison and beaver now there are not 
ours, and we have no right to kill them. 
Our wives and our children, now seated 
behind us are dear to us, and so is our 
country, where rest in peace the bones 
of our ancestors. Fathers ! pity a peo- 
ple few in number, poor and helpless ! 
Do you want our country? Yours is 
larger than ours ! Do you want our 
wigwams ? You live in palaces. Do you 
want our horses? Yours are larger, 
stronger and better than ours. Do you 
want our women ? Yours are now sit- 
ting behind you (the speaker here 
pointed to Mrs. Z. Taylor, to the lady 
of Major Garland and her sister. Miss 
Lockwood, Mrs. Rolette and her daugh- 
ters), are handsomer and dressed better 
than ours. Look at your ladies behind 
you, and then at ours sitting before 
you ! Why, Fathers ! What can be 
your motives ? '* Such is the substance 

and almost the very words of Hoowan- 
eka in council. His gestures were very 
graceful, but in those portions of his 
speech which related to a sale of his 
country his gesticulation was violent, 
and his whole soul was violently agitated. 

Among the Sauks and Foxes, Keokuk 
and Morgan were the principal orators 
in 1829, and these men were the chief 
warriors also of these tribes, at that 
time. Before addressing the commis- 
sioners in council, their orators always 
consulted the Civil Chiefs as to the sub- 
stantial matters to be brought forward 
in their public speeches. Generally a 
solemn national council was called, 
in which the subject matters were dis- 
cussed and the decision of the as- 
sembled nation was communicated to 
the orators, who in their public speeches, 
conformed to the instructions which 
they had received from their own coun- 

Among the Winnebagoes, the half 
breeds Snakeskin and Little Elk were 
generally put forward as orators, but on 
great occasions the principal civil chiefs 
came forward as orators. Among savage 
nations orators as such do not stand as 
high as they do among civilized ones. 
Under our aristocracy birth is esteemed 
of consequence, and, in a savage state 
bodily powers and prowess are of greater 
value than they are among us, who are 
more intellectual than man in his natural 
state. The Indian word for orator 
translated into our language is ''bab- 
bler.*' Thus we see that Indians are 
not sufficiently advanced in the arts of 
life, or of government to give an orator 
all the consequence which he has among 
us. Could our native Americans throw 




off their aristocracy, their love of war, 
their indolence, and adopt our mode of 
living and all our wants, and thereby 
add vastly to his stock of ideas, he 
might then become and excel as our 
orators at the bar, in the desk, in the 
popular assembly and in the Senate 
Hall. Until then he will rise no higher 
than he now is. His speeches will be 
vehement, his gesticulations will be 
violent, and repetitions and darkness 
and obscurity, mixed with figures of 
speech and some beautiful allusions to 
natural objects and to the vague tradi- 
tions handed down to him from his an- 
cestor, will be found in all his long 
labored public speeches. Logan's speech 
was simplicity itself; but Logan had lived 
all his days among the whites. He had 
even adopted a white man's name. Such 
a speech as his was never delivered by 
an Indian, unacquainted with the whites. 
There are in that speech a clearness, a 
simplici.ty, a pointedness, which belong 
to a civilized man's speech, who is how- 
ever a full blooded Indian in his heart. 

Caleb Atwater. 
Circleville, Ohio, August 27, 1846. 

* A comprehensive description of the French, 
English and Americans, as they succeed each 
other in their intercourse with the Indians in this 
country. C. A. 

Note. — Mr. John R. Bartlett, to whose kind- 
ness this paper is due, writes to ms that Mr. 
Atwater, who was a correspondent of his in 
1846, promised other articles upon the Indians, 
Imt he does not think they were received. 



Early history of new york. — I 
cannot but agree with Major D. Camp- 
beirs views, as expressed in his address 

before the Oneida Historical Society, 
but must entirely differ from Mr. S. N. 
D. North's opinion regarding the intelli- 
gence and education of the early Dutch 
colonists of New York, given in the 
January number of this Magazine. I 
am not at all astonished to find Mr. 
North of the same opinion as most all 
writers on American history, who, as a 
general rule, underrate or ignore the im- 
portance of the fact that the Dutch were 
the first colonists on the Hudson. The 
statement that, if it had not been for the 
Dutch, we should perhaps still live under 
English rule, or be a colony of France, 
seems to be a bold one ; but the students 
of the Dutch period of New York will 
most likely agree with me. The proofs 
for this assertion are : First, the friendly 
relations maintained by the Dutch with 
the powerful Five Nations, whose rule 
extended over half this continent, and 
who served as a bulwark against the en- 
croachments of the French in Canada. 
The Dutch of Albany kept up this 
friendship, even after the downfall of 
their government, to the advantage of 
their conquerors, not so much, as is 
usually stated, because they were afraid 
for their lives, or at least for their com- 
merce, but because they desired more lib- 
erty than the tyrannical rule of France 
would have allowed them. Second, the 
spirit of liberty, political and religious, 
roused in Holland, almost a century be- 
fore the colonization of this country, by 
the Spanish invasion of their homes,, 
with which they had become so thor- 
oughly imbued that they raised the cry 
of the Revolution, "No taxation with- 
out representation," long before the 
Revolution was ever thought of. Third,. 



the desire to get rid of the British rule, 
made distasteful to them from the be- 
ginning by the superciliousness with 
which the English treated them. Can 
such sentiments, bringing about such re- 
sults, find birth and fostering care in the 
minds and breasts of " either purely com- 
mercial or totally uneducated vien ? " 

Nobody thinks of denying that the 
Dutch were first induced to settle on 
the banks of the Hudson by the pros- 
pect of a profitable trade with the In- 
dians. They were not compelled to seek 
new homes in an unexplored land, be- 
cause their puritanical intolerance would 
not allow them to live among people 
who differed from them in religious 
belief ; they did not start out with the 
benevolent intention of Christianizing 
the heathen Indian by exterminating 
him. They came for commercial pur- 
poses, and of course treated the peo- 
ple, with whom they desired to trade, 
with the same fairness and honesty with 
which they treated each other or other 
European nations. With a tolerance 
in religious matters, which can be only 
the result of education, they allowed the 
heathen Indian to retain his simple be- 
lief in a God, who had created him and 
his surroundings, and who was angry at 
his creature's misdoings. They had 
learned, if anything, that the words 
" Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy- 
self" included also the natives of this 
continent, the owners of the land upon 
which they intended to settle, and they 
had been taught that they could not 
take another man's property without 
giving him the demanded price for it — 
a lesson which the New England set- 
tlers had either never been taught, or 

believed not to apply to a people of other 
religious belief (see the early Statutes of 
Massachusetts). Notwithstanding the 
commercial tendency of their character, 
which is always held up as a reproach to 
them, and comes with rather a bad 
taste from a nation who could not live 
without, and is made great by, its com- 
merce — notwithstanding it, I say, their 
love of profit never led them to the inhu- 
manity of dealing in Indian scalps. These 
last mentioned characteristics must also 
be set down^ the result of education, 
and we will see now how far the charge 
of a lack of educated men can be dis- 
proved. If I fail in my attempt to 
disprove it, I am afraid part of the 
charge will fall back upon Mr. North, 
for some of the men, whose names I 
shall give, were Englishmen, who, pre- 
ferring the greater religious and political 
freedom of New Netherland, left their 
scholarly friends of New England to 
settle under Dutch government. 

The De Graafs, of whom we find sev- 
eral mentioned in the Dutch records, 
belonged to a family which furnished two 
Burgomasters to Amsterdam in Holland, 
one being elected to that office nine 
times. The Dewitts, who settled at the 
Esopus (Kingston), and were the an- 
cestors of Surveyor- General Dewitt of 
this State, were closely related to the 
celebrated Great Pensionary Dewitt of 
Holland. Johannes de Laet, the author 
of five books on America, published 
during the years 1625 to 1648, did not 
come himself to this country, but his 
family did, and without doubt they were 
well educated people. Rev. William 
Leveridge of Oyster Bay, L. I., was a 
graduate of Cambridge, England, and 



the first pastor of Huntington in 1658. 
Richard and Lewis Morris, founders of 
Morrisania, were sons of a well-to-do, 
and, therefore, probably well-educated, 
English family. I cannot continue this 
list of names of persons, whose position 
or birth entitled them to be classed 
among the educated men of their times, 
and will only briefly mention the Stuy- 
vesants. Bayards, Beekmans, Schuylers, 
Polhemus, Megalopolensis, Luyck, De 
Sille, Van der Donck, Willett, Chambers, 
De Vries, Van Tienhoven, La Montagne, 
and others, who, in their capacity of 
public officers, ministers, school teach- 
ers, etc., formed a nucleus of educated 
men, proportionately large, considering 
the number of inhabitants in Dutch 
times, and whose letters, as far as they 
are extant, bristle with quotations from 
Latin authors. With the English a num- 
ber of more educated men came over, 
as Mathias Nicolls, Robert Livingston, 
William Smith, the historian of Colonial 
New York, and a host of others too nu- 
merous to mention. 

All these men had been educated 
abroad ; and I cannot understand Mr. 
North's statement, that he "can re- 
call the name of but one New York 
colonist, Cadwallader Colden, who had 
enjoyed educational advantages in the 
mother country, and certainly there were 
none such among the Dutch settlers, not 
excepting the ministry." This slur is ut- 
terly unwarranted, especially as far as the 
Dutch ministry is concerned. Holland, 
in her love for education, was the first 
country, so history tells us, to establish 
a system of free district schools. The 
Dutch desire for knowledge is still fur- 
ther demonstrated by the well-known 

facts connected with the establishment 
of the celebrated University of Leyden, 
the Alma Mater of a Grotius, a Des- 
cartes, a Fielding, a Goldsmith. With 
free district schools and a university like 
Leyden, it would have been almost im- 
possible not to have the people generally 
as well educated, comparatively, as the 
people of the United States are to-day. 
As to the education of the ministry of 
New Netherlands among whom is to be 
mentioned Dominie Johannes Megalo- 
polensis, Doctor of Divinity (a title then 
not given as now in mere courtesy, but 
after a rigid examination), it is to be 
remembered that the young man who 
wished to become a minister, or a master 
of a Latin school, had to prove, be- 
fore matriculation at any continental 
university or college, his previous clas- 
sical education, including a knowledge 
of the ancient languages, Greek, Latin 
and Hebrew, and his college course of 
three to five years made him thoroughly 
acquainted with every branch of theology 
or philology. I cannot understand, I 
repeat, how men like Dr. Megalopolensis, 
Rev. Peter Daill6, Johannes Polhemus, 
and others, can be said not to have en- 
joyed as good an education as any of 
the New England ministers. 

The Dutch system of free schools was 
undoubtedly introduced into the colony 
as soon as there were children to benefit 
by it. The earliest mention of a school 
in New Netherland is made in 1633; and 
in 1650, New Netherland, with a pop- 
ulation of about 250 families, had a 
number of schools, among which the 
I^tin school of New Amsterdam, where 
the sons of such men in the province 
received their education as could afford 



the expense of sending them there. Like 
many other liberal institutions first es- 
tablished by the Dutch, the free school 
system was adopted later in Massachu- 

Mr. North may without contradiction 
claim for New England the palm in lit- 
erature, but New Netherland was not 
quite devoid of a literature of its own, 
though the books were printed in Eu- 
rope. I will only briefly mention the 
** Description of New Netherland," by 
Adrian van der Donck, Doctor of Law, 
who died in Westchester county in 1655; 
Rev. Megalopolensis* book on the Mo- 
hawk Indians, published in 165 1 ; Jo- 
hannes de Laet's "The New World," 
published in Dutch, Latin and French 
between 1625 and 1640, and the same 
author's "Notes" and "Reply" to 
Hugo Grotius' "Dissertation on the 
Aborigines of America." Further, De 
Vries' "Travels." But, on the other 
hand, Mr. Campbell is also right, when 
he says that no history of New York has 
been written, because the official corre- 
spondence during the first decades of her 
existence is a sealed book to most people. 
Few people think it worth their while to 
study a language only for the purpose 
of acquiring a knowledge of the early 
colonial history of New York, and a 
still smaller number would think of 
learning to read " black-letter " for the 
same purpose. The twenty or more 
volumes of Dutch records in the State 
archives, containing so much to throw 
light upon the inner life of the colony; 
the records of Fort Orange, of Esopus 
and of New Amsterdam are all waiting 
to be made public, but the interest of 
the great mass of the people of the State 

is directed into other channels than to 
know what originated their country and 
made it what it is — a great State. 
Albany, B. Fernow. 

Poetry of t;ie revolution. — 

From the Webb MSS. Communicated by General 
J. Wataon Webb. 

The Wat'ry God. 


The Wat'ryGod, Great Neptane, lay 
In dalliance soft and anxioas Play 

On Amphitrite's Breast ; 
When up he reared his hoary Head 
The Tritons shrunk, the Nereids fled. 

And all their Fear Confest. 

Loud Thunder shook the Vast Domain, 
The liquid world was wrapt in Flame, 

The God amazed spoke ; 
Go forth ye Winds, and make it known 
Who dares thus shake my Corral Throne, 

And fill my realms with smoke. 


The Winds, obsequious at his word, 
Sprung strongly up t' obey their Lord, 

And saw two Fleets away. 
Hopkins commanded one brave Line, 
The other Navy, How was thine 

In Terror and dismay. 


They view America's bold Sons 

Deal Death and slaughter from their Guns, 

And strike the dreadfull Blow 
That made ill-fated British slaves — 
Seek Life by flying over the Waves, 

Or sink to Shades below. 


Amazed they fly and tell their Chief, 
That How is ruined past relief. 

And Hopkins Conquering rode. 
" Hopkins '. " says Neptune, " who is he 
That dares usurp this power at sea. 

And thus insult a God ! " 




The Winds reply: " In distant Land 
A Congress sits, whose martial Bands 

Defy all Britain's force. 
And when their floating Casstels Roll 
From Sea to Sea, from Pole to Pole, 

Hopkins directs their Course. 


And when their Winged Bullets fly 
To reinstate their Liberty, 

Or scourge oppressive Bands, 
Then Gallant Hopkins, calmly Great, 
Tho* Death and Carnage round him wait. 

Performs their dread Commands." 


Neptune with vast amazement hears 
How great this infant state appears, 

What Feats their Heroes do ; 
Washington's Deeds and Putnam's Fame, 
Joined to g^eat Lee's immortal Name, 

And cries ** Can this be true " ? 


" A Congress ! sure they are Brother Gods, 
Who have such Heroes at their Nods 

To govern Earth and Sea ; 
I yield my Trident and my Crown 
A Tribute due to such renown. 

These Gods shall rule for me." 



Dr, Byvanck^ Horseneck^ 1777 

Let the Trumpet of Fame raise its shrill notes 
on high, . 
While the Winds on their Wings the bold ac- 
cents convey 
Of great Washington's Name ! let the Nations 
& Honour to the Sun wide his Banners display. 

For Virtue and Valour walk close by his Side, 
& Truth o'er his Head her Effulgence reveals ; 

His Soul to Discretion and Zeal is ally'd, 
While his Country his Bosom with Fortitude 

With Liberty fired, whilst god-like he glows. 
His Heroes around him partake of his Flame ; 

His Warriors in thousands their ardor disclose. 
And pant for to tread in his footsteps to Fame. 

His Life uniform, their Example supplies, 
His Conduct their precept ; no other there 
To the Man who's resolv'd — if beside him he dies, 
His Heart for fair Freedom still throbs as it 

Beneath such a Chieftain, so great, good and wise. 
Reflecting his valour, our Heroes shall move ; 

And with his Renown, whilst our Glories arise, 
Our armies shall ever invincible prove. 

Even Victory now her broad pennons expands. 
And holds forth the Wreath to encircle his 
While Fame lifts her Trumpet to far distant 
His praises immortal, sonorous to blow. 

Then Smile, O Columbia, in Beauty replete. 
Thy aera of Liberty approaches nigh. 

When Culture and Arts shall revive at thy Feet, 
& Peace, wealth and plenty stand ministring by. 

Thy Empire shall grasp at Ambitions boldhight. 

Thy greatness shall travel, thy strength shall 

not tire. 

Till old Time, weary'd out, shall stop short in 

his flight. 

And prone on his own weapon fallen, expire. 



An Ode to His Excellency Gen. Washington 

By David Humphrey 

To Washington, who greatly brave, 
Resolv'd his native land to save; 

Or perish in the cause*; 
To Washington, what praise belongs ! 
What marble busts I what grateful songs ! 

What tributes of applause ! 

At freedom's call, the Hero rose, 
Left each dear Scene, & sought our foes. 
And brav'd their fiercest rage ; 



While they (for as a scourge design'd) 
Within their walls inglorioas pin'd. 
Nor dar'd with him engage. 

His Martiall Skill our legions form'd. 
His glorious zeil their bosoms warm'd. 

And fann*d the rising flame, 
Like Fabius, he by wise delay 
Forc'd Britain's bands to waste a¥ray. 

Then bade them fly with shame. 

His Vengeance struck them with dismay, 
His thunders broke their firm array, 

And wither'd all their host. 
Why felt thy chiefs unusual dread ? 
Where were thy sons O Britain fled. 

To what ill-fated coast ? 

But now the Cannon's thundering roar 
Begins to echo round the shore. 

And calls on youths from far. 
Oh ! now may he, with glory crown'd, 
While guardian Angels shield him round. 

Triumphant guide the war. 

At last (for so the fates decreed) 
These climes by him from slav'ry freed, 

And ^v'ry wrong redrest — 
While grateful Myriads hail his name, 
May he, bright heir of deathless fame. 

Long live supremely blest. 


Welcome Hither each Brave Brother 
Fitr the Meeting of the Cincinnati, July, 1786 

Welcome hither each brave brother. 

Souls who nobly scorn to yield, 
Friendship binds us to each other. 

Friendship form'd in hostile field. 

Hail Cincinnatus great in arms, 

Thy sons revere thy name. 
To them, like thee sweet peace, hath charms 

When conquest crowns their fame. 

Tyrants, here behold the foes 

Can make your armies flee. 
No more your slavish plan propose, 

Columbia (now is) (shall be) free, 

CA^fwj.— Hail, &c. 

To freedom sacred be this day 

In each revolving year. 
And we'll our grateful homage pay 

With hearts devoid of fear. 

Chorus. — Hail, &c. 

The prophetic gates. — The closing 
paragraph in a letter of General Gates 
to Washington, dated July 25, 1779, con- 
tains a prophecy, the more remarkable in 
that it has been realized. It must be 
remembered that Captain Cook had cir- 
cumnavigated the world for the benefit 
of Great Britain a few years before. 

" I am happy in congratulating your 
Excellency, upon the Glorious Success 
of Genl Wayne and His Intrepid Com- 
panions. The American Arms have 
now reached the summit of military fame 
and George the 3d may seek for another 
Continent in the Terra Australis ; for 
he has lost this." J. A. S. 

The BENSON house at harlem. — 
This house, now occupied by Samson 
Benson McGown, io6th Street near Lex- 
ington Avenue, was used as a hospital 
for the British army. The house has 
since been turned to face io6th Street. 
Mr. Benson was a grandfather of Mr. 
McGown, and has repeatedly spoken to 
him of, as he tells me, the blood-stained 
floors during the occupation. 

Thomas F. DeVoe. 

Death of colonel knowlton. — In 
1878, during a long conversation with 
Mr. Samson Benson McGown about the 
antiquity of Harlem and its vicinity, I 
called the attention of this well-informed 
old gentleman to the battle of Harlem in 
September, 1776. He informed me that 



he had been told repeatedly by his 
father and grandfather that the brave 
Colonel Knowlton was killed on the flats, 
somewhere between 112th and 125th 
Streets. Thomas F. DeVoe. 


From Mr, Gaine*s Mercury, dated May 
26. One day last week our Market af- 
forded us no less than 23 different sorts 
of fresh fish. 

May 27 
Mr. Rivington ! ! ! 

Having seen in Yesterday's Paper 
that there were twenty-three kinds of 
fresh Fish in the Market I want to know 
if it will be below the Dignity of your 
Royal Typographic Pen to announce to 
us their Christened Names, 

And while you, a very droll Fishy are 
swimingly laying in your Post-Meridian 
Tide of Goody- Burton or Barley Faler- 
nian you may also tell us which of them 
will make the best Prelude to the noted 
Apres la Poisson toujours, for much Good 
it has often done to many of the old 
Friends of 

De Grege Epicuri, Porcus 
— From Rivington s Royal Gazette, May 

28, 1783. ICTHVOPAGUS. 

The first American flag raised in 
phia American Daily Advertiser for 
Saturday, December 23, 1820, has the 
following notice : 

"On Wednesday, the 13th inst., a let- 
ter was received by the Senate and 
House of Representatives of this State 
from the executors of the late Captain 
Gustavus Conyngham, presenting to the 
Legislature, to be deposited in their 

library, the ^rx/ American flag that was 
raised in the British Channel, of which 
the following is copy : 

" 'To the Honorable the Speaker of the 
House of Representatives : Sir — The ex- 
ecutors of Captain Gustavus Conyng- 
ham present to the Senate and House of 
Representatives, to be deposited in the 
State library, the flrst flag of the United 
States of America that was raised in the 
British Channel. It was made under the 
direction of Dr. Benjamin Franklin for 
the Government vessel Surprise, com- 
manded by Captain Gustavus Conyng- 
ham, in the year 1776.* " 

I have ascertained that it was subse- 
quently used among the decorations of 
the Hall of Representatives, back of the 
Speaker's chair. Also that it is not now 
in any of the departments of the State 
of Pennsylvania, and my informant 
thinks it was taken to Philadelphia, and 
has been stolen. This is unfortunate, 
as it might solve the much-vexed ques- 
tion whether the stars were on our flag 
prior to the resolution of June 14, 1777. 
I am of the opinion, however, that its 
being made under the direction of Dr. 
Franklin was a family tradition, and re- 
ferred to the rattlesnake emblem of the 
striped ensign, which preceded the Stars 
and Stripes I send this note with a 
faint hope it may meet the eye of some 
descendant of Captain Conyngham, or 
of some person who saw it over the 
Speaker's chair, five or six years after 
his death, who will be able to recall its 
general features. 

It is uncertain whether the Surprise 
was a Government (Continental) or 
Pennsylvania State cruiser. 

Brookline. G. H. P. 



The good old times. — On Monday 
Evening, the i4tk Instant, Forty- Five 
Virgins of this City went in Procession to 
pay their Respects to a Patriot [Alexan- 
der McDougal], now unjustly confined 
in the Common Jail. They were intro- 
duced by a Gentleman of Note to the 
Illustrious Prisoner, who entertained 
them with Tea, Cakes, Chocolate and 
Conversation adapted to the Company. — 
New York Journal^ March 22, 1770. 


Arnold's visit to the united states 
IN 1786. — Boston^ August '^, The cele- 
brated Mr. Benedict Arnold, formerly 
in the service of the United States, but 
now a British General on half pay, lately 
paid a visit, in company with an English 
officer, to the eastern flank of this Com- 
monwealth, and in a very friendly man- 
ner waited on Col. Allan at Dudley 
Island, but tarried only a few hours, 
judging it more expedient to sojourn in 
Nova Scotia, than in a country ever 
inimical to paricides. — New Haven Ga- 
zette ,, August 10, 1786. 


Washington's simple tastes. — 
Among the Webb manuscripts owned 
by General J. Watson Webb, is the 
following interesting letter, which shows 
to what shifts our American officers 
were put to make up a dinner and also 
Washington's simple taste : 

Robinson's 6th June 1782 
Dear Sir, 

General Washington dines with me to- 
morrow ; he is exceedingly fond of salt 
fish ; I have some coming up, & tho* it 
will be here in a few days, it will not be 

here in time — If you could conve- 
niently lend me as much fish as would 
serve a pretty large company for dinner 
to-morrow (at least for one Dish), it will 
oblige me, and shall in a very few days 
be returned in as good Dun Fish as ever 
you see. 

Excuse this freedom, and it will add 
to the favor — Could you not prevail 
upon somebody to catch some Trout 
for me early to-morrow morning? 

I am Dr Sir with great regard 
your most obedient Servant, 
Col Webb R. Howe 

This is curious, as salmon were abun- 
dant in those days. Iulus. 

The book of common prayer. — It 
appears by the proceedings of the con- 
vention of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church at Newark, N. J., on the 4th 
inst., that a copyright in the Book of 
Common Prayer, as altered by the late 
General Episcopal Convention, had been 
claimed by William Hall as proprietor 
under the act of Congress. The con- 
vention have remonstrated against this 
claim, and declare that it is not well 
founded — that such assumed exclusive 
privilege is in its operation an imposition 
on the members of that church; and 
they accordingly propose that the sev- 
eral state conventions of Episcopal 
clergy should take measures to have the 
said book printed reasonably and expe- 
ditiously, that a general supply of them 
may be obtained. — The Universal Asy- 
lum^ JunCy 1 79 1. W. K. 

General Washington and captain 
ASGiLL. — Mr. Johnston, in his observa- 
tions on Judge Jones* History, defends 



Washington from the charge of cruelty 
brought against him by the Tory Ther- 
sites, Judge Jones. Mrs. Pierre Van 
Cortlandt of Cortlandt Manor has kindly 
contributed to the series of Washington 
letters, now being published in the 
Magazine, one addressed to Colonel 
Dayton on this subject. It is dated 1 1 
June, 1782. The postscript reads as 
follows : 

P. S. I am informed that Capt. Asgill is at 
Chatham — without guard and under no Con- 
straint. This, if true, is certainly wrong — I 
wish to have the young gentleman treated with 
all the tenderness possible consistent with his 
preset. t situation, but until his Fate is deter- 
mined he must be considered as a close prisoner, 
to be kept with the greatest Security. I request, 
therefore, that he be sent immediately to the 
Jersey line, where he is to be kept close pris- 
oner, in perfect security, till further orders. 

I am as above, G. W. 

Sparks printed in his collection a letter 
nearly similar in expression. They con- 
clusively dispose of the matter. 


The first garden in new England. 
— The first garden in New England 
that had any pretentions to the name of 
a botanical garden, was reared by Mr. 
Redwood, who founded the library. — 
The Rhode Island Republican^ November 
22, 1857. J. E. M. 

Rhode island the bath of America. 
— Rhode Island, which is about fifteen 
miles long, and from three to six broad, 
has from its salubrity, variety, tempera- 
ture, and surpassing beauty, been con- 
sidered, during the past century, as the 
Bath of America^ and resorted to accord- 
ingly, either for the summer season or as 

a permanent residence of opulence and 
literature leisure. Hence we may ac- 
count for her numerous fine country 
seats, and for her two distinct ranks of 
people, her aristocracy, and her West 
Indies and African traders ; her revo- 
lutionary men, and her men of naviga- 
tion. — The Rhode Island Republican^ 
November 22, 1857. J. E. M. 


British salutes. — In the account of 
Washington's visit to General Carleton 
(Magazine of American Histpry,V., 108), 
mention is made of a salute of seven- 
teen guns given to him on leaving the 
ship, and the writer says that this was in 
recognition of his army rank. On what 
authority is this assertion based ? 

W. C S. 

The boston beacon. — In the valu- 
able Diary of a French Officer, Baron 
du Bourg, printed in the March number 
of the Magazine (IV., 208), I find a 
mention of the high piece of ground 
called the ** Beacon," and on page 209 
a description of the light (the original 
French word, I understand from the 
editor, is ^^fanal*'), which does not ac- 
cord with my previous knowledge of the 
character of the structure. I had sup- 
posed the Boston Beacon to be a tar- 
barrel. Can no antiquary set this 
straight ? Iulus. 

New YORK prisons during the rev- 
olution. — In Harpers' Weekly for July 
17, 1880, there appeared a view, pur- 
porting to be that of the "Old Sugar 



House, comer of Rose and Duane 
streets, used as a prison during the Rev- 
olution," illustrative of an article en- 
titled a " City of Prisons." The building 
referred to was long known as the Rhine- 
lander Sugar House, but I am not aware 
that there is any evidence, or even tra- 
dition, that it was used as a prison house 
during the Revolution. Every new vol- 
ume on New York history that ap- 
pears contains some fresh blunder in re- 
gard to localities. Miss Booth's, Mrs. 
Lamb's and Bryant & Gay's, each in 
turn ; and now the Weeklies seem to be 
intent on befogging us also. Will not 
some of your antiquarian subscribers 
take up this matter and set it right ? 

W. C. S. 

The houdon mask. — Where is the 
original mask of Houdon's statue of 
Washington? Houdon carried it to 
Europe with him on his return. What 
has since become of it ? A. B. G. 

Monuments to the patriots. — Jo- 
siah Dunham, in an oration pronounced 
at Windsor, Vt., February 22, 18 14, 
speaking of the honored dead of the 
Revolution, used these words : " Go to 
the tombs of Warren and Montgomery ! 
— of Wooster, of Mercer, of Nash, and 
De Kalb ! Consult their Monuments : 
They will tell you in language louder than 
the thunders of Heaven the worth of 
your liberties." 

Is it true that monuments have been 
erected over the tombs of all the soldiers 
mentioned? If so, what are the loca- 
tions and inscriptions ? 

Sudbury, Vt R. H. 


General Washington's hair, which was 
preserved in a golden urn by the Grand 
Lodge of Massachusetts, has often been 
referred to by the brethren as a price- 
less heir-loom. Not having heard of it 
lately, I venture to inquire if that inter- 
esting relic is still in existence, and what 
is its condition ? 

As it may interest your Masonic sub- 
scribers, I transmit a copy of the corre- 
spondence connected with the gift by 
Mrs. Washington. It lacks but the resolu- 
tion of the Grand Lodge to make the 
record complete : 

Boston, January ii, i8oa 

The Grand Lodge of the Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts have deeply participated in the 
general grief of their fellow citizens on the 
melancholy occasion of the death of their be- 
loved Washington. 

As Americans, they have lamented the loss of 
the Chief, who had led their armies to victory, 
and their country to glory ; but as Masons they 
have wept the dissolution of that endearing 
relation, by which they were enabled to call him 
their Friend and their Brother. They presume 
not to offer you those consolations which might 
alleviate the weight of common sorrows, for 
they are themselves inconsolable. The object 
of this address is, not to interrupt the sacred 
offices of grief like yours ; but, whilst they are 
mingling tears with each other on the common 
calamity, to condole with 3rou on the irreparable 
misfortune which you have individually expe- 

To their expressions of sjrmpathy on this 
solemn dispensation, the Grand Lodge hsu sub- 
joined an order that a golden Urn be prepared 
as a deposit for a lock of hair, an invaluable 
relick of the Hero and the Patriot, whom their 
wishes would immortalize ; and that it be pre- 
served with the jewels and regalia of the Society. 

Should this favor be grartted, Madam, it will 
be cherished as the most precious jewel in the 



Cabinet of the Lod^e, as the mcmoiy of his rir- 
taes vill foxerer be in the hearts of its members. 
We have the honoar to be. 
With the highest respect, 

Vonr most obedient SerTants, 
ToHX Waulesc 
Paul Rztulb 
JosiAH Baktixtt 

Mis. Martha Washington 

Mount Vernon, January 27, iSoa 

Mis. Washington has recciTed with sensibilttr 
foai letter cf the 11 inst., enclosing a TOte of 
the Grand Lodge of Massadinsetts. requesting 
a lock of her deceased husband's hair, to be pre- 
serred in a golden Urn, with the jewels and 
regalia of the Grand Lodge. 

In compljing with this request, by sending 

the lock of hair, which you will find enclosed, 

Mrs. Washington begs me to assure yon that 

she Tiews with gratitude the tributes of respect 

and affection paid to the me m o i y of her dear 

deceased hnsband ; and rec ei re s , with a 

heart, the e x p r essions of sympathy 

in yoor letter. 

With great r espect and esteem, 

I have the honour to be. Gentlemen, 

Voor most obedient Serrunt, 

Tobias Lxxk. 
John Wanen - 

fxal Rerere ^ ^ut Grand Masters 

Josiah Baztlett ^ 

Beacon Street. 


Arnold at Saratoga. — III.. 31c.] 
In the appendix to his life of Brant 
Colonel William L. Stone printed a letter 
to him from Samael WoodruJf. Esq.. of 
Windsor, Conn., who was a participator 
in the battle of the 7th October, in 
which occors the following passage : 

** Having introd-jced the name of Ar- 
nold, it mar be proper to note here, that 
although he had no regular command 

that day, he volunteered his service, was 
early on the ground, and in the hottest 
part of the stmggle at the redoubts. He 
behaved (as I then thought more like a 
madman than a cool and discreet omcer. 
Mounted on a brown horse, he moved 
incessantly at a full gallop back and 
forth, until he received a wound in his 
le^ and his horse was shot under him. 
I happened to be near him when he felL 
and assisted in getting him into a litter 
to be carried to headquarters.*"' 

This seems to be a fair estimate of 
Arnold's generalship on this occasion. 


.\NDRf *5 BURIAL. — ^V., 57) The last 
four lines quoted from Miss Steward's 
Monody charge directly upon the au- 
thorities who presided at the execution 
of Andre a denial of decent rites to his 
corpse and a Christian requiem over his 
grave. It is not usual to perform fu- 
neral dirges over spies, but the absence 
of any Christian pries: or Christian ser^ 
vices from the death scene is explained 
in another way than unwillingness on the 
pan of the .\mencans to admit such 
ceremonies- The Fishkill letter of Oc- 
tober 5th, published in the Connecucut 
Gazette for October xc« x7Sc« supplies 
the reason : 

" We learn from Head Quarters that 
Major Andre, Adjutant General of the 
British .\rmv, received the reward of his 
dear earned labours, the gallows^ last 
Monday. His unhappy fate was much 
regretted : though his life was justly for- 
feited by the law of nationsw From k£s 
fftkmimr i: cixmjtct be saiS hki tka:^ if ir 
did nat die *z ^jcd Ckristian^ kc died liJu a 
brjTt Sitldie^, Thus died in the bloom 



of life Major Andr^, the pride of the 
British Army, the friend and confidant 
of Sir Henry Clinton. We further learned 
that the truly infamous Arnold, through 
whom this unfortunate gentleman lost his 
life, has lodged information against sun- 
dry persons in New York, supposed 
friendly to our cause ; in consequence 
of which upwards of fifty of them were 

From this allusion to Andre's want of 
Christianity, it would seem that he 
held the philosophic belief of the day, 
and was a free thinker. 

New York. 

Spiliard the traveler. — '(IV., 462.) 
This famous pedestrian left England in 
1784, and traveled on foot 69,000 miles 
and upwards through all Europe, a great 
part of Asiatic Turkey, through Bar- 
bary, up to Manquinez and Fez, in Mo- 
rocco, and through the Arab country. 
Being desirous to add America to the 
other three-quarters of the world, he 
took passage in 1790 for Boston, and 
traveled through most of the United 
States. In February, 1792, he reached 
Savannah, and took the Indian foot- 
paths through the country to New* Or- 
leans ; he arrived at St. Augustine in 
July, and proceeded through the wilder- 
ness to visit the Creek nation, where he 
remained a considerable time taking 
notes. He also visited the Chickasaws, 
Cherokees and Choctaws. 

Spiliard went up the Missouri River 
3,000 miles, but being deterred by the 
Indians, he returned to Natchez, and so 
down the Mississippi to the confluence 
of the Red River, the source of which 
he was determined to ascertain. In this 

he was successful, and is said to have 
been the first European to have taken a 
draught of this river at its fountain 
head. In 1795 ^^ embarked for Eng- 
land, was twice captured by French pri- 
vateers fitted out at Charleston, but had 
the good fortune to save his journal and 
notes. He was finally taken on board 
the frigate Thisbe at Halifax and car- 
ried safely to his native land. 

If his observations on the United 
States and the Indian country still exist, 
they will furnish much valuable material 
for the modern investigator. It is hoped 
some of your English readers may fur- 
nish additional information with regard 
to this interesting personage. W. K. 

The first great quarto bible in 
AMERICA. — (III., 311, 455.) In reply to 
Mr. Clark Jillson's strictures on the pro- 
priety of so calling the Bible printed by 
Isaac Collins, which Caleb Cresson saw 
the printers at work upon in August, 
1 791, a word as to the history of the 
Collins Bible is appropriate. In O'Cal- 
laghan's list of the editions of the Holy 
Scriptures and parts thereof printed in 
America previous to i860 it is stated 
that "Isaac Collins, a member of the 
Society of Friends, originally from Del- 
aware, but afterwards printer to the State 
of New Jersey, and a resident of Tren- 
ton, published a New Testament in demi- 
octavo as early as 1788. In 1789 ap- 
peared two proposals for publishing by 
subscription the Holy Bible, to be con- 
tained in one large volume, quarto, of 
nine hundred and eighty-four pages, re- 
printed page for page with the Oxford 
edition ; the price. Four Spanish dol- 
lars ; the work to be put to press as soon 




as three thousand copies should be sub- 
scribed for. The proposals bore an en- 
dorsement of Collins by W. Livingston, 
Governor of New Jersey, dated 1 1 Sep- 
tember, 1788." 

The project was favorably received by 
the General Assembly of the Presby- 
terian Church, and subscriptions recom- 
mended May 25, 1789, and similar ac- 
tion taken by the Protestant Episcopal 
Church August 8, 1789, and by the 
Baptist Association October 6, 1789. 

On the 24th May, 1791, the General 
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church 
requested that all the subscriptions be 
detained, "as the impression is nearly 

O'Callaghan says that Massachusetts 
was the next to commence arrangements 
for the ])ublication of an edition of the 
Bible. The prospectus of Isaiah Thomas 
for a Royal Quarto Bible was issued No- 
vember, 1789, and the edition printed in 
December, 1791. 

O'Callaghan assigns the honor of hav- 
ing printed the first Quarto Bible in 
America to Carey, Stewart & Co., who 
published the Douay translation, com- 
plete in two volumes, at Philadelphia, 
on the I St December, 1790. The enter- 
prise was begun by Matthew Carey, a 
native of Ireland and a Roman Catholic, 
on the 26th January, 1789. To the 
Catholics, therefore, belongs the honor. 


De la neuville. — ^^IIL, 316,) In 
the first volume of the Livingston Cor- 
respondence (Governor William Living- 
ston of New Jersey), a manuscript col- 
lection belonging to S. L. M. Barlow of 
New York, there is a translation of a 

letter, written to the Governor from 
Amsterdam, dated July 16, 1779, by 
one Baron von 'name not given), in 
which occurs the following passage, 
Vhich may throw some light on the 
Neuville familv : 

**Mr. Franklin is at present engaged 
in a correspondence with Mr. John de 
Neufville, Merchant and Banker here, 
concerning a Plan of Negociation. They 
have done me the Honour to desire my 
Sentiments on the Subject, which I 
have accordingly Communicated. I 
would only further submit to Consider- 
ation whether Congress would think 
proper to have the Interest paid half 
yearly, to give the public an opportunity 
twice a year to see that the Interest was 
punctually paid." * ♦ ♦ ♦ 

In a postscript the writer says : " I 
am necessitated to ask your Excellency 
that my Letters may not be made pub- 
lic with his name, least his enemies in 
Holland should seek from them new 
weapons to injure me." This accounts 
for the absence of the letter and the sup- 
pression of the name in the translation. 

John Trumbull, in his autobiography 
under the year 1781, says : "I called at 
the Counting House of Messrs. John de 
Neuville & Son, and there found im- 
portant letters from my father. This 
house was then in high mercantile re- 
pute, and favorable to the cause of 
America, The other great houses of 
Amsterdam, the Hopes, Willinks, &c., 
were in the English interest. I had seen 
the junior partner of this house in Lon- 
don (the Son), and Mr. de Neuville in- 
vited me to accept an apartment in his 
house, which I accepted." 




^Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 

Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Postoffice.) 

Chanxixg, D.D. The Centenary Memorial 
Edition by his nephew, William Henry 
Chavxing. 8vo. pp. 719. American Uni- 
tarian Association. Boston, 1880. 

The wide spread interest taken in various 
parts of the country in the celebration of the 
Centenary of the birth of Channing, is ample 
evidence to the hold this remarkable and 
beautiful character still retains, on the culture 
and intelligence of the country. It is natural 
enough that the Unitarian Church should claim 
his increasing fame to be the triumph of their 
principles and doctrine, but this is to take a nar- 
row view of the value of his teachings. In 
fact the union of various sects and denominations 
in this crowning act of honor shows that it was 
to the man and not his religious tenets that the 
homage was paid Among the many great Amer- 
icans whose influence has extended beyond our 
own country and been felt in the moral thought 
of the century there is probably no one whose 
example has made a more permanent impression 
than the great Apostle of liberal Christianity; of a 
church, broad in the truest sense of the word; and 
of a humanity truly large. Nor does it often 
occur to the mind in thinking of Channing to re- 
member him as a preacher or teacher of religion, 
but rather as one m the host of great moralists, 
who, like ^oroaster and Confucius, Plato and 
Aristotle, Chrysostomus and Luther, belong to all 
ages. So general, even at the time of his death, 
was this appreciation of his character that it is 
related that as the funeral procession followed 
his body from the Church, the bell of the 
Roman Catholic Cathedral tolled his knell. 

The study of a life full as that of Channing ; 
the knowledge of a moral and intellectual nature, 
pure and elevated as his, cannot but elevate and 
instruct, give strength to the wavering, vigor to 
the strong and guidance to practical philan- 

Bom at Newport on the 7th April, 1780, of a 
New England stock distinguished on b )th sides 
for character, intelligence and culture, and on that 
of his mother for extreme gentleness and amenity, 
he inherited the best traits of both strains. After 
a preliminary training of unusual care under the 
guidance of his uncle the Rev. Henry Chan- 
ning, of New London, he entered Harvard 
College as Freshman, in 1794, being then in his 
fifteenth year. It was in his senior year, to use 
his own words that "the prevalence of in- 
fidelity imported from France, led me to 
enquire into the evidence of Christianity and 
then I found out for what I was made J" In 
a word he saw his vocation, understood his 

calling, in technical phrase, to be that of a 
Searcher into truth and a l^Ioral Teacher. A 
curious instance, related by his biogianhcr. 
opened his eyes with suddenness to one ot the 
most difficult problems with which the moral- 
ist has to contend ; the relation between moral 
feeling and active benevolence. His process 
of self-examination and the keen analytic 
character of his mind are well shown m this 
anecdote. As a result of his inward speculation 
he determined that there is no moral m<rit 
in possessing feeling and that virtue does not 
consist in /fi-Ziw^ but in acting f torn a sense of 
duty. And this may be taken as the key note of 
his character. His speculations on the doctrinal 
points of Christianity gave him more serious ci>n- 
cem and were not so easy of solution. It was 
while ia Richmond, where interest on religious 
subjects was slight and infidelity general among 
the higher classes, that he finally determined his 
career and consecrated himself to the service of 
Christianity as a faith. In 1801, though he had 
just reached his majority he was elected Regent 
m Harvard University, an ofllice which gave nim 
the slight pecuniary assistance he required to 
continue his studies, in all of which he followed 
well considered rules, carefully orderinjj his life 
towards the object he had assigned for it. 

At the close of his theological studies, being 
then in his twenty-third year, he received the 
* * approbation to preach from the Cambridp[e As- 
sociation.** There was at this time no Divinity 
School at Harvard to give a current stamp to the 
student's doctrine. There was some doubt to 
which side he would lean in the earnest discus- 
sion which was then engrossing the minds of 
thinking men. For a time, he says, ill health and 
depression of spirits gave him a dark view of 
things, and he verged toward Calvinism ; but from 
the first he rejected the doctrine of the Trinita- 
rians. In 1802 he received and accepted a warm 
invitation from the Federal Street Church, Boston, 
to become their Minister and was duly ordained 
June I, 1803, and this connection was only 
severed by his death. Pastor and congregation 
were in happy accord. With Unitarianism as a 
creed Channing showed little symjiathy, l)ut in the 
words of his biographers ** he conscientiously be- 
lieved it was an advance toward an unobscured 
view of the Christian religion. His religious 
belief was in the Church Universal — a church in 
which a common action should dominate and 
dwarf all differences of opinion. 

His ideas of conduct he labored to embody 
with profound study in a great work on the 
•• Principles of Moral, Religious and Political 
Science. ' This work, the central thought of 
which was that the true perfection of man, is the 



great idea of the Moral Sciences, was never com- 
pleted. Eight chapters devoted to an analytic 
synthetic view of human nature were composed 
in the following order : I. Sensations; II. Idea 
of Matter; III. Idea of the I or Self; IV. 
External Perception ; V. Internal Perception ; 
VI. Conception ; VII. Memory ; VIII. Dis- 
cernment of Relations. 

It has been seen that Channing's first impulse 
towards a religious life came from his aversion 
to the infidelity imported from France. This 
aversion to the French tinged also his political 
prejudices. He carried his animosity to Bona- 
parte to the verge of passion ; — and forgetting 
the incalculable services he rendered the cause of 
liberty as the armed incarnation of the revolution, 
he looked upon his death as the enfranchisement 
of the world. On this occasion his enthusiastic 
hearers, as devout admirers of Great Britain and 
haters of France, as himself, forgot that they 
were met in the house of God and excited 
by the fervor of his eloquence broke into wild 
applause. But warm as were Channing's sym- 
pathies with Great Britain he did not forget that 
his country was at war with her and gave no 
countenance to the e£Forts of those who attempted 
to stop the contest ; even by threats of secession 
from the Union. Noihing else could be expected 
of a mind like that of Channing, but a condem- 
nation of the system of slavery, yet he seems to 
have entered slowly and warily into the measures 
of the immediate abolitionists. His book on 
slavery appeared in 1 83 5, at an opportune 
moment, when freedom of speech had been com- 
promised in Boston by the * ' mob of highly 
respectable gentlemen," who broke up public 
meetings and threatened the orators with the 
tar kettle. He doubted the expediency of 
agitating the question in Congress, but joined 
in the petition to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia as a disclaimer by public act of all 
participation in the National guilt. He pene- 
trated the purpose of the annexation of Texas to 
the Union and foresaw the terrible consequences 
of the national crime. 

Reverie, Channing said on one occasion, had 
once been the hectic of his soul. Meditation 
had been its life. The habit of deep intro- 
spection which has been observed as the trait 
of his youth, call it by what name he may, was 
the habit of his life ; and his greatest enjoy- 
ments came from its pursuit. With this tran- 
quility of mind and devoutness of spirit he 
had the great love of nature which is their usual 
companion and alike a love of children and of 

The author of the life has presented his work 
in the form of an autobiography, the selections 
from Channing's manuscripts being well ar- 
ranged in the two-fold order of subject and of 
time. Three parts are divided'into appropriate 
chapters, the titles of which greatly assist in an 

easy comprehension of the volume, and there is 
in addition a full and well prepared index. 

Ellery Channing. By Elizabeth Palmer 
Peabody. i6mo, pp. 459. Roberts Broth- 
ers. Boston, 1880. 

This is a volume of another character from 
the Life or Autobiography written by the nephew 
of this illustrious humanitarian. Among the 
letters preserved by Mr. Channing in his life of 
his uncle, none is of greater value as showing 
the precise nature of his belief than that in 
which he avows his belief in the Christian mira- 
cles. And there are others in the same volume 
which show the intimate ihtellectual relation 
and confidence existing between the divine and 
this companion of his confidence. Quoting the 
well-known phrase of Ecketmann, who, in the 
beginning of his Reminiscences of Goethe 
confessed his inability to give a complete im- 
age of the original, yet said : ** I dare to 
give to the world my Goethe," this lady o£Fers 
** her Channing ;" the Channing she knew inti- 
mately for twenty years. The work treats cs» 
sentially of Dr. Channing's mind in its religious 
aspects, and of himself as the exponent of that 
Unitarian protest of New England which she 
claims to nave been rather a moral than an 
intellectual movement. This Unitarian protest 
was, in her own words, in the first place, against 
ecclesiasticism as not the church of Christ and 
rose from the laity ; against Trinity as an 
unscriptural word which had produced a system 
of thitheism and finally against the doctrine of 
an universal, inherited total depravi y. 

These reminiscences of Dr. Channing include 
numerous accounts of his celebrated sermons 
and some pleasing anecdotes of his personal 
traits and habits. 

DREDTH Anniversary of the Birthday 
OF William Ellery Channing ; at the 
Church of the Saviour, and at the Academy 
of Music, Brooklyn, N. Y., Tuesday and 
Wednesday, April 6 and 7, 18S0. 8vo, pp. 
205. George H. Ellis. Boston, 1880. 

These pages present a detailed record of the 
memorial services on the centenary of Chan- 
ning's birth. They were four in number ; a 
Religious Commemoration, a Memorial Meet- 
ing, Social Festival, and a Meeting at the 
Academy of Music. At the first a commem- 
orative discourse was delivered by the Rev- 
A. P. Peabody. At the second brief remarks 
were made by a number of clergymen of dif- 
ferent denominations. The Social meeting 



was a pleasant conversational gathering in the 
interval of the morning and evening meetings 
of the 6th. Among the orators of the evening at 
the Academy of Music were George William 
Curtis, the reverends Dr. Collyer and Henry 
Ward Beecher. On this occasion clergymen of 
all denominations gathered on the platform, and 
the large hall was thronged. It will rank as 
one of the most remarkable meetings ever held 
in this country. Never before have represen- 
tative men of different denominations been 
united in a movement of respect to an apostle 
of one ; and in this case, it must be remem- 
bered, of a faith which not a quarter of a cen- 
tury since was held to be so near to infidelity 
that the difference was not worth discussion. 

FIELD. By J. M. BUNDY. Illustrated. i6mo, 
pp. 239. A. S. Barnes & Co. New York, 


A nomination by one of the great political 
organizations to the Presidency of the United 
States, gives to the fortunate candidate a pre- 
scriptive right to a score of biographies, at the 
lowest count. General Garfield will have his 
full share, but we doubt whether any will take 
the place in popular favor which seems to be 
already bes{>oken for that of Major Bundy, the 
enterprising editor of one of our Republican 
organs, the Evening Mail. Certainly none can 
be more reliable as to its facts, the author hav- 
ing the benefit of personal acquaintance with 
the distinguished statesman, the incidents of 
whose life he relates, while the peculiar advan- 
tages a newspaper editor has over the world at 
large for the collection and digestion of the 
politico-economic data which enter into the 
electoral problem, will make his book most 
valuable as a ** treasury of facts," from which 
the campaign orators may draw with com- 
fortable assurance of accuracy. 

Every man in this country — or perhaps it 
would be better to say every presidential candi- 
date — has begun somewhere. The Garfields 
were of Massachusetts origin. Men who, after 
standing by the old Bay State through thick and 
thin for generations, fighting the Indians and 
the Frenchmen, and at last the troops of King 
George, emigrated to the west for elbow room. 
There, in a log cabin in a hole in the forest, in 
the wilderness of Orange, in the county of Mus- 
kingum, State of Ohio, James A. Garfield was 
born in 1831. 

To be born in a log cabin is not of itself a 
sure title to political honor, but to be bom in a 
log cabin, take kindly to study while carrying on 
the hard struggle for existence with nature and 
the elements, and to lift oneself by sheer perse- 
verance, force of will, mental and bodily endur- 

ance, to the highest rank among the leaders of 
the land, has always been and will always be a 
certificate of character in the eyes of the Ameri- 
can people. Such a man is necessarily a repre- 
sentative man. No one who hat seen the 
sturdy, thick set frame of General Garfield, can 
doubt his enormous energy. He is of that 
medium stature, deep chested and thick necked ; 
of that type who rule the world, for the simple 
reason that they were bom to rule it. They 
hold their place by the right of selection of the 
fittest. When a youth is compelled to teach 
school in order to acquire the means for his own 
instruction, it follows as a matter of course th^t 
he educates himself. There is no road to learn- 
ing so direct as that of conscientious teaching. 
Young Garfield went to Williams, where he was 
graduated with high honors, and with something 
worth more than that, the unreserved confi- 
dence of President Hopkins. Returning to 
Ohio, he became first Professor of Latin and 
Greek, then President of the Western Reserve 
College at Hudson, whence the influence of 
his character spread so fast and far that he was 
called to public service, and throwing himself 
heartily into the ranks of the republican party, 
the new party which was rapidly absorbing the 
youth of the country, he was elected State 
Senator in 1859, when only twenty-eight yesus 
of age. When the war broke out, Garfield 
espoused the cause with his usual vigor, and was 
soon made Colonel of one of the Ohio regi- 
ments, and joined Buell's command. He did 
good service in the western campaigns, and was 
promoted Brigadier General by Lincoln. Later 
he was Chief of Staff to Rosencranz. In the 
winter of 1863 he resigned his commission to 
take the seat in Congress to which he had been 
elected by the Nineteenth Congressional Dis- 
trict, where he at once took rank as a man of 
independent character, of remarkable powers of 
labor as a committee man, the arduous work of 
Congress. He left the field, where military 
promotion was open, only at the earnest request 
of his friends, who considered that there was 
more need of great talent in the halls of Con- 
gress than in tne Army. On the withdrawal of 
Mr. Blaine from the House, the leadership of 
the party fell to him by common consent. It 
would be difficult to find in the history of the 
House of Representatives the record, of any 
member, more full of substantial work than 
that of General Garfield. After a long and 
unbroken service of twenty years, he has 
recently been unanimously chosen United States 
Senator. That Judge Thurman himself moved 
that his nomination be made unanimous is suffi- 
cient testimony to\he estimation in which he is 
held by those who know him best, the companions 
of his childhood and the rivals or friends of his 
mature age. If it be the will of this g^eat 
nation of fifty millions of people that he become 



its Piesident, they may rest assured that in his 
hands the Republic v^ill suffer no detriment, 
either at home nor abroad. 

WiNFiELX) Scott Hancock, Major General 
United States Army : Democratic Nomi- 
nee FOR President in 1880. By A. T. 
Freed. i6mo, pp.90. Henry A. Sumner 
& Co. Chicago, 1880. 

This is the first of the campaign biographies of 
the illustrious soldier, who by a turn of the wheel 
of fortune has been selected by the Democratic 
party as their candidate for the Presidency of the 
country. After the de eat of Lee at Gettysburgh, 
it became plain to the sharp sighted that Mc- 
Clellan was no longer an available candidate, 
though the well trained organization whose figure 
head he was, refused to abandun the forlorn hope 
in 1864. But the candidacy of Hancock is no 
new idea ; at the time when he returned from 
the Pennsylvania battle field with, honorable 
wounds and fresh laurels, and engaged in recruit- 
ing the second army corps in New York, he 
was brought into personal contact with the citi- 
zens, and was selected by a small band of the 
war democrats as a possible candidate for the 
Presidency. In 1868 his name was first pressed 
for the nomination, and he was defeated by 
Horatio Seymour. The author of this handy 
volume confines himself chieflv to the war record 
of the candidate. His civic claims to the magis- 
tracy of the country are dismissed in a few pages. 
We are told that en his appointment to the 
military command of the Department of Louisiana 
and Texas, ** he was called upon to decide 
whether the States embraced in his department 
were to be governed by the people living in them 
or by the military authorities under instructions 
from Washington." This is no place for a dis- 
cussion either of the political qtiestion involved 
or the mil tary duty i f an officer. We had 
supposed that military officers were under the 
orders of their superiors, and that unquestioning 
obedience was their bounden duty, with tho 
alternative of resignativu. Any other practice 
would lead inevitablv to a state c>f Mexican 
anarchy, with civil and military pronunciamentos. 
The question is pertinent, how Hancock him- 
self would treat an inferior wh ^ should venture 
even to proclaim his opinions against his orders, 
far more to dis bey them. Hancock was not 
sent to the South to govern at discretion, but 
U'lder orders. General Grant treated him with 
mild forbearance and annulled his orders, until 
Hanc »ck, recognizing the untenable nature of 
his position, asked to be relieved from his c m- 
mand. Whereupon he was assigned to the 
department of the Atlantic, with his headquarters 
in the Democratic stronghold « f New York. 

General Hancock is a high toned, honorable 
gentleman, a Democrat of the Democrats, but 
nei.her a p litician nor a statesman ; in other 
words, wholly unused to civil administration. 
His claims for the Presidency are pressed on the 
ground that he will conciliate the North and 
South. If elected, however, he must either 
cany out the policy of the southern wing of the 
Democracy, which rules supreme in the party by 
reason of its solidity, or else be in collision with 
his administration. Either alternative is to be 
deprecated. The country is not ready for the 
restoration of jouihern rule in its councils, and a 
repetition of the scenes which happened under 
the administrati ns of Tyler and Johnson, who 
each in turn broke from the parties which elected 
them, is greatly to be deprecated. No Presi- 
dent can rule except in harmony with his 

OF THE Corporation of the Chamber of 
Commerce of the State of New York 
FOR the year 1879-80. In two parts. Com- 
piled by George Wilson, Secretary. 8vo, 
pp. 243. Press of the Chamber of Com- 
merce. New York, 1880. 

We again invite attention, by a review of 
this admirable statistical work, to the remarka- 
ble features presented by the United States. Pas- 
sing by the resum^ of the various special trade 
reports on subjects which have liitle of interest 
to the general public, we extract the gist of the 
volume and invite careful examination of the 
facts stated and the lesson drawn. 


Fiscal Year. — The total foreign imports into the 
Uniteil States, including specie and bullion, in the year 
ending June 30, 1879, amounted to $4661075,775, against 
$466,873,846 for the previous year. The total domestic 
exports of the United States, including specie and bullion^ 
amounted to $717,093,7^7, against $722,811.8x5. 

Calendar Year. — The total imports of merchandise 
into the United Stat«>s for the calendar year 1879 amounted 
to $513.7451748, against $43', 812,481 in 1878, showing an 
increase in 1879 of ${) 1,933,265. The total exports, do- 
mestic and foreign, for x''79 amounted to $763,159,825, 
against $737,092,073 in 1878, showing an increase in 1870 
o? $18,067,753. The total foreign trade of the United 
Staiet, exports and imports, exclusive of specie and 
bullion, for 1879 amounted to $1,378,905,573, against 
$1,168,904,556 in 1878, an increase of $110,001,017. 


In our last report the balance of trade, or, in other 
words, the excess ot the aggregate value of exports over 
imports for the calendar year 1878^ was shown to be over 
three hundred millions of dollars in favor of the United 
States. For the past year the balance of trade exceeded 
two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, as will be seen 
bv the following statement : 

Exports, calendar year 1879 $765,159,835 

Imports, " " ** 5i3.745.74» 

Balance of trade in 1879 $351,4x4,077 

** " 1878 305.343i<»8 

Total $556,757»»05 



This large sum of over Jivt kundrtd and fi/ty'^ix 
tmillions is represented by the increase^ of the stock of 
precious metals and the liquidation of indebtedness to 
foreign nations. If the business of the country be man- 
aged with prudence for a few years, the centre of trade 
will be transferred to this city, and with it the centre of 
exchanges, and in another decade we may become also 
the financial centre of ttie world. 


In the entire retrospect of this interesting year, which 
will, it is to be hoped, be counted as the opening of a long 
era of national prosperity, there is no point of such im- 
portance in the eyes of the economic student as the in- 
crease, by production and importation, of the stock of 
Srecious metal.4, which is the very base of every sound 
nancial system. 

The year of 1877 was, as noticed in our last review, 
the first year since 1861 that the United States was able 
to retain any considerable portion of the annual product 
of its mines. The year 1878 was the first year in which 
we not only retained the entire annual product, but, in 
addition, received large sums of gold and silver on ac- 
count of the heavy balance of trade in our favor. The 
form of statement now presented is precisely that of last 

Statkmsnt por Fiscal Year. — Production, as esti- 
mated by the deposits and purchases at the Mint of gold 
and silver, for the yetu- ending June 30, 1879, to have 

been $65,484,434 

Imports during same period 90,396,000 

Total addition $85,780,434 

Exports and re-exports during same period, 
deducted 34,997,441 

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, $60,783,993 

The increase in the fiscal year ending June 

30, 1877, was $65,145,941 

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1878. . 73,951,507 

Add for increase, as above, to June 30, 1879 . . 60,783,993 

Increase in fiscal years 1377-79 $ 198*879,74 z 

To arrive at the amount of coin in the country, we 

r'n, as in previous years, take as the point of departure 
estimate of the late Dr. Linderman, the Director of 
the Mint, of the amount of gold and silver in the Fall of 
1873, point of the lowest decline, an estimate which has 
been accepted by our most eminent stati^ticians : 
Stock of gold and silver in 1873— Dr. Linder- 

man^s estimate $140,000,000 

Production, 1873 ^^ '879 360,659,763 

Imports of coin, 1873 ^*^ 1879 156,184,033 

Total $656,843*795 

Less exports, 1873 to X879 330,168,633 

In the country, June 30, 1879 $396,675,173 

In the country. June 30, 1878 . . $365,893,179 

Increase to June 30, 1879 60,782,993 


Calendar Year.— To obtain approximately the amount 
of coin in the country on the ist January, x88o, an addi- 
tion must be made for the increa^te of the last s x months, 
both by product and^ importation, the latter of which 
show figures startling in their novelty and magnitude : 

Amount in the country, June 30, 1879 $326,675,173 

Estimated production to xst Jan- 
uary, x88o $33,000,000 

Imports, July, 1879, to January, 
x83o 84,087,868 

Less exports and re-exports, July, 

1879, ^<^ January, xo8o 9,068.303 

Increase, July, 1879, ^^ January, z83o <o7,ox9,565 

Amount of gold in country, January x, x88o.. $433,694,737 

The manner in which the coin in the country is dis- 
tributed appears in the following statement : 
Coin in the Treasury, as per statement of the 

public debt, December 31, 1879 $158,307,590 

Coin held by the National B.inks. as by the 
statement of the Comptroller ot the Cur- 
rency, December 31, 1879 54,725,o95 

Coin in outside holding 330,663,051 

Total, January x, x88o $412,694,737 

This sum of /our hundred and thirty-thret millions 
of coin exceeds any ever reported in the history o/the 
United States. In x8s4 Mr. Guthrie, Secretary of the 
Treasury, estimated the amount at two hundred and 
foriy-one millions ; in x86i Mr. Pollock, Superintendent 
of tne Mint, at two hundred and seveoty-one to three 
hundred millions. All the depletions of succeeding 
years were shown to have been already repaired in the 
statement of last year. If the country be true to it%elf, 
if the directors of the finances seize the favorable oppor- 
tunity, which this great addition to our store of precious 
metals affords, to withdraw sufficient paper to admit of 
the free circulation of gold and silver from hand to hand, 
the prosperity of the country for a long period is assured ; 
if, on the contrary, this addition to tne money of the 
country only serve as a basis for an expansion of bank 
credits, a financial revulsion is sure to occur. 

The amount of coinage of the precious metals for the 
past three years is also deserving of notice, as showing 
the extent to which the increased stock is available for 
the daily transactions of life. In the three years ending 
June 30, 1879, the sum amounted to two Hundred and 
twenty-two millions of dollars. 


An examination of the condition of the currency of the 
country and of the banks may be examined with pre fit 
in this connection. By the official statement of the 

f>ublic debt there were out^tandlng of o'd demand and 
egal-tender notes and fractional currency, December 

3 Ji »879. .-..•■• :• ;•;• $362,416,669 

National Bank notes, as by statement of the 

Comptroller of the Currency, December 

3*1 "79 391,949,154 

Total paper currency in circulation : 

January i, x8 o $680,365,893 

Januaiy X, X879 670,873,995 

Increase of paper. January x, x88o 1 13,492,598 

Turning to the statement of the Comptroller — showing 
the condition of the National Banks, January x. 1880, as 
compared with the same date of 1879, it will be found 
that their loars and discounts were nine hundred and 
thirty-four milliors in 1879, against eight hundred and 
twenty-four millions in 1878, an increase of one hundred 
and ten millions. That their total resources and liabili- 
ties respectively amounted in 18S0 to nintteen hundred 
and twenty-five millions, against eighteen hundred and 
one millions in 1879, an increa«e rr expansion of one 
hundred and twenty-four millions. That the leg^l- tender 
notes held by them amounted to fifty-five millions in 
x88o, against seventy-one millions in 1879. *"<! ^^ sp'cie 
to seventy-nine millions in 1880, against forty millions in 
X879. The latter is a movement in the right direction. 


The mo«t careless review of these pages is sufficient to 
show that the United States has again fully entered on a 
period of marvellous activity. Such rapid movement is 
inevitab*y accompanied by considerable fluctuations, and 
is not devoid of individual danger. Never so much as 
now has it been the duty of every leader of opinion, 
whether a great merchant or a director of financial insti- 
tutions, to exercise discretion, and to set an example to 

It must be remembered that the business of the country 
has never been so independent of control by financial cor- 
porations, and so left to itself, as at present. In other 
countries, where financial policy is directed by the great 




banking m>titutions connected vith the Goremment, as, 
for example, the Bank of France and the Bank of Eng- 
land, the course of exchanges is watched by their man- 
agers — men of wide* range of obserration and great 
experience — and the rate of discount is fixed to meet the 
immediate or prospective situation of trade. Thb bank 
rate serves as a financial barometer, by which the mer- 
chant may govern his op^ations. In the days of the old 
United States Bank that institution served the same pur- 
pose as a financial regulator. Later the adoption of^ the 
Sub-Treasury system by the United States entirely sep- 
arated the banlcs from the Government, and the State 
banks were left to control the immediate financial more- 
ments of the business community. ^ In New York these 
were brought into homogeneous action by the Clearing 
House system. The new order of National Banks, ex- 
cellent as it is in its anifbrm circulation^ provides for no 
such regulation of the rate of discount, by advice or 
action at a financial centre, where the demand and supply 
of money are quickest felt and anticipated, but l«ives 
each bank to its independent action. 

We cannot too earnestly entreat each one of 
our readers, who has the welfare of his country 
at heart, to ponder orer these significant figures, 
and to cast his influence for a congressional ac- 
tion which will restore gold to our circulating 
medium, and settle on a firm basis the prosperity 
of the nation. 

whom fell in command at other periods during 
the war. His recollections of these and others 
of his companions are attractive reading. The 
second part of the volume gives his experience 
of European travel. As a whole it is a pleasing 
bit of personal experience. 


Whittier, Bryant, Holmes, Lowell, 

Emerson. With biographical sketches and 

notes. The Riverside Press. Houghton, 

Osgood & Co Boston, 1879. 

This charming little volume has been prepared 
for the reading of young people, and is made 
up of longer poems than usually find place in 
American Readers. The selections are of the 
highest order, and the compiler has added a 
variety of foot notes, which contribute to an 
understanding of the historic and other allusions 
of the text. We notice iftith delight among the 
poems Lowell's exquisite Lay of Sir Laun> 
fal, M hich has the odor of the best of the simple 
fabliaux of the middle ages. That the volume 
comes from the Riverside Press is sufficient war- 
rant of its typographical merit. 


Around the World. Embracing speeches, 

receptions, and description of his travels, with 

a biographical sketch of his life. Edited by 

L.T. Rkmlap. i6mo, pp. 394. I. Fairbanks 

& Co. Chicago, 1S79. 

Differ as men may with regard to General 
Grant's abilities as a soldier, a statesman and a 
ruler, history will hold him as the most remark- 
able personage who has appeared on earth's sur- 
face since Napoleon. All the progresses of Em- 
perors, Kings, Princes and Presidents are 
dwarfed into insignificance compared with that 
upon which, in a tour embracing the great coun- 
tries of the earth, this plain, unpretending citizen, 
without state, or parade, or suite, was hailed by 
Governments and races as the representative 
man of the fifty millions of people who now 
dominate and master an entire continent. And 
to the praise of this well-poised nature, even his 
bitterest enemies cannot but admit that never 
for one moment, amid the adulations of the 
hour, did he assume to himself, as an individ- 
ual, one breath of the incense which was burned 
in his honor. And, since his return, in the heat of 
party strife and the turmoil of political divisions, 
he has maintained the same dignified composure 
that on the battle-field and in the cabinet has 
earned for him the significant name of the 
•'Silent Man." The incidents of the tour are 
told in a simple manner in this volume. 

WARD. By Rev. Frank E. Clark. i2mo, 
pp. 176. HoYT, Fogg & Denham. Port- 
land, 1S79. 

The subject of this simple and sympathetic 
sketch was bom in Portland in 1839, and died 
there in 1874. At the outbreak of the Civil War 
he was engaged in a store in New York City, 
and was one of the Seventh Regiment of 
National Guards, famous in story and song. 
His account of his service is graphic. With 
him at Annapolis, to which the regiment marched, 
were Fitz James O Brien, Winthrop, Shaw, 
Famham, lie Fort, Miller, Alden, Trenor. Kelly, 
Chapman, Marshall, Harrison, and others, all of 


Richard Green. Euripides, by T. P. Mu- 

iiAFFY. i2mo, pp. 144. D. Appleton & Co. 


This monograph of the immortal dramatist is 
an effort to rescue from obscurity the life of one 
of the greatest authors of ancient times, and to 
reconstruct the moral and mental character of the 
individual by a study of the time in which his 
life was cast. In the analysis of the plots in 
Euripides, however, the author shows best his 
critical acumen. He very properly divides the 
great tragedies into dramas of character and 
dramas of situation^ the former representing the 
will of man in conflict with an irreversible fate, 
yet supreme in dignity even in defeat ; in the 
other, man pursued by a succession of misfor- 
tunes, visitations from the gods, against which 
it is folly to rebel and useless to repine. 




Louis University ; the Celebration of its 

Fiftieth Anniversary or Golden Jubilee on 

June 24, 1879. By Walter H. Hill, S. J. 

i6mo. Patrick Fox. St. Louis, 1S79. 

This, an outline history of the first college 
established by the Jesuit Society in the Western 
States, was prepared in 1869 ; 10 it is added an 
account of the proceedings of the Jubilee 
celebrated June 24. 1879, on the fiftieth anni- 
versary of the founding of the University. The 
historic chapters give a full account of the prog- 
ress of the order in Missouri from the year 181 5, 
when William Louis Dubourg was consecrated 
Bishop of Upper and Lower Louisiana, of which 
the territory of Missouri then made part. The 
new prelate arrived at St. Louis, and took up 
his residence in January, 1818, and following in 
the footsteps of his eminent predecessors in the 
proselyting order, laid broad plans for the 
christianizing of the Western tribes of Indians. 
In 1823 a farm was begun on the slopes of 
Florissant, and a school for Indian boys begun ; 
but soon the necessity of training the young men 
who had dedicated themselves to the work, for 
their mission, both as priests and teachers was 
manifest, and the scheme of establishing a 
college, which had been for some time contem- 

1>late(1, was carried into effect ; a foundation was 
aid in the city of St. Louis, and the building 
was opened in November, 1829. The college 
grew rapidly, and the St. Louis University has 
now eleven buildings, covering a front of eight 
hundred feet, a fine library, museum, and col- 
lection of costly instruments for purposes of 
instruction. In 1829 the college numbered four- 
teen members, in 1879 the number had reached 
three hundred and thirty-four. 

the larger number of persons of leisure for 
literary pursuits, is but a snail's pace. The 
twenty-fifth Annual Report for January, 1879, 
shows that the gprowth of the library continues, 
and that it already has one of the very best his- 
torical collections in the country. 

Passing to the papers preserved in this volume, 
we find me following titles : The Ancient Cop- 
per Mines of Lake Superior, by Jacob Hough- 
ton; Pre-historic Copper Implements, bv Edmund 
F. Slafter; Mode of Fabrication of Ancient 
Copper Implements, by Lyman C. Draper ; The 
Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, by Edward 
Brown ; Notes on Jean Nicolet, by Benjamin 
Sult^ ; Early Historic Relics of the Northwest, 
by James D. Butler; Langlade Papers, 1737- 
1800; An Incident of Chegoimegon, 1760; 
Capture of Mackinaw, 1763 ; A Menomonee 
tradition ; Green Bay and the Frontiers, 1763- 
65 ; The Indian Wars of Wisconsin, by Moses 
M. Strong ; Wisconsin in 18 18, by Edward 
Tanner ; Reminiscences of the Northwest, by 
Mary Ann Brevoort Bristol ; Early Times at 
Fort Winnebago, and Black Hawk War Remin- 
iscences, by SatterUe Clark ; Recollections of 
Rev. Eleazer WUliams, by A. G. Ellis ; Addi- 
tional Notes on Eleazer Williams, by Lyman C. 
Draper ; Early Exploration and Settlement of 
Juneau County, by J. T. Kingston ; The Swiss 
Colony of New Glarus, by John Lucksinger; 
Additional Notes on New Glarus, by J. Jacob 
Tschudy; Wisconsin Necrology, 1876-8, by 
Lyman C. Draper. 

Of these papers none will attract more gen- 
eral attention tnan those on Eleazer Williams, 
which finally dispose of the claims of the vis- 
ionary and scheming half-breed to be the long 
lost Prince — the Dauphin of France. 


State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 

FOR THE YEARS 1877, I878, AND 1879. Vol. 

VIIL Svo, pp. 571. David At wood. 

Madison, 1S79. 

This volume opens with the twenty-third 
Annual Report, January 2, 1877, which relates 
the progress of the Society from its re-organiza- 
tion and beginning of real efficiency in January, 
1854. In that period, thanks to the enlightened 
liberality of the Legislature of the State, and 
the excellent judgment and executive service of 
its management, it has increased its Library at a 
rapid rate, until it now numbers over seventy 
thousand volumes and pamphlets ; a prog- 
less compared with which that of many of our 
eastern institutions, where the wealth is an 
hundred fold greater, and the culture is pre- 
sumed to be more widely extended, because of 

with Genealogies of Families connected there- 
with, and historical illustrations. By Rev. 
Philip Slaughter, D. D. i6mo, pp. 237. 
Second edition. J. W. Randolph & Eng- 
lish. Richmond, 1879. 

Attention was invited in the August, 1877, 
number of the Magazine (I., 519) to the History 
of St. Mark's Parish, Culpepper County, Va., by 
the reverend author who now presents a similar 
account of that of Bristol. This, however, anti- 
dated the former in time of publication, having 
been originally printed in 1846, when the author 
was the Rector of Bristol, and was the first his- 
torical tract based on the old church registers of 
Virginia.. The first edition has been long out 
of print, and is practically inaccessible except 
in a few public libraries. It is full of local in- 
formation, and its genealogies are priceless to 
those concerned in this branch of investigation. 




OR, Extracts from the Journal of the 

Preliminary Arctic Expeditions of 1877- 

8. i6mo, pp. 183. James S. Chapman. 

Washington, 1879. 

In four parts or chapters: New London to Com- 
berland Gulf; Winter in Comberland Gulf; Anna- 
natook to Disco, and Homeward Bound. The 
cruise of the Florence from August 2, 1877, 
when she sailed from New London to the 26th 
September, 1879, when she put into St. John's, 
Newfoundland, for repairs on her homeward 
voyage. The purpose of the expedition. Polac 
Colonization, as explained by Captain Howgate, 
was thoroughly recited in the Magazine for 
August, 1869. (III.. 524). The incidents of the 
cruise are narrated by Captain Tjrson, who com- 
manded the expedition. The failure of Con- 
gress to grant the assistance asked of it, was 
fatal to the success of the expedition ; with it. 
Captain Howgate boldly asserts that the Polar 
mystery would have been solved. 


BY S. R. Stoddard. 8vo, pp. 200. Van 

Benthuysen & Sons. Albany, 1879. 

The narrative portion of this euide-book to 
the famed region of the Adirondacks, describes a 
journey through the northern wilderness in 1873, 
to which additions have been continual'y made 
in new editions, as incidents of interest have 
transpired. The foot traveler will find all desir- 
able information concerning stopping places, 
distances, &c. 


Together. By Harlan H. Ballard. i2mo, 

pp. 82. D. Appleton & Co. New York, 


The aim of the author in this little volume is, 
to use his own words, to * ' crystallize oral teach- 
ing," and accustom the child to use his indepen- 
dent thouehts. thus lightening the instructor's 
labors and training the mind to do its own 
work." We commend it heartily as a beginner's 

THORS. A Reading Bo k for School and 
Home. Franklin, Adams, Cooper, Longfellow. 
Edited by Samuel Eliot. i6mo, pp. 412. 
Taintor Brothers. Merrill & Co. New 
York, 1879. 

This volume is intended to supply the want 
reported by many prominent school superinten- 
dents, of a suppkinentary course of reading in 

history, poetry, biography and fiction. The pur- 
pose is not to give fragments of writings, but 
selections, complete in themselves, which will 
awaken the reader's interest, both in the subjects 
treated and their re^>ective authors. It differs 
from ordinary readers in being made up of con- 
tinuous passages. The selections in the present 
volume are happy in themselves and their variety. 
An abridgement of Franklin's autobiography, a 
model of style ; familiar letters of John and 
Abigail Adams, an exquisie block of epistolary 
correspondence ; an abridgement of Cooper's 
Spy, a blending of fiction with historic incidents ; 
and for poetry Longfellow's charming Tales of a 
Wayside Inn. 

bining the Conversational, Catechetical, Black- 
board and Object Plans, with maps, illustrations 
and lessons in drawing, spelling and composi- 
tion. By James Monteith. i6mo, pp. 252. 
A. S. Barnes & Co. New York, Chicago 
and New Orleans, 1879. 

The purpose of this volume is to draw out 
and strengthen the reasoning faculties, and to 
encourage habits of observing, thinking, analys- 
ing and comparing, and thus to combine self- 
education with insiniction pioper. Its method 
is unusually practical ; its illustrations adapted 
for extension on the blackboard, with measure- 
ments given, are admirable, and the text in 
elucidation simple and intelligible. As a whole 
it is well adapted to youth, and a perfect 
example of object teaching by the eye. The 
worry of learning is avoided, while the d.ffi- 
culties quite enough to arouse without wearying 
the student. Learning can never be made easy, 
but here it is made attractive. 

the Far North. By Jonas Lie. Trans- 
lated by Mrs. Ole Bull. i2mo, pp. 253. S. 
C. Griggs & Co. Chicago, 1879. 

This is a Norseland tale by a master of 
Norwegian fiction. The novels of Walter Scott^ 
who had a passion for Scandinavian literature, 
first awakened the attention of English readers 
to the mine of legendary lore, which still exists 
among the descendants of the ancient Skiolds 
of the northern country. Later, Afraja, one of 
the most fascinating life pictures in literature, 
told us of modern life on the Fiords of 
Norway and Sweden, and now Jonas Lie intro- 
duces us to the Finns and Lapps in a series of 
stories of strange fascination. The first in or- 
der was the Pilot and his wife. That now be- 



fore us succeeds, and promise is made of a 
third, Dom Fremsynte (the Man of Second 

The Barque Future, a Copenhagen vessel, 
bound for Kollef jord, was disabled in one of the 
terrific November storms of 1 807 on the coast 
of Finmark. Deserted by her crew, who were 
lost in attempting to escape, she was found 
drifting at sea scuttled. The incidents con- 
nected with this cruise, and the story of the 
child, the captain's daughter, who was saved by 
a Sea Finn and adopted by his family, are the 
threads on which are strung in a vigorous, sketchy 
style, pictures of Norse peasant life. 

The translation is crisp and idiomatic, and the 
poetry from the hand of Professor R. B. An- 
derson of the University of Wisconsin. 

calls for independent thought. The author does 
not claim for it what we take to be its greatest 
merit, that it is a beginning of logical instruction 
at the very root in the virgin sojl of the infantile 
mind. We commend it to all mothers. 


IN THE District of Columbia. By Elmer 

R. Reynolds. From the Twelfth Annual 

Report of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology 

and Ethnology. 8vo, pp. 12. 1879. 

This is a brief account of two well developed 
soap>tone quarries within four miles of Wash- 
ington City, which, recently opened, showed 
evident signs of having been worked at some 
former time by a people who dwelt in its neigh- 
b( rho d. This quarry has been found to be 
superior in archaeological interest to any similar 
deposit so far as known in the country, present- 
ing seven well defined shafts or excavations. 
Nothing has as yet been discovered, however, 
which offers any indication of their probable 


Foster. Illustrated. i2mo, pp. loi. J. B. 

LIPPINCOTT & Co. Philadelphia, 1879. 

The atmosphere of this poem, for such it may 
be fairly called, is charming. It has just enough 
of war remini-cence to bring many of its pas- 
sages home to hearts who have experienced the 
feeling the ace mplished authoress describes. 
The versification, in its varied and appropiiate 
me er. show a well trained hand. The illustra- 
tions are pretty, and the make up of the volume 


Together. By Harlan H. Ballard. 32mo, 

pp. 83. D. ArPLETON & Co. New York. 

This book is not intended to rival any now in 
use, but to precede them all. In the words of 
the author, who is the principal of Lenox High 
School of Lenox, Mass^ichusetts. its aim is to 
Crystallize ** oral teaching," and every page of it 

East. By John M. Keating. With illus- 
trations. i6mo, pp. 229. J. B. LiPPiNCOTT 
&Co. Philadelphia, 1879. 

Mr. Keating, who accompanied the party as 
a physician to one of its members, originally 
communicated these pages in the fotm of letters 
to the Philadelphia Evening Telegraph. He 
has not pretended to any elaborate account, but 
simplv gives the daily impressions which he 
jotted down in the East. A map of the route 
from Paris to Yokohama is prefixed to the vol- 
ume. As a book of travel, without regard to 
the exceptional advantages under which it was 
taken, it amply repays perusal. 

An Examination of Archbishop Gibbon's 
•* Faith of our Fathers." By the Rev. Ed- 
ward J. Stearns. 410, pp. 380. Thomas 
Whittaker. New York, 1879. . 

This is a severe examination of the doctrine 
and history of the Roman Catholic Church as 
laid down in the book of the Archbishop, the 
name of which appears on the title page. The 
discussion is as old as the hills, and will remain 
until a broader church swallows up all the con- 
flicting schisms, and mankind returns once more 
to the simple teachings of the four gospels as 
the best guide for life ever laid down to man, 
while the doctrinal points which divide the 
schoolmen are left to their disputations as not 
vital to the purposes or spread of Christianity. 

By Charles Francis Adams. i2mo, pp. 
280. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New York,. 

A former work on the general subject of 
'* Railroads, their Origin and their Problems," 
by the same author, was noticed in the December, 
(1878), number of the Magazine (II., 767). The 
present volume is merely a collection of notes on 
accidents which came under the author's obser- 
vation while connected with the railroad service 
of Massachusetts as Commissioner. They furnish 
a valuable mass of material which our railroad 
officers will do well to study in the management 
of the network of roads daily becoming more 
intricate and involved in the United States. 



use of Grammar and High Schools and Acad- 
emies. By Harris R. Greene. i6mo, 
pp. 347. Houghton, Osgood & Co. Boston, 

The object of this treatise is to illustrate the 
l^mmatical and logical principles of the Eng- 
lish language. The method of discussion adopted 
by the author is novel. In the First Part he 
confines himself to Forms of Expression, which, 
being generic, he classifies under the heads of 
Word forms, Phrase forms and Clause forms, 
«ach embod3ring thought. These moulds of 
thought he finds to be essentially the same in all 
languages. Starting with this idea he considers 
the syntax of lanc;uage of easy mastery. In the 
Second Part he discusses the elements of thought 
and here again finds that the logical methods of 
the human mind are every where the same. Their 
mastery, therefore, in one tongue leads to their 
easy mastery in all. All this seems rational 
enough. How far the system may be put into 
practice in teaching can only be determined by 
practical experience. 

coUossal works which have appeared in England 
know the extreme value of such studies. They 
can only be written on the spot, and to be valu- 
able, need an enormous amount of patient re- 
search. Hudson County was a part of New 
Netherland, and its history is, therefore, contem- 
poraneous with that of New Amsterdam. Mr. 
Winfield, whose address is Jersey City, has all 
the characteristic traits of a true antiquarian de- 
lighting in anecdotes and detail, and nis book is 
a model work. It is supplemented by a number 
of Hudson County genealogies, and is profusely 
illustrated in a han^ome manner. 


lished by the Society for promoting Christian 

Knowledge, Piety and Charity. i2mo, pp. 

150. A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1879. 

In this little volume are presented, in a col- 
loquial style, accounts of John and Charles 
Wesley ; George Fox ; Mohammed ; John Huss ; 
and John Falk. The introduction of the 
founder of the Arab faith into this cluster of 
Christian teachers would seem strange, but his 
faithfulness to the voice of God, as he under- 
stood it, points a lesson to even Christian mis- 
sionaries of a grander creed. 

Hudson County, N. J., 1609-1871. By 
Charles H. Winfield. 8vo, pp. 443, with 
five maps. Wynkoop & Hallenbeck. New 
York. 1872. 

SON, N. J., from its Earliest Settlement 
TO THE Present Time. By Charles H. 
Winfield. 8vo, pp. 56S. Kennard & Hay 
Stationery M'f'g & Printing Co. New 
York, 1874. 

These two volumes are an excellent contribu- 
tion to a branch of history which has as yet re- 
ceived but little attention — the County history 
of the United States. Those familiar with the 

NATI. Edited and Published by Moses 
King. i2mo, pp. 88. Cambridge, Mass. 

A well arranged little volume, giving the 
principal points of attraction in this growing 
city in an alphabetical order. The author is 
well known by his Hand Book of Boston which 
wi|s noticed in the April, (1879) number of the 
Magazine (III., 269). 

** Mixed." A companion to Lake George 
illustrated ; being a history of Ticonderoga. 
Illustrated with etchings, and containing a 
Map of the Ruins of to-day. By S. R. Stod- 
dard. i2mo, pp. 68. Weed, Parsons & 
Co. Albany, 1873. 

LAKE GEORGE, (Illustrated). A Book 

OF To-day. By S. R. Stoddard. 8vo, pp. 

153. Van Benthuysen & Sons. Albany, 


These two little volumes, with their maps and 
illustrations, are a welcome guide to those who 
visit this historic ground ; the romance land of 
our northern borders. 


by John Morley. Burke, by John Mor- 

LEY. i6mo, pp. 214. Harper & Bros. 

New York, 1S79. 

No one of this admirable series of biographical 
sketches of English writers is of more value to 
the American readers than this essay upon the 
life and character of Burke. It is quite a differ^ 
ent volume from the purely critical study on the 
same subject published by Mr. Morley some 
years S'nce. The greatest speech Burke ever 
made Mr. Morley considers to have been that 
on Conciliation with America, the wisest in its 



temper, the most closely logical in its reasoning, 
the amplest in appropriate topics, the most gen- 
erous and conciliatory in the substance of its 
appeals. Yet as an evidence of the failure of 
the orator to influence his hearers, it is remarked 
by Erskine, who heard it, that it drove every- 
body away, even those who, when they came 
to read it, read it over and over again, and could 
hardly think of anything else, and in this and 
other similar instances Mr. Morley points to the 
fact that the very qualities, which are excellences 
in the literature of speeches which have become 
English classics, were drawbacks in the spoken 
discourses. Mr. Morley notices one curious 
fact, that when it was proposed to make Burke 
a peer, the title to be assumed was that of Lord 
Beaconsfield. It is needless to commend John 
Morley to American readers. 

from Bede to Holingshed. The extensive 
series published by Bohn is familiar to scholars, 
and well repays a thorough reading, but no 
doubt many, who would hesitate to undertake so 
great a task, will find the impulse to it in the at- 
tractive extracts given in this compact volume. 
The story of London is told in a chapter of its 
own, entitled Records of the City, in which the 
reader will also find the original sources of 
Shakespeare's historical dramas. We know of 
no publication more desirable than these text- 
books for colleges or as aids to individual study. 

lection of more than a Thousand Choice 
Selections, or A])horisms, from nearly four 
hundred and fifty different authors, and on 
one hundred find forty different subjects. 
Compiled by Charles Northknd. i2mo, 
pp. 233. D. Appleton & Co. New York, 

These extracts are arranged under alphabet- 
ical heads, such as Affection, Brevity, Eternity, 
and are specially intended for use in the family 
circle. There is an excellent author's index. 

France. By Gl^stave Masson. i6mo, pp. 
370. Society for Promoting Christian Knowl- 
edge. Pott, Young & Co. New York, 1879. 
The purpose of this little book is to give in a 
moderately small compass an account of the 
sources available for the study of mediaeval 
French history. It is a digest and an indis- 
pensable companion to those who would make 
any thorough research into this remote but 
thrilling period of Christian civilization. Char- 
acteristic extracts are presented from the chief 
chroniclers, Villehardouin. Joinville and Com- 
mines. Most noticeable are the thorough indices, 
chronological, biographical and geographical, 
which supply references elsewhere unattainable 
except at great individual pains. 

Berthet. Translated from the French by 
Mary T. Safford. i2mo, pp. 310. Porter 
& COATES. Philadelphia, 1879. 

This is an effort, in a roman^w form, to present 
the results of the discoveries in archaeology by 
the famous scientific investigators of this and 
the last century. These are summed up in 
three tales, the First of which. The Parisians of 
the Stone Age, is a study of the inhabitants of 
the Parisian soil who were the contemporaries of 
the mammoth and the bear ; the Second, en- 
titled The Locustrian City, the action of which 
is in a period several thousand years later, deals 
with the Dolmen nation, which dwelled in the 
Lake Villages at a time known as the intermedi- 
ate Age of Polished Stone and the Bronze Age ; 
the Third tale, The Foundation of Paris, is cast 
in the Age of Metals, some centuries before 
Caesar's invasion of Gaul. 

The narrative is striking and the actions of 
the characters in the story are well-motived 
from what is known through the countless but 
infinitesimal remains of the dark past, and this 
novel treatment with its graphic illustrations will 
convey to the mind of the old and young an 
admirable ideaof pre-historicman as he appears 
in the recomposition of science. Let the reader 
take this volume with him to the museum in 
Central Park, and verify the correctness of M. 
Berthet's deductions by his own observations of 
the relics he will find there. 

ENGLAND. By James c;airdner. 

i6mo, pp, 328. do., do. 

In this volume the medixval history of Eng- 
land is treated in a manner somewhat different 
from that adopted by Mr. Masson in his work 
on French Chronicles. Mr. Gairdner has pre- 
ferred to popularize the sources of mediseval 
history by presenting specimens of the chronicles 

account of a remarkable people that once in- 
habited the Valleys of the Ohio and Missis- 
sippi, together with an Investigation into the 
Archaeology of Butler County, Ohio. By J. P. 
MacLean. Illustrated with over one hun- 
dred figures. i6mo, pp. 233. Robert Clarke 
& Co. Cincinnati, 1879. 

In this volume, which contains about all the 
information that the general reader cares to ob- 
tain concerning the existing remains and prob- 
able extent and habits of the remarkable people, 




vbose f[x>?pnnts sre as deep as those of the race 
vhich bmi^* the prramids. the aclhor has sought 
rauier to give all the views of contending arcfcj»- 
ot«]igists than to adopt anr 5pecial line of theory. 
Aracsg the discoveries here recorded, are the 
"ace.est fire beds." and **:he method of plan- 
»•«» •« «vir«^jMi I) J tie rr»-hist>ric engineers." 

nittg as parssea ov L=e rre-zisi>nc engineers. 
The arcbjeoZo|j cf Bziler coanty, one of the 
Bost fer:i!e ti c'ds of discorerr, is specially 

Lted. and is iilnstrared by a map. carefally 
divided in:o nunbcred sections for convenience 
of reference. 

>Lix. By T. P. Ma:Lean. i6mo. pp. 159. 
Wiii^o«s:>N Jl CAXT^rtii. Pl-bushixg Co. 

modern science. He holds that the story of 
creation is the same vhether read from the 
*' rock-record or the inspired vord." Having 
lived to see the nebolons hypothesis prapoanded, 
disputed and finally accepted, he nov witnesses 
the development hypothesis passing throngh the 
same ordeal, and approaching, thcngh it has by 
no means yet reached, general accepuuce. The 
volume is written in a liberal spirit. With re> 
gard to the probable age of man, however, he 
takes sides with the donbiers, and considers 
that there is li:tle evidence that man existed be- 
fore the chnmological date of his creation, given 
in onr reference bibles, that of 4.OD4 B. C. As 
a whole the author s=ms np his inquiry with 
the conclusion, to his mind irresistible, "that 
Moses wrote his story by inspiratioii of God.** 

. * - ^ z- 

TLis linle niTs' is irtesded for those who 
€zLd. :bs works of Lyell and Lubbock too elab- 
OTA'e a.r i expesj^vc An ictroduction gives a 
rar:i s=a=ary c£ discoveries from 1734. when 
el exrlai3)ed in the Academy of Paris 
tie 5:cce axes asd weapons found in the 
scd ard drift cf £srL>pe were human imple* 
Be£i«, 10 the cacrrery in 1S73 by Mr. Riv.ere 
ci tie fossil ^Ax cf Mectone in a care near 
Nice, and la:er of several other skeletons 
in the same rich sc^iL Charvters follow on the 
Ga.'^.il Epoch, tie Reindeer Epoch, the Neo- 
IrV^c Period and tie Iron Eroch. A chapter 
treais cf tie xrin* of tie iuman race, a scbiect 
i has div:ied soeatiic men into hostile 
IT* :• a s^rc^pe wiici Mr. MacLeaa holds 
bv wcLri: of evifcBce tizs far. to lean to the 
sacc c-f rriri — ar d £s*Zy of tie relation of Sci- 
:o tie BfrCe, ir wiici, tie a^ithor holds 
tie -m-zjf.i of rar^re arc spirit of revelation 
i£ i 


Richard Guzn. M:ltc«n. by ST':»ppom) A. 

Bko:<ke. i2mo, pp. it>S. D. Affixtox Jc 

Co. New York, 1579. 

This is one of the English series of semi- 
bkographical. semi - critical essays which the 
celebrated English historian is edidng in this 
convenient form. It wocid be dimcult to find 
nicer bits of rnectal analysis, or of sabjecdve 
criticism of Mi! ion and his methods, than these 
simple pages supply. 


SzC'SE^ Based oc aad Tvtaining portions of 

'W3«roef::er*s Ejemests of History. i2mo. 

Th -iffpaoy. Btrsry i Co. Bos£oc, iS^u. 

Tha r nef vajrme is designed as a text-book 
for a mcoerate ccmrse is English history. It is 
isihcr a for s^e of teacher and pupil 
t^ian a historr itseli. One of its c^ef features 
if ^V-^? of sade notes, which give a current key 
tc the psmgraphs i£ pJace of the ussud questions 
widci are ordinarily found in works of this 

r.-ETS. ^ViIh an iisiorical introduction and 
exylanaioTv note*. Br Henry M. Tyuk. 
12330, pp. 1S4. GixN i Heath. Boston, 


These selectious axe intended to familiarize 
the students in .\mencan colieges with the 
works of the minor Gs^ek poets^ from whose 
songs the common life of the common people 
can be best usders.:ood. .\n historical intro- 
duciic'U traces tie growth of tie Greek poetic 
art. and each selection is prefixed by a sketch 
of its author. The Greek text is given without 
translation in all rises. 


Caxftt: :. .. D.r>. Svo, pp. 555, A D. F. 

KAXTiaLTH i C::^ New Yoiit, 1S77, 

The rrrerend author of this suggestive and 
i w c ri nj r' li 'g valsme has endeavored to reconcile 
flte Mosaic ooanogony with the revelativnis of 

Rev. G. W. Cox. Fourth editioau ifioio, 
pp. 5-2, Jansen, McCiiTL.; i Co. Chi- 
cago. i>Ta. 

As enchant in|; a volume as has appeared in 
many a day. The style in whidi the namtiTe 
of these poetic myths is written is exquisite in 
its and Saxon purity. As a stady 
of language alone, of tie f.csw of woids in 
harmonious rrthm, full of f7«ce and verse, they 
should be placed in the hands of all tou^ 
persons. Sprang from stonroes the ongin oi 



which is lost in the nebulae of prehistoric time, 
these tales run through all literature, and per- 
meate the thooght of races between whom no 
relation is found. An introduction traces each 
story to its earliest form, resolving it into its 
original elements. The introduction shows how 
little historical value may be attached to these 
myths, yet how truly they are an exponent of 
the morality and of the refinement of thought 
of the races to whom they were the familiar 
household tales. We are at loss for words to 
express our delight with this volume. 

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO. An historical 
Drama in four acts. Concluded by an Epi- 
logue, entitled the Battle of San Jacinto. By 
Professor Fran'CIS Nona. i6mo. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. New York, 1879. 

Readers of the Magazine will remember the 
graphic story of thb bloody incident in Texian 
history, told by Captain R. M. Potter of the U. 
S. Army, in the January, 1878, number (XL, l), 
and recently an account of the battle of San 
Jacinto (IV., 321), by the same brilliant pen. 
In these pages Professor Nona has attempted to 
dramatise the thrilling story. Our readers must 
judge for themselves of the success of the effort. 


By A. GUYOT. 1879. For sale by B. Wes- 

TERMANN & Co. New York. 

The tourist in the regions of the Catskills 
will do well to carry with him this excellent 
topographical guide, which gives the elevations 
above tide from actual measurement and cor- 
rect tracings of the streams. 

STUDIES OF PARIS. By Edmondo de 

Amicis. Translated from the Italian by 

\V. W. C. i6mo, pp. 276. G. P. Putnam's 

Sons. New York, 1879. 

These sunny pages were written when Paris 
was at the height of its renewed glory daring 
the Exposition year of 1878. ** One vast gilded 
net, into which one is drawn again and again, 
whether willing or not." Only those who are 
familiar with this most wonderful city of mod- 
ern times can appreciate the finely drawn analy- 
sis of the impressions its life produces on the 
sense. Two chapters in the book will attract 
attention in their judgment upon two of the celeb- 
rities of the day by a competent critic ; and 
these two are the very opposites, antipodes of 
each other. The one walks always erect, with 
his head in the clouds, the other crawls with his 
nose in the mud— one paints misery, the other 
delights in obscenity. Both consider themselves 

reformers. One is Victor Hugo, the other it is 
needless to say is Emile Zola. The Italian 
kneels at the shrine of Hugo, and, it is sad to 
say, was not disgusted with Zola. It is true 
that Nana, the filthiest work in modern litera- 
ture, had not then been published. As a whole 
the studies are more suggestive than instructive, 
more gossipy than philosophical ; what formerly 
went under the name of Impressions de voyage. 


TECTURE. By James J. Talbot. i6mo, pp. 

66. American Bank Note Co. New York, 


The object of this little tract, which is taken 
from the author's work on ** Ceramic Art and 
Art Education," is to answer the numerous in- 
quiries now made as to the use and durability of 
this pretty form of ornamentation in practical 


M. Bailey, the Danbury-News Man. i6mo, 

pp. 179. Lee& Shkpard. Boston, 1879. 

A thoroughly American book of fiction, full 
of human sympathy and tenderness of feeling, 
and teaching a very excellent and familiar lesson, 
with free and easy touch and thoroughly native 
humor, but without much narrative power or 
dramatic force ; well worth taking note of, how- 
ever, as a thoroughly home-made book, both in 
subject and style. We accept the author's con- 
ciliatory word. 

TIONS. Prepared from the Most Authentic 
Sources, in which are accurately represented 
the Royal Standards, etc., the International 
Code of Signals and the United States and 
Canada Yacht Club Signals, etc., printed in 
colors. 8vo, 16 plates. William T. Amies. 

By far the best, most convenient and well 
colored book of Flags and Signals which has 
come under our observation. The Coats of 
Arms of Various Nations which are appended 
give it a general value. 

TANAGRA FIGURINES. 8vo, pp. 44. The 

Riverside Press. Houghton, Osgood & Co. 

Boston, 1879. 

These figurines or little figures, some exqui- 
site specimens of which are now to be seen in 
the Pan Archaicon collection in New York, take 
their name from Tana^ra, the Boetian city, the 



ne^iboriiood of vhich has been the scene of 
recent exploration. The diminntiTe figures or 
statnettes found are made of hard baked claj 
and colored. The veil prepared sketch before 
OS thos describes a good specimen ** A perfect 
fignrine has the flesh lighilj tinted, the cheeks, 
rooged, the lips alao reddened, the pupd of the 
eje tinged wi:h pale blae or graj, the eye elon- 
gated as by the nse of henna, and the eje-brows 
defined by a slender line. The draperies are of 
all colors with dark red or brown borders, some- 
times gilded. The hats, fans, bracelets, ear- 
drops, and other nnmeroos accessories are 
generally gilded, or done in yellow ochre, per- 
haps as a foundation for gilding. In all cases 
the hair is of a golden brown or red anbum." 
The tasteful Tolnme is illustrated with numerous 
photographic pictures of the best of these curious 
and beautiful works of art. There is a fine col- 
lection in the Boston Art Museum, the gift of 
T, G. Appleton. 

an easy, personal style, which is well suited to 
the instruction of youth. There are a few 

FROM THE Note Book of a Chicago Re- 
porter. Illustrated. i6mo, pp. 254. Rand, 
McNaixy & Co. Chicago, 1S79. 

This is a series of stories, based on fact, it is 
said, bat without much to interest the ordinary 
reader. They are worth noticing simply as pic- 
tures of the changing phases of American life, 
which are kaleidoscopic in their rariety. and as 
eranescent as those on the disc of the camera. 


brief account of the recent improvements 

and advances of Silk manufacture in the 

United Sutes. By Wm. C. Wvckoff. 8vo, 

pp. 156. Published under the auspices of the 

Silk Association of America. D. Van Nos- 

TRAXD. New York, 1879. 

This volume is written to show the advance 
in the manufacture of silk goods in America, 
and claims that those made here are not only 
better, but cheaper than the imported. The 
sixth annual report of the Silk Association of 
America is appended to the volume. 


Conquests. By George M. Towle. i6mo, 

pp. 327. Lee & Shepard. Boston. 1879. 

The first volume of the Young Folks' Heroes 
of History related the voyage of Va&co de Gama 
around the Cape of Good Hope to unexplored 
Hindostan. In this, the second, the reader is 
made acquainted with the chief incidents of the 
conquest of Peru by Pizarro, which laid the 
foundation of a Spanish empire in South 
America. Like its predecessor, it is written in 


196. T-OIES Miller. New York, 1579. 

The reader muit not be misled by this novel 
title. He will find here no account of elevated 
railroads or watered stocks, but a plain, fresh 
account by a young woman of a summer's run 
with a party of friends over Europe. The nar- 
rative is hasty as the trip, and conveys little 
more than a bird's eye view of the chief points 
of interest in continental traveL The party had 
not time to dwell over the thousand memories 
which sprirg up at every turn, but after all, 
Murray, and Joane and Baedeker leave little to 
be said, and perhaps the young lady was wise to 
give little more than her personal impressions 
of the journey itself. 


ERICA K. Witman, 4:0. pp. 39. LaneS. 

Hart. Harrisburg, 1S73. 

On delicate and tasteful pages of the best of 
paper, adorned with dainty iUustrations in fine 
steel engraving, the authoress presents a pretty 
Indian tale in verse, sometimes rythmical, at 
others blank. 

" On the bosom of the Sosqoehaiuia, 

Iie» an islaad of all her chudren the fairest.** 

Here is the scene of the legend of the mound. 
Here, of a summer's day, while the women 
and girls are busy with their quiet occup>ations, 
two restless bo>s, **busy spirits of the throng.'* 
quarreled over a grasshopper they had jointly 
pursued, and one had caught in the grass. A 
girl gives the alarm, and the mothers interfere. 
A general turmoil ensues, in the heigth of 
which the men return from the chase, disap. 
pointed and ill-tempered. The village divides 
into two camps, tomahawks and scalping knives 
flash in the evening glare. As the sun drops 
below the horizon, the survivors pause ; the 
strife ends. At dawn they bury the dead in a 
circular bed toward the southwestern part of 
the island, and the final ceremonies close the 
legend of the mound. The versification is 
smooth, and there is a tender poetic feeling in 
the simple story. 


Verses. By La\\tlence B. Thomas. 4:0, 

pp. S7. TnixBULL Brothers. Bait., 1S7S. 

Attention has been invited in these pages to 
the excellent genealogic work done by this 
gentleman (11. , 255.) in his sketches of Mary- 
land families. In this dainty little volume he 
presents the fruits of his leisure hours in a coU 
lection of pretty verses which show taste and 
culture. It is neatly illustrated. 

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Vol. V OCTOBER 1880 No. 4 


Gates at Camden 

THE first connected account of the Southern campaign of 1780 
was that included by Dr. Ramsay in his History of the Revo- 
lution of South Carolina, published in 1785;* the next that of 
the Rev. Dr. Gordon, which appeared in 1788.' A comparison of these 
two histories shows that many of the passages descriptive of this par- 
ticular period are verbally identical. At first sight it would seem that 
Gordon adopted the account presented in the earlier volume. But as 
Gordon in his foot notes repeatedly acknowledges his indebtedness to 
Dr. Ramsay for information concerning the operations in the Carolinas, 
yet omits any such acknowledgment in his description of the South- 
ern campaign, there is a fair presumption that the omission was not 
without reason. That reason seems certainly to be that the account 
given by Ramsay was furnished to him by Gordon. Dr. Ramsay in 
1809, subsequently to the publication of Gordon's history, published a 
History of South Carolina,' in which the campaign from Hillsborough 
to Camden is related in substantially the words of his earlier work. 
Gordon, in a note to his third volume (p. 59), says that " General Gates' 
letters were examined by him at [Traveler's Rest] his Seat in Virginia 
the latter end of 1781." The friendly relations existing between Gates 
and the worthy historian are well known, and it is not unfair to sup- 
pose that he was inclined to give the most favorable coloring possible 
to the conduct of the hero, whose well-won laurels had been blighted 
in a disaster, the completeness of which was only rivalled by that of the 
earlier triumph. Gordon says elsewhere (in a note to his second volume, 
p. 450) that in compiling his narrative "recourse had been had to a 
detail of facts written by the deputy adjutant general. Col. Otho H. 
Williams,*' * who was himself a prominent actor in the scenes he relates. 


Gordon's is, therefore, the earliest most authentic account, and 
should, unless disproved by contemporaneous evidence, take prece- 
dence and authority over all subsequent to it, from the fact that 
the author had opportunities for knowledge of this particular branch 
of the history of the war which have been since closed to all 
others. A few words will suffice to establish the truth of this state- 
ment. General Gates died at his estate. Rose Hill, his residence in 
New York City, in April, 1806. By his will, proved 15th of the same 
month, he devised to his wife his entire property, real and personal, 
without reservation. Mary, his widow, survived him until 18 10. By 
her will,proved December loth of that year, she made numerous bequests; 
among others, one in the following words: "To Joel Barlow, Esqr., I 
bequeath all public papers in my possession, in the full confidence that 
he will use them for the purposes of impartial History, and to enable 
him to give a fair and correct account of the American revolution, and 
of the persons concerned in carrying it into effect." These papers, of 
a voluminous nature and great variety, were for a long period in the 
hands of Dr. Jared Sparks, who made free use of them in his histories ; 
later they passed into the keeping of the New York Historical Society 
where they now are. An important part of the Gates papers, how- 
ever, was not, and is not, comprised in this collection.* This includes 
among other valuable documents such as the series of original com- 
missions borne by General Gates, his Letter Book containing copies 
of all the official letters written by him while in command of the 
Southern army, and his Book of General Orders issued during the 
entire campaign. These valuable papers were accidentally found 
by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet of New York City in the garret of 
the house of his grandfather of the same name about two years since. 
Thomas Addis Emmet, the famous counsellor, was the legal adviser of 
General Gates. For what reason these documents were separated from 
the others is not now known. There may have been no reason. But 
this is of small consequence, since Dr. Emmet freely consents to their 
publication. They made part, undoubtedly, of the documents exam- 
ined by Gordon at Traveler's Rest in 1781, but it is not probable that 
they have ever since fallen under the eye of any other historian. So 
much of these precious documents as relates to the period from the 21st 
June, 1780, when Gates, from his home in Berkeley county, Virginia, 
addressed his letter of acceptance of command to the President of 
Congress, to the 31st August, when he was again at Hillsborough, a 
defeated, humiliated man, endeavoring to build up the remains of his 


broken army, is now for the first time made public. The sources 
from which Gordon drew his information having been thus indicated, 
his narrative, in view of the rarity of the history which contains it, is 
now given in full. 

'^ Upon gen. Lincoln's being made a prisoner at Charles Town the command of 
the forces of the southern district devolved on Baron de Kalb. His experience and 
abilities were allowed to be great ; but as he was a foreigner, unacquainted with the 
country, and unaccustomed to the temper of undisciplined troops, who were to con- 
stitute the major part of the army, these and other reasons wrought in favor of gen. 
Gates, who was considered in common as the best qualified for the command ; and 
it was unanimously resolved in congress on the 13th of June ' that major gen. 
Gates do immediately repair to and take command of the southern department ; ' 
the next day he was empowered to take such measures for the defense of the 
southern states as he might think most proper. He received the resolves of 
congress at Traveler's Rest in Virginia, a few miles from Shepherd's-town, on the 
20th, and set out on Monday the 26th. He soon felt for himself, finding that he 
succeeded to the command of an army without strength, of a military chest with- 
out money, of a department apparently deficient in public spirit, and in a cl mate 
that increases despondency, instead of animating the soldier's arm. He had 
before him the most unpromising prospects his eyes ever beheld. He arrived at 
the camp on the 25th of July; and at a review of the troops the next day, was in 
every respect received by the Baron with marks of great distinction. In return he 
treated his predecessor with due consideration, confirmed his standing orders, and 
requested that he would keep the command of his division as formerly in the 
grand army. The Baron's division consisted of all the Maryland and Delaware 
troops : these with a small legionary corps under col. Armand, consisting of about 
60 horse and as many foot soldiers, who arrived a few days before, and three 
companies of artillery, constituted the whole of the army. The Baron with great 
satisfaction complied with Gates's request. A considerable body of North Caro- 
lina militia had taken the field under gen. Caswell. His appointment and 
instructions to join and co-operate with the regular forces had been announced to 
the Baron, who daily expected his arrival, and with him a considerable supply of 
provisions. Caswell, however, upon the plea of preventing some disaffected 
inhabitants from taking arms in favor of the enemy, excused his not complying 
with the instructions ; and as to the supply, though promised, no part of it ever 
arrived. On the morning of July the 27th, gen. Gates marched at the head of 
the army to effect a junction of the regular and irregular forces, to assume an 
appearance of hostile views upon the enemy's advanced posts, under expectation 
of sharing with the militia the supply they received from the state. The troops 
passed Deep river at the Buffalo-ford, and encamped in the afternoon at Spinks' 
farm, on the road to Camden. (Vol. III., 391.) 

" On the 28th of July (the day after the American army encamped at Spinks' 
farm on the road to Camden) col. Otho H. Williams repeated to gen. Gates the 
advice he had given in substance to baron de Kalb more than a fortnight before ; 
which was to deviate from the direct road to Camden — to order gen. Caswell to 
join him at the mouth of Rocky river on Peedee, and from thence to send his 
heavy baggage, women and invalids to Salisbury (a day's march higher up the 
country) and there establish an hospital and magazines — to march all his effective 
troops from the mouth of Rocky river to Charlotte, where a magazine, hospital, 


and if necessary an armory might be securely established — and from Charlotte to 
march by way of Waxhaws towards Camden. By this route the army might have 
proceeded without impediment through a well cultivated country, whose inhabitants 
were attached to the common cause. Magazines and hospitals might have been 
established in the rear, secure from surprise, and directly upon the old trading 
road from Philadelphia to Charles Town, by which the supplies from the north 
might have followed the army without danger. Not only so, but the army would 
have been followed by numerous bands of faithful friends able and willing 
both to furnish supplies and to assist with arms, instead of being encompassed 
with a host of fugitive tories, whose poverty afforded no subsistence, and whose 
perfidy prevented secrecy. A council was called upon the occasion ; but the 
opinion did not prevail : the first motives preponderated, and the army pursued 
the direct route for Camden. It was joined by lieut. col. Porterfield, an officer 
of distinguished merit, with about loo Virginia soldiers. He had by his singular 
address and good conduct, found means, not only to avoid the hapless fate of the 
other corps which had retreated after the surrender of Charlestown ; but to 
subsist his men, and keep up the semblance of a possession of that part of South 

" The army soon felt the scarcity of provisions ; and their fatigue, fasting and 
repeated disappointments as to supplies so exasperated them, that their murmurs 
became very audible. The aspect of mutiny was in almost every countenance; 
but as there was no object to be siezed upon or sacrificed, the conciliating argu- 
ments of the officers, who shared the calamity without discrimination, induced the 
soldiers to forbear and rely upon legal expedients and a good providence for 
succour. The principal means of subsistence found on the march were lean cattle 
accidentally picked up in the woods. Meal and flour were so very scarce, that the 
whole army was obliged to make use of green corn and peaches, as the best sub- 
stitutes for bread the country afforded. Dysenteries afflicted the troops in conse- 
quence of such diet. It was however the least of two evils. They had no other 
relief from famine, which added to the intense heat of the season, and unhealthi- 
ness of the climate, threatened destruction to the army. Starvation became a cant 
term upon the occasion. Perhaps the burlesque introduced by the ignorance of 
some and the policy of others to show a contempt for their sufferings, contributed 
not a little to the resolute stoutness that now discovered itself. 

" In the afternoon of the 5th of August, the American general was informed 
from gen. Caswell, that he meant to surprise or attack a part of the enemy, on 
little Lynch's creek. This made Gates the more anxious for a junction, as he 
apprehended some injudicious adventure might deprive him of the assistance 
which the militia were capable of affording. The next morning intelligence 
arrived from the same authority, which increased his anxiety to a painful degree, 
it was, that the enemy just mentioned, meditated an attack upon the militia in 
their encampment. Such a show of enterprise, and such marks of intimidation — 
such a contrariety of intentions and apprehensions perplexed the commanding 
officer, and made the junction still more desirable. Gates therefore gave orders 
for the troops to clean their arms and to have every thing ready for action ; and 
then proceeded with his deputy adjutant general and aids to the encampment of 
the militia, whom he found to be a fine body of men, deficient only in discipline 
and military arrangements. Whether Caswell found his vanity gratified in a sepa- 
rate command, or wished to precipitate the army into an action with the enemy, 
was not discoverable : the fact is, he postponed a junction until he saw the per- 


plexity and danger in which his ambition or indiscretion had involved the army. 
When it was too late for measures to be changed, he complied more through 
necessity than inclination. 

" At Deep creek (August 6th) the troops received a supply of good beef, and half 
a pound of Indian corn meal per man. They eat their mess ; drank of the stream 
contentedly ; and the next day with great cheerfulness marched to the cross-roads, 
where they were joined by the militia, and the whole were encamped together. A 
good understanding appeared to subsist among the officers of all ranks, and the 
common soldiers vied with each other in supporting their spirits and despising 
their fatigues, which they appeared to forget. The expectation of this junction had 
induced the commanding officer of the post on Lynch's creek to retire the day be- 
fore, under the mask of offensive operations, which caused the alarm above related. 

'* Being now in a country of pine barrens, extensive sand-hills and impenetrable 
swamps, unable to collect provisions and forage from the lower and more fertile 
parts of the country, which were covered by the enemy's advanced posts, the 
army could not remain more than a day in this situation, though a large reinforce- 
ment of militia from Virginia was expected every hour. Gates therefore pressed 
forward ; and finding the ememy disposed to dispute the passage of Lynchs* 
creek, while he kept up an appearance of taking that route, he marched the army 
by the right towards Clermont (better known by the name of Rugeley's mills) 
where the enemy had a small garrison. His intentions being discovered, both 
posts were abandoned with some precipitation on the nth, the officers fearing either 
that their march to Camden would be intercepted, or that they should be attacked 
on their retreat. Lord Rawdon, who commanded the advanced posts of the 
British army, assembled all his forces at Camden, and suffered gen. Gates, with- 
out any material interruption, to conduct his army to Clermont about 13 miles 
from Camden, where his troops encamped on the 13th. The next day brigadier 
gen. Stevens arrived with a respectable reinforcement of 700 Virginia militia. 
An express also arrived the same day from col. Sumpter, who reported to Gates, 
that a number of the South Carolina militia had joined him on the west side of the 
Wateree ; and that an escort of clothing, ammunition and other stores for the gar- 
rison at Camden, was on the way f romCharles Town, and must pass the Wateree at 
a ferry about a mile from Camden, under cover of a small redoubt occupied by 
the enemy, on the opposite bank of the river. 

"A detachment of the Maryland line, consisting of 100 regular infantry and a 
company of artillery, with two brass field pieces, and 300 North Carolina militia, 
were immediately fo^^va^ded under the command of lieut. col. Woolford to join 
col. Sumpter, who had orders to reduce the redoubt and intercept the convoy. 
Gen. Gates was preparing at the same time to advance still nearer to Camden, 
and if necessary, to take a position on some good grounds in its vicinity : but he 
was not without hope that lord Rawdon would evacuate that post as he had the 
others ; and if he should not, the prospect was, that the multitudes of militia 
expected from the upper counties would cut off his supplies from all quarters, and 
leave the garrison an easy prey to the army. After making some convenient 
arrangements, having the arms cleaned, and distributing some provisions, which 
had been collected, Gates convened his general officers, of which grade there 
were not less than thirteen in that little army, the militia brigades of North Caro- 
lina having far more than sufficient ; and after a conference with them, he directed 
the deputy adjutant general, col. Williams, to issue the following orders, with the 
intention as well to take advantage of the time when col. Sumpter was to execute 
his enterprise, as to be prepared for action himself, in case it should be offered. 


[These orders^ dated Camp Clermont, 15th of August 1780, and issued as " after General Orders/' 
will be found in their place in the General Orders issued by General Gates, printed 

in the Original Documents in the Magazine.] 

" When the deputy adjutant general received these orders, he showed Gates an 
abstract of the field returns of the different corps, which he had just beea 
digesting into a general return. From thence it appeared that the whole Amer- 
ican Army, officers included, amounted only to 3,663 (exclusive of the troops 
detached to col. Sumpter), beside col. Porterfield's and major Armstrong's light 
infantry, amounting to 250, and col. Armand's legion to 120, altogether 370, and 
a few volunteer cavalry. There were about 900 continental infantry, rank and 
file, and 70 cavalry. This force was inferior to what the general imagined : his 
plan, however, was adopted, and he thought it too late to retreat. The army 
marched about ten at night, and had proceeded to within half a mile of Sander's 
creek, about half way to Camden, when a firing commenced in front. 

" Lord Cornwallis, unknown to gen. Gates, arrived the day before at Camden. 
His inferior force, consisting of about 1700 infantry and 300 cavalry, would have 
justified a retreat; but considering that no probable events of an action could be 
more injurious to the royal interest than that measure, he resolved upon taking the 
first good opportunity of attacking the Americans ; and learning that the situation of 
their encampment at Clermont was disadvantageous, he marched about the same time 
the Americans did, with a full determination to attack them in their camp at day- 
break. About half an hour past two in the morning the advanced parties of both 
armies met in the woods, and a firing commenced. Some of the cavalry of Ar- 
mand's legion being wounded by the first fire, threw the others into disorder, and 
the whole recoiled so suddenly^ that the first Maryland regiment, in front of the 
column, was broken, and the whole line of the army thrown into a general con- 
stemation. This first impression struck deep. The light infantry, however^ 
executed their orders, and particularly those under Porterfield behaved with such 
spirit, that the enemy was no less surprised at this unexpected meeting. A few 
prisoners were taken on both sides, by whose information the respective com- 
manders derived a knowledge of the circumstances, of which both, till then, were 
ignorant. Porterfield, in whose abilities and activity Gates had justly placed great 
dependence, received a musket ball, which shattered the bones of his leg, and was 
under the necessity of submitting to be carried into the rear. A part of the light 
infantry still kept their ground, and being supported by the vanguard and the 
legion infantry, which discovered much bravery, the American army soon recov- 
ered its order. Cornwallis also kept his ground ; and frequent skirmishes ensued 
during the night, with scarce any other effect than to discover the situation of the 
armies, to evince the intentions of the generals, and to serve as a prelude to what 
was to occur in the morning. 

" Immediately after the alarm, the American army was formed in the following 
manner — the Second Maryland brigade, under gen. Gist, on the right of the line, 
fianked by a morass ; the North Carolina division, under gen. Caswell, in the 
centre ; — and the Virginia brigade, under gen. Stevens, on the left, flanked by the 
North Carolina militia, light infantry and a morass : thus both flanks were well 
covered. The artillery was posted on the most advantageous ground near the 
main road, which was about the centre of the line. Col. Armand's corps was 
ordered to the left, to support the left flank, and oppose the enemy's cavalry. 
Baron de Kalb commanded on the right of the line ; and gen. Smallwood the 


first Maryland brigade, which was posted as a corps-de-reserve two or three hun- 
dred yards in the rear. Gates then called his general officers together, and 
desired col. Williams to communicate the information which he had collected 
from the captives, which being done, the general said, * Gentlemen, you know 
the situation, what are your opinions ? ' Gen. Stevens answered, * It is now too 
late to retreat.' Silence ensuing, and no reply being made, the general, after a 
pause, pronounced, * Then we must fight : gentlemen, please to take your posts.' 
No more was said in council : but it was jSterward declared to be the private 
opinion of some then present, that it was injudicious to risk a general battle, and 
that a retreat was by no means impracticable. It was not to the credit of any 
officer to make such declaration. Whoever is called to a council of war, and 
declines giving his own opinion, if he has any, acts below the courage of a sol- 
dier, and should thenceforward screen either his cowardice or treachery by keeping 
the matter a profound secret. 

*' The British army was thus disposed — the division on the right consisted of a 
small corps of light infantry, the 23d and 33d regiments, under lieut. col. Webster ; — 
the division on the left was formed of the volunteers of Ireland, the infantry of the 
legion, and part of lieut. col. Hamilton's North Carolina regiment, under lord 
Rawdon, with 2 six and 2 three pounders, commanded by lieut. McLeod ; — the 
71st regiment with a six pounder, composed the reserve, one battalion in the rear 
of the right division, the other of the left ; — and the cavalry of the legion sta- 
tioned in the rear, close to the 71st regiment. This disposition was made at break 
of day : but before it took place the British appeared in column about 200 yards 
in front of the American artillery, while gen. Gates was with his corps-de-reserve. 
Col. Williams ordered the artillery to be fired upon them, which was instantly 
obeyed : and then went to inform Gates of the occasion of the firing, and of the 
enemy's having the appearance of spreading and forming a line by their right, 
'which,* said the colonel, 'gives us a favorable opportunity of commencing the 
attack of infantry with Stevens* brigade.* The General answered, * Very proper, 
let it be done.' Orders were immediately given to Stevens, who advanced with his 
brigade in excellent order with great alacrity. The enemy had however, formed 
their line before he got near enough for action. Both lines were advancing, and 
had come within firing distance of each other, when Stevens, encouraging his men, 
put them in mind of their bayonets, which they had received only the day before, 
calling out to them, * My brave fellows, you have bayonets as well as they, we'll charge 
them.' Col. Williams had advanced in front of the brigade, from which he had 
taken a few volunteers, intending, by a partial fire, to extort that of the enemy at 
some distance, in expectation that the militia would stand the first discharge, and 
be brought to closer action with their loaded muskets. But the advantage was lost. 
Lord Cornwallis observing the movement of the Virginians under Stevens, gave 
orders to lieut. col. Webster to begin an attack. The British infantry upon that 
rushed through the thin fire of the militia with great intrepidity, and furiously 
charged the brigade with a cheer. The intimidated militia threw down most of 
their arms, bayonets and all, and with the utmost precipitation and trepidation fled 
from the field, and were followed by the North Carolina militia light infantry. The 
whole North Carolina division being panic-struck, imitated the shameful example ; 
except one regiment, commanded by col. Dixon, next in the line of battle to the con- 
tinental regulars, which fired several rounds : indeed gen. Gregory's brigade, to 
which that regiment belonged, paused longer than the others : but at last all fled, 
and the majority without their arms, or firing a single shot. It cannot appear 
excessively strange that such raw militia could not stand before bayonets, when it 


is considered that for some time they had subsisted on fruit scarcely ripe, without 
any regular rations of flesh, flour, or spirituous liquors ; — that their strength and 
spirits were depressed by such preceding low regimen ; — and that, after an unex- 
pected meeting of the enemy, they had to lie for hours on their arms, attended 
with the apprehension of immediate danger and the horrors of the night. 

" All the militia who composed the left wing and centre being routed, the second 
continental brigade, consisting of Maryland and Delaware troops, making the right 
wing, and the corps-de-reserve, were left to fight or retreat ; but as they had no 
orders for the latter, they maintained their position with great resolution, and gave 
the British an unexpected check. The second brigade even gained ground, and 
took no less than 50 prisoners. But the corps-de-reserve being considerably out- 
flanked, were thrown into disorder : they were soon rallied by their ofticers, and 
renewed the action with much spirit. Overpowered by numbers they were again 
broken : but the brave example and exertions of the officers induced them to 
form afresh. The gallantry of this corps covered, in a great measure, the left of 
the second brigade, which was in a manner blended with the enemy's line on their 
left, where the conflict was desperate. The Americans, thinking themselves 
masters of the field, disputed with the British who should conquer and retain the 
other as prisoners of war. At length the enemy directing their whole force 
against these two devoted corps, the fire of musketry became yet more tremen- 
dous, and was continued with equal perseverance and obstinacy, till Lord Corn- 
wallis observing that there was no cavalry opposed to him, pushed forward his 
dragoons, and charging with his bayonets at the same moment, put an end to the 
contest. Never did men behave better than the continentals in the whole of 
the action ; but all attempts to rally the militia were ineffectual. Lieut, col. 
Tarleton's legion charged them as they broke, and pursued them as they were 
fleeing. Without having it in their power to defend themselves they fell in great 
numbers under the legionary sabres. 

" General Gates was borne off" the field by a torrent of dismayed militia. They 
constituted so great a part of his army,that when he saw them break and flee with 
such precipitation, he lost every hope of victory ; and hisonly care was, if possi- 
ble, to rally a sufficient number, to cover the retreat of the regular troops : 
he retired with gen. Caswell to Clermont, in hope of halting them at their late 
encampment. But the further they fled, the more they dispersed, and the generals 
giving up all as lost retired with a very few attendants to Charlotte. On their 
retreat, an officer from col. Sumpter overtook them, and reported to Gates, that the 
colonel had succeeded fully in his enterprise the evening before against the 
enemy's post on the Wateree ; had reduced the redoubt and captured the guard ; 
and had intercepted the escort with the stores, which were all taken, with about 
40 waggons and upwards of 100 prisoners. Gates however could take no advan- 
tage of this success : the enemy was at his heels, and his victorious friends on the 
opposite side of a river too distant to form a junction in time to prevent his 

" Most of the Virginia militia returned to Hillsborough by the route they came 
to camp ; and gen. Stevens found means to stop a considerable number at that 
place : but the term for which they had taken the field being nearly expired, all 
who had not deserted were soon afterward discharged. The North Carolinians 
fled different ways, as their hopes led or their fears drove them ; and many 
were intercepted by their disaffected countrymen, who but a few days before had 
generally submitted to Gates, by whom they were generously sent to their homes, 
upon a promise of remaining neuter or of following his colours. Several consider* 


able parties had actually taken arms with a professed design of joining the 
Americans : but so soon as they heard of their defeat, they became active in the 
pursuit of the fugitives and killed and captured all that came in their way. 

" Baron de Kalb, while exerting himself with great bravery to prevent the defeat 
of the day, received eleven wounds. His aid-de-camp, lieut. col. du Buysson, 
embraced him, announced his rank and nation to the surrounding foe, and begged 
that they would spare his life. While he generously exposed himself to save his 
friend, he received sundry dangerous wounds, and was taken prisoner. The baron 
expired in a short time, though he received the most particular assistance from the 
British. He spent his last breath in dictating a letter, expressive of the warmest 
affection for the officers and men of his division — of the greatest satisfaction in 
the testimony given by the British army of the bravery of his troops — of his being 
charmed with the firm opposition they made to superior force, when abandoned by 
the rest of the army — of the infinite pleasure he received from the gallant beha- 
viour of the Delaware regiment, and the companies of artillery attached to the 
brigades — and of the endearing sense he entertained of the merit of the whole 
division he commanded. The Congress resolved on the 14th of October, that a 
monument should be erected to his memory in Annapolis, the metropolis of 
Maryland, with a very honorable inscription. Gen. Rutherford surrendered to a 
party of the British legion. All the other general officers escaped ; but were sep- 
arated from their respective commands, and obliged to flee with precipitation. Every 
corps was broken, and dispersed through the woods. The bogs and brush, which 
in a degree screened them from the fury of their foes, laid them under the neces- 
sity of separating from each other. Major Anderson, of the 3d Maryland 
regiment, was the only infantry officer, whose efforts to rally the men, after the 
total routs, were in any degree effectual., A few individuals of several companies 
joined him at some distance from the fieldand others added to that small number by 
falling into his ranks on the march. The removal of the heavy baggage to Waxhaws 
was delayed till the morning of the action contrary to Gates's express orders the day 
preceding : so that the greatest part, together with all that followed the army, fell 
into the hands of the enemy, or was plundered in the route by those who went off 
early, and could take time for such baseness. A general transfer of property took 
place : even that which escaped the foe fell not again into the hands of the right 
owners, except some small part of the officers' baggage, which was recovered at Char- 
lotte. The baggage waggons indeed of gen. Gates and baron de Kalb, being fur- 
nished with stout horses and clever drivers, who understood their business and 
knew the roads, were fully preserved. All the baron's baggage and papers were 
saved : as were Gates's, and every paper and private letter of all the gentlemen be- 
longing to his family. The pursuit was rapid for more than twenty miles ; and so 
great was the dismay of the retreating troops (the cries of the murdered in the rear, 
being echoed by the women and wounded men with increasing terror) that at the dis- 
tance of forty miles whole teams of horses were cut out of the waggons to accel- 
erate the flight. Many wounded officers and soldiers were got off by like expe- 
dients : some of whom gave astonishing proofs of what pain, fatigue and want, the 
human constitution can bear. The road by which the troops fled was covered 
with arms, baggage, the sick, the wounded, and the dead. Gates was persuaded 
by all that he saw and heard, that the regular troops were entirely cut off, and the 
whole either killed or captured ; and that there was no prospect of collecting a force 
at Charlotte (where he arrived late in the night) adequate to the defence of the 
country : he therefore left Gen. Caswell at Charlotte to assemble the militia of 
Mecklenburg county, and proceeded with all possible despatch to Hillsborough, to 


command on the frontier of South Carolina, having found means to subsist them, 
and to maintain the appearance of holding that part of the country. 

** The force of which Gates could dispose was greater than that which could be 
brought against him , it revived the hopes of the South Carolinians, who were 
writhing under the msolence of an army in which every soldier was a licensed 
plunderer, and every ofificer a functionary wi h power to outlaw peaceful citizens 
at will. The British commander on the Peedee called in his detachments, aban- 
doned his post on the Cheraw Hill, and repaired to Lord Rawdon at Camden. 
An escort of Carolinians, who had been forced to take up arms on the British 
side, rose against their officers, and made prisoners of a hundred and six British 
invalids who were descending the Peedee River. A large boat from Georgetown, 
laden with stores for the British at Cheraw, was seized by Americans. A general 
revolt in the public mind against British authority invited Gates onwards. To the 
encouragements of others, the General added his own illusions ; he was confident 
that Cornwallis, with detached troops from his main body, was gone to Savannah, 
and from his camp on the Peedee he announced on the fourth, by a proclamation, 
that their late triumphant and insulting foes had retreated with precipitation and 
dismay on the approach of his numerous, well appointed and formidable army ; 
forgiveness was promised to those who had been forced to profess allegiance, and 
pardon was withheld only from those apostate sons of America who should hereafter 
support the enemy. 

* On the seventh, at the Cross Roads, the troops with Gates made a junction 
with the North Carolina militia under Caswell, and proceeded towards the enemy 
at Lvnch's Creek. 

* In the following night, that post was abandoned ; and Lord Rawdon occupied 
another on the southern bank of Little Lynch's Creek, unassailable for the deep, 
muddy channel of the river, and within a day's march of Camden. Here he was 
joined by Tarleton with a small detachment of cavalry, who on their way had 
mercilessly ravished the country on the Black River as a punishment to its patriot 
inhabitants, and as a terror to the dwellers on the Wateree and Santee. By 
forced march up the stream. Gates could have turned Lord Rawdon's flank, 
and made an easy conquest of Camden. Missing his only opportunity on the 
eleventh, after a useless halt of two days, he defiled by the right, and marching 
to the north of Camden, on the thirteenth encamped at Clermont, which the 
British had just abandoned. The time thus allowed, Rawdon used to strengthen 
himself by four companies from Ninety Six, as well as by the troops from Cler- 
mont, and to throw up redoubts at Camden. 

" On the evening of the tenth, Cornwallis left Charleston, and arrived at Camden 
before the dawn of the fourteenth. At ten o'clock on the night of the fifteenth, 
he set his troops in motion, in the hope of joining battle with the Americans at 
the break of day. 

**0n the fourteenth, Gates had been joined by seven hundred Virginia militia 
under the command of Stevens. On the same day, Sumter, appearing in camp 
with four hundred men, asked as many more to intercept a convoy with its stores 
on the road from Charleston to Camden. Gates, who believed himself at the head 
of seven thousand men, granted his request. Sumter left the camp, taking with 
him eight hundred men, and on the next morning captured the wagons and their 

** An exact field return proved to Gates that he had but three thousand and 
fifty-two rank and file present and fit for duty. * These are enough,' said he, 
*for our purpose; ' and on the fifteenth he communicated to a council of officers 


an order to begin their march at ten o'clock in the evening of that day. He was 
listened to in silence. Many wondered at a night march of an army of which 
more than two-thirds were militia, that had never even been paraded together; 
but Gates, who had the * most sanguine confidence of victory and the dispersion 
of the enemy,' appointed no place for rendezvous, and began his march before 
his baggage was sufficiently in his rear. 

**At half-past two on the morning of the sixteenth, about nine miles from Cam- 
den, the advance guard of Cornwallis fell in with the advance guard of the 
Americans. To the latter, the collision was a surprise. Their cavalry was in 
front, but Armand, its commander, who disliked his orders, was insubordinate; 
the horsemen in his command turned suddenly and fled, and neither he nor they 
did any service that night or the next day. The retreat of Armand's legion pro- 
duced confusion in the first Maryland brigade, and spread consternation through- 
out the army, till the light infantry on the right, under the command of Colonel 
Porterfield, threw back the party that made the attack and restored order ; but at 
a great price, for Porterfield received a wound which proved mortal. 

" To a council of the American general officers, held immediately in the rear of 
the lines. Gates communicated the report of a prisoner, that a large regular force 
of British troops under Cornwallis was five or six hundred yards in their front, and 
submitted the question whether it would be proper to retreat. Stevens declared 
himself eager for battle, saying that * the information was but a stratagem of 
Rawdon to escape the attack.' No other advice being offered, Gates desired 
them to form in line of battle. 

** The position of Lord Cornwallis was most favorable. A swamp on each side 
secured his flanks against the superior numbers of the Americans. At daybreak 
his last dispositions were made. The front line, to which were attached two six- 
pounders and two three-pounders, was commanded on the right by Lieutenant- 
colonel Webster, on the left by Lord Rawdon ; a battalion, with a six-pounder, 
was posted behind each wing as a reserve ; the cavalry were in the rear, ready to 
charge or to pursue. 

" On the American side, the second Maryland brigade, of which Gist was brig- 
adier, and the men of Delaware occupied the right under Kalb ; the North Caro- 
lina division with Caswell, the centre ; and Stevens with the newly arrived Virginia 
militia, the left : the best troops on the side strongest by nature, the worst on the 
weakest. The first Maryland brigade, at the head of which Smallwood should 
have appeared, formed a second line, about two hundred yards in the rear of the 
first. The artillery -was divided between the two brigades. 

" Gates took his place in the rear of the second line. He gave no order till 
Otho Williams proposed to him to begin the attack with the brigade of Stevens, 
his worst troops, who had been with the army only one day. Stevens gave the word; 
and as they prepared to move forward Cornwallis ordered Webster, whose division 
contained his best troops, to assail them, while Rawdon was to engage the Amer- 
ican right. As the British with Webster rushed on, firin;? and shouting huzza, 
Stevens reminded his militia that they had bayonets ; but they had received them 
only the day before, and knew not how to use them ; so, dropping their muskets, 
they escaped to the woods with such speed that not more than three of them were 
killed or wounded. 

** Caswell and the militia of North Carolina, except the few who had Gregory 
for their brigadier, followed the example ; so that nearly two-thirds of the army 
fled without firing a shot. Gates writes of them, as an eye-witness : *The British 
cavalry continuing to harass their rear, they ran like a torrent and bore all before 


situation of the northern states from which Gates rescued them by his 
military skill at Saratoga. " Our affairs to the southward look blue — so 
they did when you took command before the Burgoynade. I can only 
now say, go mid do likewise — God bless you." 

Nor was the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the representative of the gen- 
erous monarch whose fleet was hourly expected with timely succor, 
less marked in his words of pleasure with the appointment. " The 
choice (he wrote on the 6th July) which the thirteen States have made 
of you in the present condition of affairs, to labor to reestablish mat- 
ters in the Southern States, gives me every ground for favorable 
augury of the success of the enterprises you may undertake. The union 
of your interests with our own is so intimate that we congratulate our- 
selves as much as the United States at seeing such important operations 
in your hands.** These seem to be sufficient evidence of the cor- 
rectness of Gordon's statement that " Gates was considered in common 
as the best qualified for the command." It also appears that it was in 
deference to this common opinion that Congress made the appointment, 
and not in consequence of any importunity on the part of General 
Gates or his immediate personal friends, as has been hinted, if not 
directly charged, while the interference of Rutledge shows with equal 
conclusiveness that Gates was not alone the choice of the New England 
members of Congress in a supposed jealousy of Washington's para- 
mount influence, but that he was the choice, also, of those most imme- 
diately concerned in the conduct of affairs in the southern department. 

Peters* opinion of the ** blue ** aspect of affairs has been quoted. 
Nor were the Armstrongs, father and son, better satisfied with the 
outlook. " Whilst I congratulate you/* wrote John Armstrong on the 
15th June, ** on your present unanimous appointment to the command of 
the Southern department, 1 cannot be insensible of the prospect before 
you & the many known & unknown difficulties you have to encounter. 
Let wisdom, patience and fortitude from above carry you through." 
And the son, John Armstrong, Jr., a few days later, in his characteristic 
eccentric vein, says, " As it stands I don*t know whether the appoint- 
ment be a matter of condolement or congratulation,** and adds, ** be it 
eventually, my dear General, what it will, I intend to share your for- 
tunes and shall be with you in a few days.*' 

To the modesty of the deportment of Gates, Mr. Bancroft himself 
bears witness. " He made his acknowledgment to Congress without ela- 
tion." Gates' own words express more than this sentence implies. ** While 
I live I shall be happy to execute the commands of Congress, and notwith- 


standing they have given me a new field for action, and that in the most 
untoward circumstances, I promise them I will do my utmost to save and 
most efiectually to serve the general interest in the Southern States." 

The resolution of Congress, conferring the appointment, was accom- 
panied by a letter from the war office (June 15, 1780,) which enclosed a 
letter from Baron de Kalb, on whom the command of the southern de- 
partment had devolved after the surrender of Lincoln, showing his situ- 
ation and pointed out to Gates the necessity of his "immediate presence 
to organize and collect the too much divided little force which he 
would have for the beginning of his army," and furnished him an esti- 
mate of the forces, amounting to 3,200, total in rank and file. 

The difficulties which General Gates encountered, concisely stated 
by Gordon, are passed by in silence by Bancroft. The letters now first 
published fully bear out the words of Gordon : " He soon felt for him- 
self, finding that he succeeded to the command of an army without 
strength, of a military chest without money, of a department apparently 
deficient in public spirit, and in a climate that increased despondency 
instead of animating the soldier's arm. He had before him the most 
unpromising prospect his eyes ever beheld.** These words of Gordon 
are without change from the letter Gates himself wrote from Fred- 
ericksburg, July 4, to General Lincoln, his predecessor, condoling with 
him on his defeat, and soliciting his advice in the management of the 
people he was about to command. 

Those which he wrote from Hillsborough, on his arrival on the 19th 
July, to the President of Congress and Governors Jefferson and Nash, 
give a strong picture of the * deplorable state in which he found every 
arm of the service. An entire deficiency of magazines; a hospital 
withQut medicines or stores of any kind ; arms partly out of repair ; too 
many without cartridge boxes, and all destitute of bayonet belts ; with- 
out tents ; frequent intervals of twenty-four hours in which the army, 
without distinction, were obliged to feed upon such green vegetables as 
they could find, having neither animal food or corn ; the treasury oi 
Virginia without a single dollar, and that of North Carolina, on which 
he had also warrants from Congress, in a like deficiency.* Yet the 
brave hearted old man still clung to the hope that with the united and 
animated endeavors of Virginia and North Carolina, all might be saved. 
With tireless energy he finally supplied all immediate deficiencies. In 
the evening of the 24th July be arrived at the Camp of de Kalb, at Cox's 
Mills, and in the morning following summoned a meeting of general 
officers for Thursday, the 27th, to consult on a plan of campaign, 


inviting the presence ot Major General Caswell, who commanded 
the North Carolina Militia, and of Generals Rutherford and Harring- 
ton. To Caswell he expressed his satisfaction in the belief that the 
active ** measures taken by the governments of Virginia and North 
Carolina'* would enable him *'to push the enemy from their advanced 
posts." Bancroft says that from information received while at Hills- 
borough from General Huger, "Gates formed his plan to march 
directly to Camden, confident of its easy capture and the consequent 
recovery of the country.'* The authority for this statement is not 
given, and the letter oi Gates to Governor Nash, which went with 
General Huger to the Governor, announces no such intention, but 
contains only the general expression "that with proper exertions he 
had no doubt that the enemy might be confined to Charles Town, 
and finally expelled from it.** 

It was not until he reached de Kalb's camp that he arrived at any 
plan. He was warmly received by de Kalb, who was made " happy by 
his arrival,** being in strait for provisions and in trouble with his cavalry 
officers. Here he found information, from Colonel Sumpter, concerning 
the British force, which was by that enterprising officer estimated at 
3,240 men, scattered over twelve posts, including Charleston and Savan- 
nah. At Camden and its vicinity Sumpter considered there were not 
over 700 men, and in the Cheraws 600 were reported. 

In his letter, which was of the 17th July, from his camp on the 
Catawba River, and addressed to de Kalb, Sumpter strongly urged 
immediate efforts to prevent a junction of these different bodies, 
" which if attempted could not possibly be effected in less than twelve 
to fifteen days time.** He pointed out " how vastly weak the enemy was 
by being so detached in small parties.** " If," he added, " they are per- 
mitted to retreat slowly to Charles Town, or have an opportunity of 
collecting the forces and embodying the militia, whom they compel ta 
do duty ;*' " If, I say,'* (he repeats his opinion,) " they are suffered to do 
this, they will by that means add above ten thousand men to their army, 
and thereby become so strong as not only to keep possession of Charles 
Town, but also a great part of the State besides.** The plan suggested 
by Sumpter to prevent this junction need not be considered here, these 
extracts from his letters being merely introduced to show the nature of 
the arguments for a rapid advance, which were pressed upon General 
Gates by those best acquainted with the nature of the country, the force 
of the enemy, and the disposition of the population. 

In a note to his first edition, Bancroft says, on the authority of a letter 


of de Kalb published by the British, " It was the opinion of Kalb that the 
enemy would not make a stand at Camden/* and incorporates the state- 
ment in his revised work. In a second note, quoting from Kapp's Life 
of Kalb, Bancroft further says that Gates was confident that Cornwallis 
with detached troops from his main body had gone to Savannah. And 
Gates was right m the supposition that he had gone southward, as 
Bancroft admits in the statement that on the evening of the tenth of 
August Cornwallis left Charleston for Camden. ** To these encourage- 
ments,** Bancroft says, ** Gates added his own illusions.** 

The conference of general officers, invited by Gates on the 25th 
July, did not take place. General Caswell replying from his camp 
at Moore's Ferry, on the west side of the Yadkin, at ten o'clock the 
next morning, that Generals Rutherford and Harrington were at 
Mask's Ferry, forty-five miles below on the east side of the Peedee, 
adding that he was himself in a bad state of health, and asking 
to be excused. His letter closed with the information that the militia 
under his command were passing the Yadkin, and that he proposed to 
move down to Colston's, thirty miles below, in the fork of the Peedee 
and Rocky Rivers. 

The next day Gates received word from General Stevens, by a letter 
written from his camp at Col. Thacherstone's the night of the 26th, 
that he expected. to be at Cox's Mill with the Virginia militia, early on 
the morning of the 28th (July). Aware that the conduct of Caswell 
was a continuance of the independent action he had maintained against 
de Kalb's repeated requests that he should join the main body, Gates 
justly considered it to be an intentional evasion of his orders, and 
alarmed at the consequences which might ensue, determined to effect a 
junction. In the after orders of the same day (the 26th) the troops were 
ordered to strike their tents the next morning at half-past three, and the 
officers were directed to keep their platoons, posts and stations with 
the nicest exactness, as the advance was toWards the enemy. On the 
morning of the 27th (July) the army moved. General Gates at its head, 
crossed the Deep River at Buffalo Ford, and went into camp in the 
afternoon at Spinks* farm. Here it was, according to Gordon, that Colo- 
nel Otho H. Williams, later his Adjutant-General, repeated to General 
Gates the advice he had in substance given to Baron de Kalb more than 
a fortnight before, which was to deviate from the direct road to 
Camden ; to order General Caswell to join him at the mouth of Rocky 
River on Peedee, thence to Charlotte, and from Charlotte to march by 
way of Waxhaws toward Camden. Colonel Williams* narrative con- 


firms this statement, in these words, that "presuming on the friend- 
ship of the General, he ventured to expostulate with him upon the 
seeming precipitate and inconsiderate step he was taking." Bancroft 
states that the safest route, by way of Salisbury and Charlotte, " was 
recommended by a memorial of the principal officers," but gives no 
authority in support of the statement. Colonel Williams asserts that 
a short note from the most active and intelligent officers was presented 
to General Gates, concisely intimating the same opinion (he had 
expressed). General Gates said " that he would confer with the gen- 
eral officers when the troops halted at noon." Whether any conference 
took place or not, Colonel Williams adds, he did not know. If there 
were any formal council, the minutes of it should certainly appear 
among the Gates manuscripts, and the same may be said of the 
protest of the officers, if such there were — but the extremely full 
files in the New York Historical Society, from which it is evident that 
nothing has been designedly excluded, contain no such document. 
Gordon, who must have questioned Gates on this important point, 
says, " that a council was called upon the occasion ; but the opinion did 
not prevail ; the first motives preponderated, and the army pursued the 
direct route for Camden." What the first motives were mujjt be looked 
for in the words used by Gordon in a preceding chapter (III., 392), viz., 
to effect a junction of the regular and irregular forces, to assume an 
appearance of hostile views upon the enemy's advanced posts. From 
Gordon's statement, it is probable that de Kalb, and perhaps others, 
were verbally consulted, and that the importance of striking Camden, 
before the British garrisons could be concentrated there, outweighed 
all considerations of comfort or convenience to the army, in the alter- 
native route suggested, or concern as to the character of the population 
which dwelled upon it. 

Camden seems to have been considered as the strategic key to the 
country by the officers of both armies. Gates and Cornwallis were 
equally eager to reach it in force, and in the campaign which succeeded 
Greene and Cornwallis again struggled for its mastery. Moreover, 
Gates was in possession of information that, alarmed by the approach 
of the North Carolina militia, which had made their rendezvous at 
Anson Court House on the 25th of July, Major McArthur had aban- 
doned his post on the Cheraw Hill, and marched straight for Camden, 
where Lord Rawdon was in command ; the inhabitants rising in his 
rear. It is a nice question for military strategists to determine 
whether, with the information before him. Gates was or was not justi- 


Bed in choosing the shorter but more difficult route, in order to 
strike Camden before it could be adequately reinforced from the more 
southerly posts. The sequel showed that had he been a day earlier 
the post might have been carried. 

Renewing the march on the 27th Gates reached Colston's on the 
28th July and, with increased watchfulness as the army neared the South 
Carolina borders, moved on the 29th to Kimborough, where he halted 
till the 1st August, being detained over the 31st by a violent storm. 
From the camp at Kimborough Gates sent an express to General 
Caswell on the 29th July, advising him of his movement and intentions, 
and invited the expression of his views as well as those of General 
Rutherford upon the circumstances and state of the enemy, all of 
whose outposts, quite to Camden, he had learned from a British 
deserter, had been evacuated the Sunday night previous, July 23. He 
also particularly asked of General Caswell "all intelligence of Lord 
Conwallis' designs," and his opinions " what in the circumstances it 
was best to do." In this deference to Caswell's superior knowledge of 
country. Gates showed no signs of that reckless indifference to the 
opinion of others which Colonel Williams apparently imputes to him 
in the direction of his march. 

In reply a letter was received from General Rutherford dated 
Camp near the Cheraws, July 30th, to the effect that a party sent out 
to reconnoitre the road toward Camden had gone as far as within 
fourteen miles of Lynches Creek, and returned with the intelligence 
that the British had left the Cheraws, and that the party which retreated 
from Anson's Court House was encamped at Big Lynch's Creek; 
and General Caswell the same day sent Brigadier General Harring- 
ton from Anson's Court House, an officer well acquainted with the 
country, to give details of information, expressing himself inclined to 
the opinion that the enemy would " collect his utmost strength at 
Camden, where he either intended making a stand or to retreat to 
Charles Town." This being in accordance with the views already 
entertained of his purposes. Gates pressed forward his army with all 
his energy. To General Caswell he wrote in conciliatory terms, 
excusing the neglect to comply with his summons. Inferring that 
this officer had put his troops in motion from Deep River he resolved 
to support him. 

On the 30th Gates wrote to General Stevens, who was in his rear, 
to hurry forward, and directed General Caswell to march by the 
shortest road to Anderson's, to which he was directing his own course. 


As he neared the enemy he desired a speedy junction of the whole 
force, and he had other reasons quite as important. As he advanced 
he found that Caswell and Rutherford had foraged the country on 
both sides of the river, while the Virginia militia behind him stopped 
all the provisions as they came forward, to such an extent that while 
the outlying bodies were in comparative comfort, the main army was 
at the point of starvation. Mortified, disappointed and grieved at 
the sufferings of his troops, the General wrote letters of bitter remon- 
strance to Governors Jefferson and Nash, at Richmond and Newbern, on 
whose promises he had relied. 

Waiting for the artillery and baggage to come up, and delayed 
by the storm, the army was not put in motion until the afternoon of 
Tuesday, the ist August, when the Maryland brigade crossed the 
Peedee at Mask's Ferry, and encamped on the east side of the river. 
Colonel Senf, the engineer, was ordered to trace out a redoubt on 
the west bank of the river to cover the ferry, and a guard of militia 
was left to execute the work. The crossing of the river on the ist 
being again interfered with by a heavy storm, the artillery was not 
all gotten over till the next night. On the 3d the march was resumed, 
with renewed caution to the troops to preserve a perfect discipline, 
"as though every hour to apprehend a surprise." May's Hill was 
reached on the 4th, Deep Creek on the 5th. 

It required still another summons to persuade General Caswell to 
put himself on the march. Fmally on the 30th he took the required 
direction and his advance arrived the next day at the appointed spot. 
He halted himself, however, with his main body, at Jennings' Branch, 
where he received information by a " person from the British camp" that 
there were only about 700 British at Lynch's Creek, a post fifteen miles 
distant, whom he thought it possible to surprise, and intimated his desire 
to try the venture. This word he sent by letter to Gates through Colo- 
nel Williams, who was instantly returned with consent to the attempt 
and orders to Colonel Porterfield, who was in the advance in camp at 
Thompson's Creek, to join in the enterprise, engaging also to co5perate 
in the movement with the main army, " not doubting that the intelli- 
gence could be relied upon." A few hours later a second messenger 
reached Gates from Caswell, announcing that he had received further 
information that the enemy, 2,900 strong, were about to march and 
attack him, and urging instant reinforcement. 

General Gates, surprised at this conflicting intelligence, lost confi- 
dence in the judgment of Caswell, and alarmed for the safety of the 


militia, hurried his troops forward. Riding in advance of his army, which 
halted on the road on the 6th, the General pushed on with Colonel Wil- 
liams, whom he had that day appointed Deputy Adjutant-General, to 
Caswell's camp, which he found in confusion and disorder. The 
next day, the 7th, the main body came up after a forced march of 
forty miles in two days, and the long desired junction was made at the 
Deep River Creek Cross Roads. 

Bancroft passes by without comment the peculiar conduct of General 
Caswell. His protracted neglect of the orders given him with his com- 
mand of the militia to "join and cooperate with the regular forces *' is 
noticed with implied censure by Gordon and Williams. The latter 
adds, that Gates told him that " Caswell's evasion of orders was 
caused by the gratification of his vanity at having a separate command, 
and that he had reason to believe, from the letters of Governor Nash, 
that the supplies of provisions destined for his army had been used 
in profusion in Caswell's camp." Surely, never was commander more 
shabbily treated than Gates in this unfortunate campaign. Yet with an 
energy unusual in a man of his age, Gates pressed on to reach his object- 
ive point, where he counted upon immediate security and abundant 
supplies from the fertile country. Finding Caswell's troops well armed 
and accoutred and eager for action, also satisfied that the force of the 
enemy had not increased from the middle of June, when it was estimated 
at not exceeding 2,000 at and near Camden, of which 1,000 regulars, 
550 loyalists, and 300 cavalry and infantry of the Legion, he despatched 
a courier to Colonel Sumpter with news of his movements and a request 
for the latest intelligence concerning the enemy, and continued his for. 
ward march. The army was re-arranged. Major-General the Baron de 
Kalb at the head of the Maryland troops commanded the right wing, and 
Major-General Caswell the left wing. North Carolina militia. Before leav- 
ing Camp Anderson Gates had placed General Harrington in command 
of the militia forces raising on the Peedee from the Cheraw district to 
the mouth of the river, and directed him to make an effort with a picked 
band to surprise the British garrison at Georgetown, an enterprise which, 
if successful, would threaten the security of the British advance 

Colonel Armand's legion with Colonel Porterfield's infantry and 
the light infantry of General Caswell's division, were now thrown for- 
ward, with orders to hang upon and harass the rear of the retreat- 
ing enemy. General orders of the same day (7th) directed that the sick 
and the superfluous baggage be sent to Charlotte. 


At three o'clock the next morning, the 8th, the army marched, and 
reached the post on Lynch's Creek which Lord Rawdon had evacuated 
the night before. Here a deserter brought in intelligence that the 
enemy halted the same morning on an eminence four miles beyond on 
Little Lynch's Creek, a day's march from Camden, and a much stronger 
position by nature than that they had left. Here the army encamped in 
regular order. The retreat of the British left Gates master of the field,, 
but as Colonel Williams observes, *' it was a barren one." " To have 
descended among the fertile fields of Black River would have been,*" 
to quote Williams again, " leaving the garrison of Camden between the 
army and the expected reinforcements from Virginia, besides the refugees 
from North Carolina repeated their assurances of joining in considerable 
numbers in a few days." 

On the 9th the sick and the heavy baggage left for Charlotte under 
escort, Colonel Hull was thrown forward six miles on the road leading- 
to Camden by Little Lynch's Creek, and Colonel Senf, the Chief Engi- 
neer, was directed to reconnoitre the ground and fix an encampment.. 
Notwithstanding the anxiety of Gates to have his whole force in hand,, 
the nature of the country did not admit of any delay. The last word from 
General Stevens was that on the 3d he still lay with the Virginia militia, in 
camp at Cox's, impatient to move, but awaiting supplies, to " cross the 
desert.** The desire of Gates to reach Camden with the least possible 
delay was heightened by the news he in the course of the day received 
from Colonel Hull, five miles in advance of the army, that he had intel- 
ligence that **Lord Rawdon, with four regiments, was two miles 
beyond the bridge (at Little Lynch*s Creek), and Cornwallis expected 
that evening.** This disposes of Bancroft*s assertion that Gates was 
not aware of Cornwallis* presence with the British army. 

On the loth the army again moved forward, and encamped on 
Lynch*s Heights. On the nth they advanced as far as Marshall's 
farm, on Little Lynch's Creek. Here it was discovered **that the 
enemy's post was on the south side of the water on commanding^ 
ground ; that the way leading to it was over a causeway on the 
north side to a wooden bridge, which stood on very steep banks; 
and that the creek lay in a deep muddy channel, bounded oa 
the north by an extensive swamp, and passable nowhere within 
several miles, but in the face of the enemy's work. The enemy 
was not disposed to abandon these advantages without feeling the pulse 
oi the approaching army ; and General Gates observed that to attack, 
him in Iront " would be to take the bull by the horns." It was nee- 


essary for once to depart from the shortest route to the enemy's prin* 
cipal outpost — Camden.*' 

Finding the enemy inclined to dispute the passage of the stream, 
Gordon says that an ** appearance of taking that route was kept up/* 
The army, which had been moving by the left, was on the morning of 
the 1 2th marched by the right towards Clermont or Rugeley's Mills. 
Armand's legion leading the way, followed by the Maryland division of 
regulars, while the North Carolina division of militia brought up the 
rear, with Porterfield's light infantry on their left flank. The change of 
march was covered and concealed by Colonel Hull with a detachment 
from the Maryland division. 

This movement Bancroft condemns. " By a forced march up the 
stream," he says, " Gates could have turned Lord Rawdon's flank, and 
made an easy conquest of Camden. Missing his only opportunity, on 
the nth, after a useless halt of two days, he defiled by the right, and 
marching to the north of Camden, on the 13th encamped at Clermont^ 
which the British had just abandoned. The time thus allowed Raw- 
don used to strengthen himself by four companies from Ninety-six, as 
well as by the troops from Clermont, and to throw up redoubts at Cam- 
den.'* On a matter of tactics of this nature military critics must be allowed 
to decide. Johnson, in his incidental account of this campaign in his 
Life of Greene, charges upon Gates as a military error that, opposed by 
a very inferior force to his own on the banks of Lynch's Creek, he 
should have suffered himself to be forced to ascend its left bank, and to pass 
its head, instead of forcing his way across to Camden. But from what 
Williams says of the nature of the ground, the passage could not have 
been forced without severe loss. 

In addition to these motives for diverging from the direct route^ 
was the receipt of information from Colonel Sumpter (Camp Waxsaw, 
9th August) that on the evening of the Sunday previous (the 7th) he 
had fallen upon the British camp at Hanging Rock, and defeated them 
with severe loss. In his letter Sumpter says: **Both British and Tories 
are panic struck, and seem well convinced that fifteen hundred men caa 
go through any parts of the State with ease," and he adds, *' this will not 
be the case ten or fifteen days hence ; " and urged strongly on Gates to 
send a force to take possession of the high hills and Neilson's ferry, a cen- 
tral post, which commands all the passages, both by land and water, to 
Charlestown. Twelve to fifteen hundred men he considered enough for 
this purpose. On the nth this enterprising officer sent further advice^ 
that he had taken possession of all the passways over the Wateree 


camp he had visited, at five thousand men if it did not consist of more 
than two thousand, according to Gordon, or one thousand if we accept 
Colonel Williams' statement as to the active numerical force. 

The final catastrophe is now approached. Strong or weak there 
was nothing left to the army but to advance, and as has been seen there 
was no reason for discouragement. Moreover the reinforcing militia had 
brought with them no supplies to aid the starving army ; behind was a 
sterile desert, whose scant yield had already been stripped to the last 
blade ; in front the fertile plains and rich valleys of South Carolina ; 
between this land of promise and the advancing army lay the enemy they 
had come to meet and were anxious to engage ; and the contest did not 
seem unequal. 

On the 15th, according to Gordon, "Gates convened his general 
officers, of which there were not less than thirteen, and after a conference 
with them directed his Adjutant General, Col. Williams, to issue his 
marching orders, the army to move at ten o'clock in the night." 
Colonel Williams says there was " no dissenting voice in the council.*" 
Bancroft, that Gates " was listened to in silence." The orders were,, 
according to Williams, no sooner promulgated than they became the 
subject of animadversion. Nowhere, however, is there any information 
that the dissatisfaction of the officers was with the order of march- 
The objection is said to have been to the night march with troops two- 
thirds militia. The marching orders, however, prescribed " the pro- 
foundest silence." Besides, as Williams justly observes in this con- 
nection, neither officers nor men '* knew or believed any more than the 
General that any considerable body of the enemy were to be met with 
out of Camden." The purpose of Gates was to ** take a position on 
some good grounds " (to use Gordon's words,) in the vicinity of Camden^ 
and to be in supporting distance of Sumpter. 

The army marched at the hour appointed, and before daylight fell in 
with the British advance. The troops were formed in line of battle, and 
a council of officers immediately summoned. The information obtained 
from prisoners captured by the advance guard was communicated, that 
Comwallis in person was in front of them, and their opinions asked. 
Stevens exclaimed, " It is now too late to retreat," and it is difficult to 
see how a retreat could have been successfully made. The authorities 
essentially agree in the account of the battle. The Virginians were 
led to the attack, but the British troops moving down upon them with 
impetuosity, threw the whole body into such a panic that, according 
to Williams, ** they threw down their loaded arms and fled in the utmost 




Greene visited the battle-ground in company with Colonel Williams 
in 1 78 1. Williams in his narrative says that the choice of the field was 
approved by that "judicious and gallant" officer. Gordon (IV., 98) quotes 
a letter of Greene, written from the High Hills of Santee, 8 August, 1781, 
to a friend at Philadelphia, which confirms this statement, and con- 
tains a complete vindication of Gates' conduct in and after the action. 

** Gen. Gates left this country under a heavy load ; and I can assure 
you he did not deserve it. If he was to be blamed for anything at all, it 
was for fighting, not for what he did or did not do in or after the action. 
I have been upon the ground where he was defeated, and think it was 
well chosen, and the troops properly drawn up ; and had he halted after 
the defeat at Charlotte, without doing the least thing, I am persuaded 
there would have been as little murmuring upon that occasion as in 
any instance whatever, where the public meet with a misfortune of equal 
magnitude.*' By common accord Greene stands at the head of the mili- 
tary men developed by the long struggle, and his unsupported testi- 
mony is alone sufficient to outweigh the censorious criticisms of 
civilians or historians of whatever grade. He commanded the very 
troops who had been defeated under Gates, was surrounded by their 
officers, acquainted with their opinions, and his practical eye had meas- 
ured the route of the army and the scene of its contests. 

How Washington was affected by the news appears in his letter of 
the 8th October to Gates. " The shock was the greater," he says, " as 
the operations a few days preceding the action were much in our favor. 
The behaviour of the Continental troops does them infinite honor." 
This letter is printed by Sparks in his Writings of Washington, VII,, 
237. What lesson he drew from the conduct of the militia may be seen 
in his as yet unpublished circular letter, a copy of which addressed to 
Governor George Clinton, from his headquarters near Passaic Falls. 
1 8th October, 1780, is in the New York State Library. 

" America has been almost amused out of her liberties. We have 
often heard the behaviour of the Militia extolled upon one and another 
occasion by men who judge only from the surface ; by men who had 
particular views in misrepresenting — by visionary men, whose credulity 
easily swallows every vague story in support of a favorite Hypothesis. 
I solemnly declare I never was witness to a single instance that coun- 
tenances an opinion of Militia or raw troops being fit for the real busi- 
ness of fighting. I have found them useful as light parties to skirmish 
in the Woods, but incapable of making or sustaining a serious attack. 
This firmness is only acquired by habits of discipline and service. I 


mean not to detract from the merit of the Militia. Their zeal and spirit 
upon a variety of occasions have entitled them to the highest applause, 
but it is of the greatest importance we should learn to estimate them 
rightly. We may expect every thing from men that Militia is capable 
of, but we must not expect from [them] any services for which Regulars 
alone are fit. The late battle at Campden is a melancholy comment on 
the doctrine. The Militia fled at the first fire, and left the Continental 
troops, surrounded on every side and overpowered by numbers, to 
combat for safety instead of Victory. The enemy themselves have 
witnessed to their valor.'* 

The misfortune which befell Gates is not alone in history. It was 
not unlike that which befell the great Frederick, who was swept off the 
field of Mollwitz by a part of his own routed army to a great distance, 
and returned to find the battle had been won by those who remained. 
To one portion of Bancroft's severe charge, that Gates was " a petty 
intriguer, but no soldier," this paper has been devoted, and the argu- 
ment is willingly surrendered to the decision of the candid mind. The 
conclusion is that Gates moved forward at the earnest solicitation of 
Congress on the promise of abundant supplies ; that once engaged upon 
the march, to halt or turn back would have been alike disastrous in 
effect upon the population of the southern states, and that when the 
barren desert had been crossed, he pressed on under the double stim- 
ulus of abundance in the rich country before him, and the assurances 
of Sumpter and those best competent to judge that his march to Cam- 
den would not be seriously opposed. That his dispositions were not 
in accordance with true military laws has not yet been asserted by any 
competent military critic. 

Ramsay, in his history of the Revolution of South Carolina, 
sums up the argument in a sentence. ** Though much censure was cast 
on General Gates for this unfortunate action, yet, upon a careful exam- 
ination of every circumstance, his chief fault seems to be his risking a 
battle. He chose the most advantageous ground, drew up his men to 
the best advantage, but to make them fight was beyond his power." In 
this the historian concurs with Greene, the best military authority. 

Of the equanimity of spirit with which Gates bore his mortification, 
and the dignity with which he disregarded the malice of his contem- 
poraries, his admirable correspondence is sufficient proof. 

The remaining charge of Bancroft, that Gates was a "petty intriguer," 
is far more grave. Fortunately it is not supported by one atom of evi- 
dence. It was not the opinion of his contemporaries, in whom his char- 


acter was held in high regard. It cannot be shown from his manu- 
scripts, where the correspondence of those of his friends who are said 
to have been concerned with him in the cabals of the day remains 
intact ; a testimony of conscious innocence. Gates at the time himself 
indignantly repudiated any connection with the intrigues against Wash- 
ington, and Gordon, who examined his papers in 1781, records that 
" there was not a single paragraph to be met with that contained any 
intimation of his being concerned in any such plan." 

General Gates died childless. The news of the death of his only son, 
*'an elegant young man, well educated and just entering the active 
scenes of life," was kept from him while in camp, after the battle of 
Camden, but added to the bitterness of his retirement. His fame has 
no defence save the use that historians may make of his abundant 
manuscripts, to which he seems to have left the perfect vindication of 
his capacity and his character. And this silent appeal is not in vain. 
The disaster of Waterloo will never blot out the glory of Austerlitz, 
nor the rout of Camden efface the memory of Saratoga. 

Washington, in one of his letters to Major Tallmadge consoling him 
for his mishap on an expedition with which he had been entrusted, made 
use of an expression which may well be applied to the conduct of 
Gates. The experience of the great chief had been chequered. He 
had as often felt the humiliation of defeat as the exultation of victorv. 
** However," wrote Washington, '* it may be the practice of the world 
and those who see objects but partially, or through a false medium, 
to consider that only as meritorious which is attended with success, I 
have accustomed myself to judge of human actions very differently and 
to appreciate them by the manner in which they are conducted, more 
than by the event ; which it is not in the power of human foresight and 
precedence to command." Let Gates be measured by this standard. 


' The History of the Revolution of Sooth Carolina, from a British Proyince to an Independent 
State. By Darid Ramsay, M. D., Member of the American Congress. In two Tolnmes. Sto. 
Isaac Collins. Trenton, 1785. 

* The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment of the Independence of the United 
States of America ; including an account of the late war ; and of the thirteen colonies, from their 
origin to that period. By William Gordon, D. D. In four volumes. 8vo. London, 17S8. 

' The History of South Carolina from the first settlement in 1670 to the year 180S. In two 
volumes. By David Ramsay, M. D. 8vo. David Long worth. Charleston, 1809. 



* A NamttiTC of the Gtrnpaign of 1780. Bj Colonel Otbo Holland Williuns, Adjuluit Geo. 
enl. Piinled as Appendix B lo Sketches of the Life and Correspondence of Nathanacl Greene, 
Major General of the Armies of the United Slates, in the Wat of the Berolntion. Compiled 
chieflj' from original materials, b; William Johnson of Charleston, South Carolina. In two voU 
lunes, 4I0. A. E. Miller. Charleston. 1623. 

' The Historical Societjr Collection of Gales' Papers contain* drafts or copies of the letters of 
Geneial Gales for this period, but no Order Book. 

* History of the United Slates from the Discovery of the American Continent. Bj George 
Bancroft. Vol. X., 8vo. Little, Brown & Co. Boston, 1874. 

^ History of the United States of America from the Discovery of the Continent. By George 
Bancroft. In six volumes. Thoroughly revised edition. Vol. VI., i6nio. Little, Brown & Co. 
Boston, 1876. 


From the Steuben Papers — N. Y. Historical Society 

The rjth August, 1780, General Gates arriv'd with the Southern Army at 
Rugely's House, 13 miles this side Camden, on the Road from Charlotteburg to 
Camden, where the Enemy had a Post, but retreated precipitately on the approach 
of Genl Gates. That afternoon, Night & next Morning Reconoitering partys were 
sent out, the Enemy at Camden and inferior to our Army. Upon intelligence of the 
Engineer the Genl detach'd in the Night of between the 14th and 15th insC. 400 men, 



with 2 field pieces, Conducted by Col Senf, to join Brig Genl Sumpter of the 
South Carolina Militia (12 miles West from the Army), who was moving down the 
West Side of Wateree river, according to Genl Gates* order. This junction was 
effected the 15th in the morning by crossing the Wateree River at a kind of Ford. 
Genl Sumpter march*d down the river (on which the Enemy evacuated several out 
posts on the river), Surprised a Guard on the West Side of Wateree Ferry, 3 miles 
from Camden, consisting of about 40 Men, under a Militia Col (Carey), took them 
prisoners, with which he took also 40 waggons with Drivers, 4 Horses & Waggon, 
loaded with Rum, Flour, Com, &c., 300 head of Cattle & some Sheep. 

A few Hours after this a Detachment of 70 men of the 71st & 33d Regts came 
from Ninety Six to join the Enemy at Camden, were likewise taken Prisoners by 
Genl Sumpter, after which the Enemy made motion to cross the river below to 
attack him ; he retreated up the River that Night for 10 miles, of which Col Senf 
return 'd to report to Genl Gates. 

The 15th Genl Gates, as the 700 Virg'a Militia, under B Genl Stevens made 
junction, consulted with all the General Officers on taking another Position for 
the Army, as the Ground where they were upon was by no means tenable. On 
reconoitering a Deep Creek, 7 miles in the front, was found impassable 7 miles 
to the Right, & about the same distance to the left, except only at the place where 
the Ford intersects the great road. It was Unanimously agreed upon to march 
that Night the Army to that Creek, by which means they would get a more secure 
Encampment, come nearer Genl Sumpter, occupy the road on the East side of 
Wateree river, and would be able to get nearer intelligence of the Enemy. As 
for to march back on that Road, and take an equal Strong or Stronger Position, 
was not certain, would have given the Enemy a weak opinion of our Strength & 
more encouragement to attack — The Communication with Genl Sumpter, which 
had been effected, yet rather too great adistance, would have been given up again, 
difficult of getting Intelligence of the Enemy, & our Horses in want of Forage. To 
march to the Right to fall into the road on the East side of Wateree river (if even 
the road would have admitted of it), but it would not without a great deal of work, & 
Pioneers too were wanted, the Baggage of the Army would have been exposed ; 
the Road where Supplys came from open to the Enemy & impossible to turn those 
Waggon s directly into another road before the Enemy's Horse might have cut 
them off from the Army. 

Certain Intelligence came the 15th to Genl Gates that Lord Cornwallis had 
arriv'd the Evening before at Camden, & a reinforcement had arriv'd that Day, 
but no certainty of the Strength could be obtain'd. 

The 15th, the Evening, at 10 o'clock the Army march'd from Rugeley's to 
take Post in Front at the mentioned Creek in the following order — Col Armand's 
Legion (a) made the Van, supported by 200 Light Infantry on each Flank under 
Col Potterfield (b). The Van Guard of the Army (c). The first (d) and second 
(d) Maryland Brigade, under Major Genl Baron de Kalbe, each Brigade two field 
pieces; the three Brigades of North Carolina Militia under Genl Caswell. The 
Virginia Militia under Genl Stevens, the Artillery (e), Stores and the Rear Guard, 
During the march Reconoitering Parties, sent out from the advanced Corps, came 
back, & nothing seen in the Road, soon after, (about half an Hour after two in 
the morning of the i6th August) Col. Armand's Van party got hail'd by an 
advanced party of the Enemy ; an answer was made directly on our side on which 
the Enemy's Horse immediately charg'd furiously with a great deal of Huzzas (f). 
Col Armand stood the charge, & Col Potterfield's light Infantry (g) gave a crossing 
Fire upon the Enemy's Horse, which made them retreat immediately, upon which 


the Enemy's Light Infantry advanced (h), and after a fire of about five minutes 
drove our Advanc'd Corps back upon our Advanc'd Guard and Main Body, and 
then likewise retreated ; This affair caused a little Confusion in the Line, but was 
soon redress'd. The Army drew up in order of Battle, & having taken a Prisoner 
of the Enemy, who confirmed that Lord Comwallis Commanded the Army himself, 
consisting of not above 3000 men, and that he was come out with an Intention to 
attack General Gates in his Camp at Rugeley*s, upon which Genl Gates call'd all 
the General Officers together to hear their opinion on that occasion, & it was their 
Unanimous Opinion that it was now too late to retreat, a Battle ought to be fought, 
& some of them were glad to have an opportunity of such, as they had no Idea of 
the Enemy's Superiority or of the following behaviour of the Militia. 

General Gates form'd order of Battle, viz — 

The Second Maryland Brigade (i) about 400 men under Brig Gen Gist on the 
right of the road leading to Camden, two field pieces on his right (2) & an almost 
unpassable Swamp & Gregs Quarter Creek on the right of field pieces, on the left 
of the Brigade in the main road two Field Pieces (3), the three Brigades of North 
Carolina Militia (4) of 1200 Men under the Brigadiers Rutherford, Graigery & 
Butler, two Field Pieces (5) the Virginia Militia (6) of 700 men under Brigadier 
Genl Stevens, the Light Infantry (7) then about 300 men under Col Potterfield, 
and Col Armand with the Horse about 60 (8) in the rear of the Light Infantry to 
support the left. The first Maryland Brigade (9) about 400 men under Brig Genl 
Smallwood in the rear of the Line across the road, as a Corps of Reserve. 

Half an Hour before sun rise, the Enemy came in sight, drove in our advanc'd 
Posts, and as soon as they came in proper distance, our artillery began to play 
upon them. Their first Troops suppos'd Light Infantry, display'd, form'd and 
advanced on their left on the road with a field piece (10). Their Main Body 
(11) displayed to their right, when in the time they displayed our Field pieces 
made a good fire upon their column. Before the Enemy had fully display'd their 
Line, Genl Gates gave orders to Genl Stevens of the Virginia Militia & Light 
Infantry to advance in good order & make the attack, gave likewise immediate 
orders to Genl Smallwood to advance with the Corps of reserve, to support the 
Left Wing and occupy the Ground of Genl Stevens. Genl Gates rode up to Genl. 
Gist, gave orders to advance slowly with the Brigade, to reserve their fire till 
proper distance, fire & charge Bayonets which has been according to orders 
Executed. They came close, Genl Gist's Brigade took a Field Piece from the 
Enemy and kept it some time. Our Army's position was by that time such as 
(12), and the Enemy's (13). The North Carolina & Virginia Militia all broke & 
■dispers'd in the utmost confusion, no sooner the Enemy's Horse discovered the 
confusion xhan they charg'd (14), they wheeled to the right & Left, took the 
ist & 2d M. Brigade in their Flanks & rear (16), when in the mean time the 
Enemy advanced in their Front, to which of course our brave Troops have 
fallen a Sacrifice. General Gates, who was in the rear of the 2d Maryland 
Brigade, after having given the mentioned order look'd back to the road, saw 
the Militia run and the Enemy's Horse charge, rode to the militia & Endeavoured 
himself with the assistance of General Caswell and Aids to bring the Militia 
into order and fire, but all in vain, the Enemy's Horse then came so close upon 
the General & Col Armand oblig'd to wheel. The General then hop'd to 
bring them to order at some Distance, but neither this would do, the militia 
-was struck with such a Panick & obeyed no more command. The Baggage, 
ivhich had been ordered off to Retreat in the night, on the road to the Waxaws, 
was so retarded bv obstruction of the Night, bad roads & tired Horses, as to fall 


likewise a Prey to the Enemy. The Enemy's Horse pursued as fast as possible 
Genl Gates & Col Armand, who had about 14 men, as the remainder of his Legion, 
Col Armand's Horse much fatigued. Genl Gates could not be escorted by him, to 
get free from the Enemy, he therefore made his Escape with two of his Aids de 
Camp & the Engineer. He arriv'd that Night at Charlotte but no view was left 
to assemble any Forces there, & if it was possible, there was no Ammunition, no 
Arms, no Provisions, and in the middle of a disaffected Country. The Genl there- 
fore thought proper, with the advice of his officers, to get by the assistance of the 
Night through that part of the country to Hillsborough, where there had been left 
some Detachments & Artillery, & that most chiefly the militia had directed their 
course that way, it was therefore more probable to reassemble some of the 
scattered Militia in that Quarter and Draw all the Detachments together 'till other 
Measures could be taken. General Gates arriv'd at Hillsborough the 19th August. 
— Extract of a Journal concerning the Action of the 16th August^ 1780, between 
Major General Gates and General Lord Cornwallis, 



From the Gates Papers. — N. Y. Historical Society. 

Field of Battle within eight miles of Camden 

[August 1780] 

In the Evening of the 15th Inst, a Council of Gen* officers were unanimously 
of opinion that our Army should move within five miles of Camden, to an advan- 
tageous post with a swamp in our front, fordable only at the Road, and no other 
within seven miles on each side — At ten o'clock the Army moved in the following 
order — 

Cor Armand's Corps, about seventy Horse in front, Cor Porterfield with so- 
men belonging to our Reg', and 150 Militia upon Armand's right flank, about two 
Hundred yards off the road — Maj' Anderson with a party of N® Carolina militia 
upon Armand's left Flank, in the same order — Col° Armand's orders were, should 
the Enemy's Horse attack him, to stand their charge, and Porterfield with the 
other Light Infantry to flank them — Gen' Smallwood's Brigade in front, Gen* Gist's 
followed, the N** Carolina Division under Gen* Caswell next, and in the rear the 
Virginia Brigade commanded by Gen* Stevens — After marching in this order nigh 
five miles, about half after two in the morning the British Horse made a most 
violent onset Huzzaing all the time, but were bravely repulsed by Porterfield with 
considerable loss — The Enemy's Light infantry next came up, the Virginia militia 
or the Greatest part that were with Porterfield took to their heels, and left the men 
belonging to our Reg' to stand the Attack of the whole light troops ; which ta 
their Honour they did for about five minutes, in which a warm and incessant fire 
was kept up — Cor Porterfield then ordered a retreat, and in turning his horse 
about had his leg shattered by a musket ball, which struck him upon the shin Bone 
— After some time the firing ceased, our line was formed, and Half an Hour before 
sun rise the Enemy advanced—Our Army Drawn up in the same order as in their 
march, only that Gist's Brigade was on our Right, Smallwood's being formed in 
the Rear as a Corps Du reserve Immediately on the Enemy's driving in our 
Party in Front, Genl Stevens was ordered to advance &: Attack their right, and 


Gist with his Brigade to attack their left, the orders were immediately complyed 
with, but upon the fiist fire the whole line of militia broke and ran ; the firing upon 
our right had begun ; I was there with Gen* Gates, who perceiving the militia run, 
rode about twenty yards in the rear of the line, to rally them, which he found 
impossible to do there ; about half a mile further. Gen* Gates and Caswell made 
another fruitless attempt, and a third was made at a still greater distance with no 
better success — Gen* Smallwood, on Stevens advancing to the attack advanced to 
support him, and on the militia giving way, occupy'd the ground where the Right 
of Stevens, and the left of the N° Carolina militia were drawn up ; this made a 
chasm between the two Brigades, through which the Enemy's Horse came and 
charged our rear ; the men to their Immortal Honour made a brave defence, but 
were at last obliged to give ground, and are allmost all killed or taken ; Gist's 
Brigade behaved like heroes, so did Smallwood's, but they being more to our left 
afforded us no opportunity of saving them ; upon Gen* Gates Riding to stop the 
militia, Gist's Brigade charged Bayonets and at first made the Enemy give way, 
but they were reinforced — We owe all misfortune to the militia ; had they not 
run like dastardly cowards, our Army was sufficient to cope with them, drawn up 
as we were upon a rising and advantageous ground. — Extract of Major McGilVs 
Utter to his father^ copied at my desire by George Hite, 



From the Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Vol. VI., 265 

Camp at Kennemark, Sept. 5th, 1780. 
Dear Sir, 

We have just received the disagreeable intelligence of General Gates' defeat to 
the southward, with all the troops under his command. The action happened on 
the 1 6th of last month within a few miles of Camden, at which place the enemy 
lay, and to which place our troops were directing their march. 

The two armies met in the night, and a little skirmishing ensued ; but the 
action was not serious until the morning. At daylight General Gates made the 
necessary disposition of his troops, consisting of between eight hundred and a 
thousand regulars, and about two thousand militia and some few horse. The 
enemy had from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred regular troops, and about one 
thousand militia. 

Our militia gave way the first fire, and left the Continental troops to bear the 
brunt of the whole of the enemy's force, which they did with great spirit and 
bravery. General Gist, who commanded one of the Maryland brigades, repulsed 
the enemy with charged bayonets ; but the militia quitting their ground, let the 
enemy into his rear. 

General Gates made several unsuccessful attempts to rally the militia, but they 
were so panic struck, it was all to no purpose, and the general was borne away on 
the road, and had the mortification to leave the Maryland line bravely engaged, 
without having it in his power to assist them, or even to tell what was their fate ; 
but as the firing ceased after he had got eight or ten miles in the rear, he supposes 
they must have been cut to pieces ; however, this is not certain by any means from 
any intelligence we have as yet received. Further particulars are hourly expected. 


Reports come on with Gj^neral Gates* letter, which say that both General 
Small wood and Gist are slain, and that Baron de Kalb is wounded, but there is no 
authority for it. 

We lost eight pieces of cannon, and doubtless all our baggage and stores. The 
militia dispersing and taking to the woods, few or none of them fell into the 
enemy's hands ; but probably many of them might suffer greatly for want of pro- 
visions, and perhaps some might perish. 

General Gates retreated one hundred and eighty miles in three days to Hills- 
borough, at which place he wrote to Congress of the misfortune which had befell 

This is a great misfortune ; and the more so as that unfortunate country was 
too discouraged before to make any great exertions. However, it was beginning 
to recover itself, and some few days before the action we had gained several advan- 
tages, and taken several hundred prisoners. 

It is high time for America to raise an army for the war, and not distress the 
country by short enlistments, and hazard the liberties of these States with an order 
of men, whose feelings, let their principles be ever so good, cannot be like those 
who have been long in the field. 

I am, with great respect, 

your most obedient, humble servant, 

Nath. Greene. 

N. B. I wish you not to have any part of this letter published, as the Presi* 
dent of Congress did not think it proper to publish General Gates's letter until the 
arrival of further particulars. 

To His Excellency Governor Greene. 


Reports come on with Gj^neral Gates* letter, which say that both General 
Small wood and Gist are slain, and that Baron de Kalb is wounded, but there is no 
authority for it. 

We lost eight pieces of cannon, and doubtless all our baggage and stores. The 
militia dispersing and taking to the woods, few or none of them fell into the 
enemy's hands ; but probably many of them might suffer greatly for want of pro- 
visions, and perhaps some might perish. 

General Gates retreated one hundred and eighty miles in three days to Hills- 
borough, at which place he wrote to Congress of the misfortune which had befell 

This is a great misfortune ; and the more so as that unfortunate country was 
too discouraged before to make any great exertions. However, it was beginning 
to recover itself, and some few days before the action we had gained several advan- 
tages, and taken several hundred prisoners. 

It is high time for America to raise an army for the war, and not distress the 
country by short enlistments, and hazard the liberties of these States with an order 
of men, whose feelings, let their principles be ever so good, cannot be like those 
who have been long in the field. 

I am, with great respect, 

your most obedient, humble servant, 

Nath. Greene. 

N. B. I wish you not to have any part of this letter published, as the Presi* 
dent of Congress did not think it proper to publish General Gates's letter until th€ 
arrival of further particulars. 

To His Excellency Governor Greene. 

tuilaij cr Ac Anolcan mr. Jn .«4h^. 




No. 3 

Fredericksburgh 4th July 1780 

The 29th Ultimo I had the Honor to 
receive Your Excellency's Pacquet dated 
the 1 6th June. — I have in Consequence 
wrote Governor Nash of North Carolina 
and inclosed him the Resolves of Con- 
gress as you directed, and a Letter with 
orders to Dep paymr Genl Clay to re- 
pair immediately to my Head Quarters 
with all the Warrants and Monies in his 
Possession where, he is also informed, 
he will receive his further Orders. I 
communicated the Resolve of Congress 
respecting Genl Weedon and Colonel 
Morgan, to those Gentlemen — they cheer- 
fully acquiesced in obeying the Com- 
mands of Congress ; but Colonel Mor- 
gan requests me to represent to Your 
Excellency, that the State of Virginia 
have appointed some Junior Officers to 
himself Brigadiers General who will take 
Command of Him, should he take the 
Field in his present Rank. — This is not 
only a galling Circumstance to so old 
and deserving an Officer, but must im- 
pede, and possibly entirely defeat my 
Intention, in placing Colonel Morga'i at 
the Head of a Select Corps from whose 
Services I expect the most brilliant 
Success. Therefore I humbly entreat 
your Excellency, will move Congress 
to order a Commission to issue imme- 
diately, appointing Colonel Morgan a 
Brigadier General. — I am confident the 
Rank, the Services and the Experience 
of Colo Morgan is such as will prevent 
any officer, from thinking Himself 
agrieved by His Promotion — I shall 
impatiently expect the arrival of this 

Commission as I wish the Service in 
which I design to employ Colonel Mor- 
gan may meet with the least possible 
Delay. — I shall set out from hence 
early Tomorrow Morning, and hope to 
get to Richmond on Wednesday ; where 
the Governor and Legislature are now 
sitting : — from thence I shall again ad- 
dress Your Excellency — I every Hour 
wish to receive the Answer of Congress 
in regard to what I wrote Your Excel- 
lency concerning the Commissary and 
Quarter Master's Departments. 

I am &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates1 
To Saml Huntington Esqr 
President of Congress 

No. 4 

Fredericksburgh 3d July 178a 

I have the Honor to enclose certain 
Resolves of Congress, which I am or- 
dered by that Honble Body to transmit 
to your Excellency — I hope to be at 
Richmond, Wednesday Evening or 
Thursday Morning at furthest being 
necessarily detained here until I have an- 
swered the Despatches of Congress I have 
received from the Northward, and set- 
tled some Matters with the public Offi- 
cers in this Town — When I have consult- 
ed with the Governor and Council of this 
State at Richmond upon the proper 
Means of repelling the Invasion of these 
States, — I shall again do myself the 
Honor of addressing Your Excellency. — 
In the Mean Time, I am confident, the 
State under Your Command will be in- 
spired to act with the utmost vigour 
in the Support of the Common Cause. 
I shall be happy t -> hear from Your Ex- 



cellency by way of safe conveyance, be- 
ing with Sentiments of great Respect 
and Regard 

Your most faithful & o'i;edt 
hble Servant 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To His Excellency Governor [Nash] 
of No Carolina 

No. 5 

Fredericksburgh 4th July 1780 
Dear Genl Lincoln 

The series of Misfortunes you have 
experienced, since you were doom'd 10 
the Command of the Southern Depart- 
menty has affected me exceedingly. I 
feel for you most sensibly. — I feel for 
myself who am to succeed, to what ? 
To the command of an Army without 
Strength — a. Military Chest without 
Money. A Department apparently defi- 
cient in public Spirit, and a Climate that 
encreases Despondency instead of ani- 
mating the Soldiers Arm. I wish to 
save the Southern States. I wish to 
recover the Territories we have lost. 
I wish to restore you to your Command 
and to reinstate you to that Dignity, to 
which your Virtues, and your Persever- 
ance, have so justly entitled you :— with 
me you have experienced that the Battle 
is not the strong. Poor Burgoyne in the 
pride of Victory was overthrown. Could 
the Enemy's Triumph over you, meet 
with the like Disgrace, I should be con- 
tent to die in Peace, so might America 
be free and Independent ; and its 
future Happiness under God rest solely 
upon Itself. You will oblige me very 
much by communicating any Hints or 
Information, which you think will be 
useful to me in my Situation. You 

know I am not above Advice, especially 
where it comes from a good Head and a 
sincere Heart. Such I have allways 
found yours to be ; and as such, shall 
always venerate and esteem both. I 
mean not by this to urge you to divulge 
Matters the obligation of your Parole of 
Honor, commands you to conceal ; I 
only ask you for the knowledge you 
have acquired at the Charte du pais. 
The Whigs and Tories of the Southern 
States, and how you would advise me to 
conduct, in regard to all those. The 
Enemy I must judge of from what I see, 
and what I will by every Means en- 
deavor to know 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To General Lincoln 

No. 6 

Richmond 9th July 1780 

The Governor has acquainted me, 
that he every Hour expects an Answer 
to his Express to Congress (who had 
consulted His Excelly Genl Washington 
upon the Subject) what Regulation was 
to take place, as well in respect to the 
Officers and Soldiers of the Virginia 
Line, who were not captured at Charles 
Town ; as those who are accounted 
supernumerary. Before the 15th of this 
Month you will most probably receive 
Letters and Directions how to proceed 


I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 

To Brigadier Genl Muhlenberg 


No. 7 
Hillsborough 19th July 1780 

The deplorable state of the Com- 



misary and Quarter Master's Depart- 
ments, and the entire Deficiency of 
Magazines, to supply the Southern 
Army, obliges me to request General 
Huger to be the Bearer of this Letter. 
His Zeal for the Public Service, antici- 
pates my Wish, that he would be my 
Advocate with your Excellency and the 
Executive Power of the State, to supply 
our wants, by immediately establishing 
Magazines of Provisions and Forage, 
and properly organizing the Quarter 
Master General's Departments. Without 
these Things are done, our Army is like 
a dead whale upon the Sea Shore — a 
monstrous Carcass without Life or Mo- 
tion. To be particular in representing 
the exact state of the two Departments, 
and how much each Wants of its due 
Supplies, would fill a Volume. Genl 
Huger has seen and knows them all ; to 
him I beg leave to refer your Ex*y and 
the Council, for more minute Informa- 
tion. Can I hope that our Distress will 
move ye to come for a short Time to 
Hillsborough. Your appearance may 
operate advantageously, upon the Spirits 
of the Militia as well as be immediately 
necessary in establishing a System of 
Supplies. With proper Exertions, I 
have no doubt that the Enemy might be 
confined to Charles Town, and finally 
expelled from it ; but on the contrary 
should Inactivity or Neglect continue ; 
their Baleful Influence must be fatal to 
the Army, and ruinous to the Southern 
States. Before I finish my Letter I 
must request your Excellency will use 
your utmost Endeavors to supply 700 
Tents for the Militia of your State. 
Virginia has promised instantly to for- 
ward a proper Number for her Troops. 

The indispensible Necessity for this 
Article, is too striking, to need any Rea- 
soning to enforce it. I have received 
no answer to the Letter I had the Honor 
to write your Excellency from Rich- 
mond. General Huger takes with him 
the Demand I have upon your Excel- 
lency from Congress, as well as that 
upon Virginia. I wish the Circum- 
stances of your Treasury may be such 
as to enable you to answer both. Gen- 
eral Huger will acquaint your Excellency 
with the Reason, I was not paid those 
Draughts upon the Treasury of Vir- 

I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Governor Nash 

No. 8 

Hillsborough 19th July 1780 

In passing through Richmond in Vir- 
ginia I was informed of the Appoint- 
ment you held in this Department — It 
was my Intention to have written you 
from thence, but at once unacquainted 
with your Motives for remaining at 
Williamsburgh, and the Necessity of 
your Personal Attention here, — I put it 
off until I arrived at this Post, where I 
find an Hospital under the Direction of 
a Regimental Surgeon — without medi- 
cines or Stores of any kind — I also 
learn from the Army that with it there's 
no Hospital Establishment whatever, 
and that the Sick are but illy accommo- 
dated — I have now to request that 
you will repair to my Head Quarters 
immediately — with such other Gentle- 
men as fall within your Arrangement, 
and may be absent. Should any Acci- 



dent prevent your complying with this 
order, you will give me as Early Notice 
of it as possible. I am Sir &c, 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To the Director of the Hospitals 
in the So Department 

No. 9 
Hillsborough 19th July 1780 

When I had the Honor of seeing your 
Excellency at Richmond, I was taught 
to look forward to much Difficulty and 
a perplexed Department — yet I cannot 
but profess that in the Course of a 
long and often critical Service, It has 
never hitherto fallen to my Lot to wit- 
ness a Scene of such multiplied and 
encreasing Wants as my present com- 
mand exhibits — of the Militia voted by 
your State — only 1438 are now upon 
the Ground, Commissioned and Non 
Commissioned Officers included, & 
those not so compleatly supplied as 
I either wished or expected — The 
Arms were yesterday distributed among 
them ; a few out of repair, — but too 
many without Cartridge Boxes ; and all 
destitute of Bayonet Belts ; which I 
need scarcely tell your Excellency is 
the certain Loss of the Bayonet — They 
are deficient also in Hatchets or light 
Axes; this article you will find in the 
List of Military Stores, and one that 
becomes doubly necessary from the Face 
of the Country in which we shall act — 
These Defects are however but trifling 
when compared to the Weightier Con- 
siderations of Arms, Ammunition and 
Provision. This State is unhappily but 
too much at a Loss for the First — The 
Casualties of the Campaign may render 

Issues necessary to the regular Troops, 
and such Volunteer Corps as I may 
find it expedient and practicable to 
embody — this leads me to press 
yr Excellency that, not only such 
Arms and Ammunition as you may 
allot us from the State Stores, but 
all Supplies from the Board of War, 
may meet with as immediate a Passage 
into this State as possible — Upon the 
Subject of Provisions — my Reports 
must be still less Satisfactory — An offi- 
cer just from the Baron's Head Quarters 
has assured me that there are often In- 
tervals of 24 Hours — in which the Army 
without Distinction are obliged to feed 
upon such Green Vegetables as they can 
find, having neither Animal Food or 
Com. — So frequent and total a Want 
must eventually break up our Camp ; 
should not the Evil be hastily remedied. 
This Scarcity has unfortunately arose 
from several Causes, one of which can 
alone be corrected. The Scarcity of 
Crops for the Last year. The Disaf- 
fection of many of the Inhabitants ; and 
a want of CEconony and Management — 
The Supplies have been precariously 
obtained by Detachments from the 
Army — whose misapplied Violence in 
some Instances must affect any future 
purchases. — I have this Day made a 
Representation of our Wants in this and 
other respects to Governor Nash — Gen- 
eral Huger has taken charge of my Dis- 
patch, and will Personally urge such 
Steps to be taken by the Council of this 
State, as in conjunction with those I 
cannot but hope for from your Excel- 
lency — may soon restore our Affairs, and 
enable me to prosecute my own Wishes 
and the Intentions of Congress. — I 




cannot conclude this Letter without 
suggesting the Necessity that the looo 
Tents, for which I had your Excellency's 
Assurances, may be sent on without a 
Moment's Delay — and that Mr. Finnie, 
D. Q. M. Genl, may be ordered to repair 
to my Head Quarters immediately — a 
System of Communication will be set- 
tled, — at the Establishment of which 
he should necessarily be present. I 
have other Reasons also for wishing 
him here. I must also beg the Liberty 
of adding the very defective State of 
Maherrin Bridge ; to the Representa- 
tion I have already made of Pomunky 
and Petersburgh Ferries, & hope these 
Objects, as they need the Redress, so 
they will meet with the Attention of 
your honorable Council. 

I am &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To His Excellency Govr Jefferson 

No. lo 

Hillsborough 20th July 1780 

The last Letter I am honored with 
from your Excellency is dated the 21st 
Ulto with the Resolves of Congress of 
the 17th & 19th inclosed ; those I imme- 
diately communicated to Govr Jefferson. 
I was unfortunate in finding the Treas- 
ury of Virginia without a single Dollar, 
near Two Millions having been sent to 
Congress, some few Days before my arri- 
val at Richmond ; and it is with deep 
Regret I find the like Deficiency in this 
State — without Money, without Pro- 
visions — without Tents — and without 
many Articles, which I shall enumerate 
to the Board of War ; — I have before me 
the most unpromising Prospect my Eyes 

ever beheld — ^but with the united and 
animated Endeavors of Virginia and 
North Carolina, I am yet in Hopes all 
may be saved — for indeed at present all 
seems in Danger. — My Letters of yester- 
day's Date to Governor Nash and Gov • 
ernor Jefferson, copies of which are 
inclosed, will in some Degree describe 
the Situation of Affairs in this Depart- 
ment — a very dismal Picture indeed ! to 
which the inclosed Letter from Baron 
de Kalb, received yesterday, not a single 
Ray of Comfort is added. I can but do 
my best to support our tottering Fab- 
rick this Way, confident that Congress 
will, with what is left of the Southern 
States, do their utmost to strengthen and 
maintain the army under my command. 
My dispatches being closed, I shall set 
out immediately from here to join the 
army at Coxe's Mill, about Fifty miles to 
the Westward. From thence Congress may 
again expect to hear from me. I cannot 
yet know for Certainty where Mr. Clay 
Depy paym Genl is ; but somewhere in 
this State he must be. The immediate 
re-establishment of a Military Chest in 
this Department is the Sole Concern ; 
and I doubt not will be the instant 
care of Congress, With sentiments of 
the Highest Regard & 

I am 
H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Saml Huntington Esquire 
President of Congress. 

No. II 

Hillsborough 20th July 1780 

By this Time the Issue of your appli- 
cation to the Governor and Council of 
Virginia must be determined. I hope 



favorably to your Wishes and mine. I 
look up to the Cavalry for many services, 
in a Campaign, which from our domestic 
Management as well as the supposed 
energetic operations of the Enemy, must 
be a Campaign of much hazzard and 
some enterprise on our part. The Prac- 
ticability however of mounting all your 
Dragoons, is I fear questionable ; and 
upon an inquiry into our Force, I am 
led to confirm the Order which I pre- 
sented to you at Richmond, for the 
Direction of your Conduct — that it may 
not be mistaken, I think proper, to re* 
peat my Intentions ; that upon making 
the necessary Representation to Governor 
Jefferson, of your wants — you will arm 
the Detachment lately at Petersburgh, 
and march the whole from thence to 
Hallifax ; leaving an intelligent indus- 
trious officer to stimulate the State 
Agents in their Purchases. This officer 
will from Time to Time communicate 
their progress to you ; and should they 
succeed in procuring any considerable 
Number at the End of a Month or Six 
Weeks, he may bring them forward to 
the Corps ; — with such other additional 
supplies as may be obtained from the Gov- 
ernment. — After mounting such Num- 
ber of both Regiments at Hallifax as the 
state of your Horses and Accoutrements 
will admit, you will proceed immediately 
to my Head Quarters, with such also as 
must act on Foot (being the Residue 
of both Regiments) — An Officer with a 
small party, taken from those least fit to 
go on, must remain with the Horses to 
be left — who will occasionally Report 
theii state to you ; and answer the other 
important Papers of quickening the Pas- 
sage of your Supplies fro:i"i Virginia. — 

Mr. Long D Q M Genl shall have orders 
to afford you any assistance in his Line, 
to render your March easy and Expedi- 
tious. I am Sir & 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Colonel White of the Light Dragoons 
P. S. If from a scarcity of Arms at 
Richmond you cannot be provided 
there — some steps shall be taken to 
furnish you at this place. 

No. 12 

Hillsborough 20th July 1780 

My Letter to Congress of this Date, 
with the Inclosures, all which will doubt- 
less be referred to your Honourable 
Board, will give you a thorough Infor- 
mation of the State of Affairs here — and 
convince the Board how much their aid 
and authority will be wanting to support 
and supply the Army in this Department 
When I arrived at Richmond in Virginia, 
I found the Outlines of a Laboratory 
beginning to be laid; which I hope will 
shortly be in some degree perfected ; 
but the Board will not entirely depend 
on this, but send forward such Small 
Arm Stores as can be spared to Hills- 
borough. Five Hundred falling axes 
are absolutely necessary with the Army 
— this I have mentioned to Governor 
Jefferson — it may not be amiss in you to 
repeat it ; and request his sending them 
properly packed to the Army — I know 
not how we are supplied with intrenching 
Tools ; but those I will endeavor to get 
in this State. The Flints are bad, if 
better can be spared, send me 40,000 of 
such as are pick'd. The Stores you men- 
tion to have forwarded in your Letters 
of the 13th and 15th June, are not yet 



arrived — but cannot be far from hence, 
by the Time they must have been upon 
Road. Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter 
to Colo White at Halllfax. I desire the 
Board of War will if possible, leave the 
Cavalry under His Command ; without 
a Pretence for not returning to Camp. 
— I wish there appeared more Harmony 
between these gentlemen of the Cavalry 
and the Executive Council of Virginia — 
but indeed the Contrary is too appa- 
rent — it is nevertheless our Business, to 
strengthen the Files of the Southern 
Army as much as possible. Gibson's 
Brent's and the Remains of Buford's 
Regiments, are at Petersburgh, and when 
they will be equip'd and march'd to the 
Army, I know not ; all that I can do 
has been done, to spur up the State of 
Virginia, to put them also in Motion — 
A small Hint from Congress may facili- 
tate this, and many other Matters. 

As I have no answer to any Letter I 
have wrote you, since I rec'd the Orders 
of Congress to take command this way, 
I know not what is doing to supply the 
medical Department. — I yesterday wrote 
lo Doctor Rickman, who lives near Wil- 
liamsburgh, and ordered him to come 
and reside here, when the First General 
Hospital must be fixed. The Board will 
do well to enforce this Order, or see 
that some otherwise properly provided 
with a Director to the General Hospital 
of the Southern Army. Colonel Finnie, 
as I understand, the D. Q M Genl of 
the Southern Army; has rec'd my Orders, 
to repair to, and reside at Richmond, 
and to act from thence to Hillsborough 
in forwarding the carriages, and Stores 
& from thence to the Camp. — I do not 
know if he will quit his Residence at 

Williamsburgh ; if not, another should 
be instantly put in his Place. — One 
Hundred Waggons Continental Proper- 
ty should be immediately supplied this 
Army. — I am told Colo Hunter of PVed- 
ericksburgh would willingly furnish them 
upon Credit if the Board requests his 
doing it — This cannot too soon be done. 
I am earnest for the arrival of the Arms> 
and the Three Hundred and Sixty Thou- 
sand Musquet Cartridges, you mention, 
in your Letter of the 15 th Ultimo to be 
sending forward. 

I am &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To the President of the Board of War 

No. 13 

Hillsborough 20th July 1780 

Dear Baron 

Yesterday I had the Honor to receive 
your obliging Letter of the i6th Instant, 
dated from your Camp on Deep River. 
I am astonished at your Distress, and 
Difficulties, and have ever since my 
arrival here, upon last Tuesday, been 
endeavoring to alleviate them. I have 
sent Despatches to the Governor and 
Executive Council of this State — to 
Governor Jefferson of Virginia and to 
Congress. In all these you may be sat- 
isfied, I have described our Real Situa- 
tion, so that no Mistake may be enter- 
tained on that Head. Enough has 
already been lost in a vain defence of 
Charles Town, if more is sacrificed, I 
think the Southern States are undone ; 
and this may go nearly to undo the 
Rest. I think all my writing Business 
will be finished to-day, if so, I shall set 
out To-morrow for Camp and hope to 




left Virginia, and to whom intrusted — 
as it carries exceedingly the appearance 
of Neglect or Fraud 

No. 16. 

Hillsborough 20th July 1780 

In a Letter from Baron de Kalb of 
the 1 6th Instant is the following Para- 
graph, **You may have met with a 
small Detachment of Colo Buford*s Re- 
mains. I wanted to keep them with the 
Army, but wanting Arms and Cloathing, 
he insisted on marching them to Vir- 
ginia, and promised me he would join 
in the beginning of July. I have not 
heard from him since." In the Diffi- 
culty of finding Arms and Cloathing I 
can find an Excuse for your Delay 
hitherto. Those Articles, I cannot but 
suppose are by this Time furnished ; 
and in that belief, must convey my 
orders, that you join the Army under 
my Command as early as possible. But 
should any accident have arisen to pre- 
vent your Supplies, you will make such 
urgent application to the Executive 
Authority of the State, as the Necessity 
of the Case so clearly demands — and 
when prepared, lose not a Moment in 
coming forward. I can add Nothing 
upon the Subject of collecting your 
Men, in your passage hither, which your 
own Judgment will not suggest. 
I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Colonel Buford 

No. 17 
Hillsborough 2 2d July 1780 
Dear Sir 

Provisions and carriages sufficient for 
the Troops under your Command being 

prepared, you will at Day break on 
Monday Morning next, march from your 
present Encampment, by the most con- 
venient Route for Cox's Mills, and from 
thence to the Grand Camp of the 
Southern Army. You will proceed by 
easy Stages, so as not to fatigue your 
Troops. Upon your last Halt previous 
to your joining the Army, you will des- 
patch your Quarter Master to me, to 
receive Directions, where the Troops 
under your Command are to encan*.p. 
Confident that you will preserve the 
utmost Order and Regularity upon your 
March, practicing your Militia in that 
strict Discipline the same as is necessary 
in the Face of the Enemy, I forbear 
to trouble you with more particular 
Instructions. I only hint that as 
Nothing can have more pernicious Con- 
sequences, than suffering with Impunity 
any wanton Depredations, on the Inhabi- 
tants, our Friends and Fellow Citizens, 
that you will severely punish all who 
commit any outrages of that Sort. 
I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To General Stevens Virginia Militia 

No. 18 

Hillsborough 22d July 1780 

I sent your Excellency a large Packet 
yesterday by Captain Pendleton of the 
Caroline County Militia ; he was di- 
rected to leave it with the stationed 
Express on Roanoke near Taylor's 
Ferry, who had a Written Order to set 
out with it immediately for the next 
Stage. The Letter for the Congress 
Board of War, &c I conclude your Ex- 
cellency will forward with the like Dis« 



patch. This Morning Mr. Samuel Lewis 
appeared here with a large drove of 
Cattle, going with them to Charlotte- 
ville. The Troops here being entirely 
in Want, I have detained sixteen of 
them for your Militia under Genl 
Stevens. I perceive Mr. Lewis's con- 
tract is for Three Thousand Head, and 
he iiklorms me they are all designed to 
be sent to VirgmuL I beg your Ex- 
cell'y will consider how enormous a 
Draught this is from a State already 
invaded, and where the Southern Army 
void of a Magazine is to be supported. 
I exceedingly approve of Mr. Lewis's 
Vigilance and Activity in procuring 
Cattle, but cannot help requesting the 
produce of this Industry may be applied 
to the Maintenance of the Army, or at 
least so large a proportion of it, as to 
leave us without the Reach of Want. 
I am happy to find by your Excellency's 
Letter to Colonel Monro, that the two 
Regiments of Cavalry with Gibson's, 
Brent's and Buford's Regiments are in a 
way to be pushed forward to Camp. 
The same Letter also informs me that 
Major Lee's Infantry are also on the 
March to join us. I beseech yr Excell'y 
to continue to leave all these Corps 
without a Reason for not joining the 
Southern Army ; as soon as their Zeal 
for the Public Service will prompt them 
to do it. I am told there is a great deal 
of Tent Cloth in this State, I think at 
Willmington, Edenton, Hallifax and 
Cross Creek. Your Excy will doubtless 
by this Information be induced instantly 
to provide your Militia from thence. I 
dispair of any Assistance from the Con- 
tinental Board of War, in this Article, 
and request your Excelly not to think 

of it. I request the favor of yr Excelly 
not to think of it. I request the favor 
of yr Excelly to be particular in for- 
warding the inclosed to Mrs. Gates by 
the first safe conveyance ; 'her letters 
to me will be sent addressed to your 
care. I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To His Excellency Governor Jefferson 

No. 19 
Cox's Mills 25th July 1780 

Last night I arrived at this Camp in 
consequence of a Resolve of Congress 
investing me with the command of the 
Southern Department. I beg leave to 
give you the earliest Notice thereof, and 
to communicate my wish that a System 
of future Operation may be forthwith 
determined upon. To fulfil that Inten- 
tion, I am to request a Meeting of the 
General Officers at this place, on Thurs- 
day Morning next, and to entreat the 
favor that you, Genl Rutherford and 
Genl Harrington will attend. I am 
happy to acquaint you that the Virginia 
Militia, with such Continental Corps of 
Cavalry and Infantry as Congress have 
alloted to serve in the Southern Army, 
are in full March, and will speedily 
join us ; and have also the satisfaction 
to think, that the Measures taking by 
the Executive Council of Virginia in 
conjunction with that of this State, will 
shortly relieve our Distress and put it 
amply in our Power to push the Enemy 
from their Advanced Posts. With sen- 
timents of Esteem and Regard, 
I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Major Genl Caswell 

(North Carolina Militia) 



P. S. I request the Favor of your 
immediate Answer by the Bearer, and 
that you will communicate the Contents 
of this Letter to Genl Rutherford. 

No. 20 

Head Quarters 27 th July 1780 

Major General Baron de Ralb has 
acquainted me that he has for some 
Days expected the Return of Fifteen 
Waggons, that were sent to Cross Creek 
about twelve Days ago. They were to 
load with Rum, Salt, and Com ; I wish 
to see those waggons or to know the 
Reason of their Delay. I cannot ex- 
press the Anxiety I feel for the Want of 
a proper Supply of Flour — I wish you 
would exert yourself, and interest every 
Servant, and every good Whig, and 
Friend of the Public, to strain every 
Nerve to supply us. — A Letter I have 
this moment received from Major Genl 
Caswell informs me, that the Cry for 
Bread in his camp is full a loud as mine. 
I am confident your anxiety to serve 
your Country will lead you to do all that 
is possible to supply the Army. 

I am &c 

H[0RATI0] G[aTKs] 

To Peter Mallett Esquire 
Comy Purchases 

No. 21 

Camp Kimborough 29th July 1780 

I have the satisfaction to acquaint you 
that I arrived Here this morning with 
the Mar>-land Line &c. General Ste- 
vens with the Virginia Militia is about a 
Days march in my Rear. — This morning 
I sent an express to Genl Caswell, 

and informed him that I should march 
on Monday Morning at 3 oclock for 
Masque's Ferry. The Virginia Militia 
will follow immediately. I would fain 
receive yours as well as General Cas- 
well's Opinion upon the circumstances, 
and State of the Enemy, by the Time I 
arrive at Masque's Ferry ; and I desire 
Sir, that you will believe with him, that 
I shall be earnest that our joint and re- 
ciprocal Exertions, may be directed 
against the main body of the Enemy. 
Such Deserters as arrive from* the 
Enemy's Regular Troops, I desire may 
be immediately sent to me. 

I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates1 
To Brigr Genl Rutherford 

No. 22 

Camp Kimborough 
Saturday 29th July 1780. 

Your favor of the 26th from Moor's 
Ferry I received the 27th in the evening 
at Spinks's 12 Miles West of Deep River. 
— The aSth I march'd to Cottons and 
this morning from thence here, — I now 
dispatch the Bearer to know where you 
and General Rutherford are at present 
encamped, and if you are at Colston's as 
I conceive you must be finding from 
your Letter to General de Kalb dated 
23d July last (which however did not 
receive until the 25 th at 4 P. M.) that 
you were marched from the Cross Roads ; 
I immediately put the Troops in mo- 
tion from Deep River, resolvd to sup- 
port you, and Genl Rutherford so did 
not waite for nor expect your obeying 
my summons to come to Cox's Mill.— 
Yesterday a Deserter from the 71st Reg- 



iment arrived in my Camp at Cottons ; 
he assures me the Enemy evacuated the 
Cheraws, and all their outposts, quite to 
Camden, on Sunday Night last. — This 
is also confirmed by several others. — 
Whether the movements you have been 
making toward Peedee ; has occasioned 
the Enemy's Assembling at Camden, or 
Intelligence they have received from Sea, 
is uncertain. — Be that as it may, it is our 
Business to act as if the former alone 
was the Cause. I therefore request the 
Favour you will send me all the Intelli- 
gence in your power of Lord Comwal- 
lis* Designs ; and your opinion what in 
the Circumstance, it is best for us to do. 
My Horses are so jaded and the Artillery 
and Baggage so far behind, that it will 
be impossible for the Maryland Line to 
march before Monday morning 3 o'clock. 
— General Stevens and the Virginia mil- 
itia arrived only yesterday at Deep 
River. I cannot expect he will be here 
before Tuesday — he was even then dis- 
tressed for Flour. 

This General, Genl de Kalb has been 
the means in some Degree of relieving, 
by a Supply he had taken Measures to 
procure from the Moravians. This 
•supply is also extended to the Troops 
here, or I know not how we should have 
been able to march forward — so clean 
Genl Rutherfords Troops and yours have 
swept this part of the Country. — Lord 
Comwallis's collecting his Troops in 
One Body is perhaps a good Reason to 
us for doing the same ; but this Depends 
upon the Intelligence we may get, and 
many Circumstances that it is not neces- 
sary to particularize in a Letter. 

I am &c H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Major General Caswell 

No. 23 


Head Quarters differt Dates in 
July & Aug 1780 

You will be pleased to forward to the 
District of the Militia Regiment which 
you Command (on Peedei River in the 
State of So Carolina) and when you 
shall arrive there, you will give the 
fullest assurances in my Name to the 
Friends of the United States of Amer- 
ica, that a Powerful Army is marching 
to their protection, and that such of 
them as from the Necessity of protect- 
ing their persons and property have 
been obliged to profess a temporary ac- 
quiescence under the British Govern- 
ment, shall be received with Forgiveness 
and Security provided they have not 
taken an active Part against the Friends 
of America, and are willing to testify 
their Affection to the Cause of Liberty 
by joining heartily when called upon, in 
the laudable Design of rescuing them- 
selves and their Country, from the Mis- 
eries under which they now labour from 
the Oppression of the British Govern- 
ment ; but if any should be so lost to 
a Sense of Honor, and the Duty they 
owe their Country, as to maintain a dif- 
ferent Conduct ; they alone will be to 
blame for whatever Consequences may 
ensue. — You will likewise Sir, be pleased 
to call out as many of your Regiment, 
as can possibly be spared, and march 
them immediately, as fully armed 
and accourtred as Circumstances will 
admit, to Head Quarters. The propor- 
tion to be called out I leave to your dis- 
cretion, recommending to your consid* 



eration that the Time is now arrived, 
for the State of South Carolina to exert 
every Nerve ; and that we have the fair- 
est prospect that their Efforts will be 
crowned witn Success. 

If there should be any Vacancies for 
Commissioned Officers in the Regiment 
of Militia which you Command occa- 
sioned either by Death, Absence, or 
Refusal to Act, you are hereby author- 
ized and empowered to fill up such 
Vacancies, by Brevets Given under Your 
Hand and Seal, which shall be valid, 
until proper Commissions can be issued; 
when your Appointments shall be con- 

As it will be necessary to collect a 
large Quantity of Provisions for the 
Support of the Army under my Com- 
mand — You are hereby authorized and 
empowered to give Certificates for the 
full value of such Grain and other pro- 
visions as you may purchase for this 
Purpose; which Certificates shall be 
regularly discharged by my Commissary 
General of Purchases — ^and if you shall 
not be able to purchase a sufficient 
Quantity, you have my Warrants to im- 
press as much as you may judge neces- 
sary, leaving a sufficient Quantity for 
the Support of each Family, and giving 
Certificates for what shall be impressed. 
With Respect to such Persons as refuse 
to take up Arms under pretense of being 
on parole — none are to be considered in 
such Light, but the Prisoners under the 
Capitulation of Charles Town, and Fort 
Moultrie, regular officers and such of 
the Militia as were taken under arms in 
actual Service. — All others who shall 
neglect or refuse to obey your Sum- 
mons, are to be considered as Default- 

ers, and a List of their Names regularly 
transmitted to me, that I may take such 
Measures against them as may bring 
them to a Sense of their Duty. 

H[oRATio] G[atks] 

To Colonels Giles, Hicks, ) 

and Others ; Officers of > Circular 
Militia South Carolina ) 

No. 24 

Camp Kimborough 30th July 17 So 
Dear Sir 

Captain Paschke acquaints me, has 
been able to supply you with Flour, 
upon your Arrival at Coxe's ; I am sorry 
you wanted it, as I was in Hopes that 
you would have been able to have 
brought with you from Hillsborough 
eight Days Allowance, besides what 
was necessary for the March there, 
but since it will no better be, I re- 
quest you will march on with the most 
convenient Expedition. — The Desart 
affords Nothing, therefore the sooner 
we get through it the better. — By 
Deserters from the Enemy, Prison- 
ers who have escaped from them, and 
Inhabitants who have come into my 
Camp, to receive Pardon for their 
Crimes; and ask protection from the 
power that prevails ; I am informed 
that the Enemy retreated precipitately 
from Anson Court House, and the 
Cheraws, last Sunday Night — in conse- 
quence thereof I shall March with all 
possible Haste, and Endeavor all in my 
Power to push Lord Comwallis into 
Charles Town — Sure of your Support 
in every Effort to defeat the Enemy 
I rest &c 

H[oRATio] G[atesJ 
To Brigadier Genl Stevens 



No. 25 

Camp Kimborough 30th July 1780 

4 p. M. 
Dear Sir 

I am honored by the Receipt of yours 
by Genl Harrington dated Yesterday 
from Anson Court House, I am happy 
your Sentiments so perfectly agree with 
mine; that a speedy Junction of our 
Whole Force should be directly affected; 
and it adds to my Satisfaction, that you 
have ordered General Rutherford im- 
mediately to join you at Ancram's 
Plantation. The Congress, the So 
States, and Genl Washington do earn- 
estly wish that no more Capital Misfor- 
tunes may befal us to the Southward, to 
prevent that, I shall march by the direct 
Route to Andersons and hope there to 
fall in with you and General Rutherford. 
General Stevens with the Virginia Mili- 
tia shall have Orders to follow me forth- 
with, and I desire you will instantly 
send to Genl Butler (whose Route I am 
unacquainted with) to march by the 
shortest Road to Andersons. — General 
Harrington (with whom I have great 
Pleasure in being acquainted) is in Sen- 
timent with me in this Determination ; 
and will at my Request relate to you 
the Conversation we have had upon the 

I am &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Major Genl Caswell 

No. 26. 

Camp Westside Mask's Ferry 
2d August 1780 
Dear Sir 

A prodigious heavy Gust having over- 
taken us yesterday in crossing the Ferry, 

we are detained here this Day, as it will 
be impossible to cross all the Artillery 
and Baggage before this Night. 

Upon your marching from Masque's 
Ferry, I desire you will establish a 
Guard of a Major, Two Captains, Six 
Subs, Six Sergeants and two Hundred 
Rank and File, to guard the Ferry. The 
Major should receive your orders to 
keep a small Guard upon the Banks of 
the River on each side, and post his * 
Main Body at some House upon the 
high ground on the West Side of the 
River. — You will also direct him to 
send small Parties up and down the 
River to collect all the Flats, Boats & 
Pettiaugers that are not immediately 
requisite at some particular Ferry upon 
a Main Road leading from the East- 
ward. — I impatiently wish to hear from 
you, and still more to see you and 
yours — I have not yet received a Line 
in Answer to the Letters I wrote you. 
I am 8zc 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 

To Brigadier Genl Stevens 

P. S. What News have you from the 
Eastward? I have none since I left 
Richmond, which astonishes me. 

No. 27 

The West Side Mask's Ferry 
Thursday 3d August 1780 

I should have been glad to have re- 
ceived a Line in Answer to the Letter I 
wrote you by General Harrington, to 
have been certain that you would meet 
me at Anderson's; it would have re- 
lieved my Mind from many anxieties; — 
as it is I suffer every Distress for want 
of Provisions, and know not if I can 



expect any Relief where I am going ; 
from you — General Rutherford and 
your Command have gleaned the Coun- 
try on both Sides of the River; and 
the Virginia Militia stick in my Rear, 
and devour all that comes forward. — 
This is a Mode of conducting War I am 
a stranger to — The Whole should sup- 
port and sustain the Whole, or the Parts 
will soon go to Decay — General Cas- 
well's Zeal for the Public Service will 
induce him to consider my Situation, 
and be explicit in acquainting me how 
far in my present Distress I can depend 
upon him. I conclude General Ruther- 
ford has obeyed your Order, and that 
he is now with you. — The heavy Rains 
since General Harrington left me has 
delayed us so much that the Artillery 
Stores & Baggage will only be on this 
side the Ferry by 9 o'clock this Morn- 
ing, when I shall instantly march (in the 
firm expectation of finding you there) 
to Anderson's — I also earnestly expect 
from you a supply of Provisions. 

I am &c, 

H[oRATio G[ates']. 

To Major General Caswell 

No. 28 

West Side of Peedee near Masque's 
Ferry 3d August 1780 

I had the honor to address yr 
Excellency from Hillsborough the 
19th ultimo by General Huger. The 
Distress this Army has suffered, and 
still Continues to suffer, for Want of 
Provisions has perhaps destroyed the 
finest Opportunity that could be pre- 
sented of driving in the Enemy's Ad- 

vanced Posts, in all likelyhood even 
unto Charles Town. Lord Cornwallis 
is believed to be gone to Savannah, — 
has weakened his Main Body at Camden, 
where Lord Rawdon commands, and 
withdrawn the Troops from Augusta, 
Cheraw and Anson Court House. — I 
am astonished that I have no Intelligence 
of any Flour coming to me from the 
Interior part of the State. Your Exy 
cannot believe this miserable Country 
(already Ravaged by the Enemy, & 
gleaned by the Militia under the Gen- 
erals Caswell and Rutherford) can af- 
ford an Handful to me. — I must 
believe from your Excellency's Letter, 
in answer to mine from Richmond, that 
you had thus done all you thought ne- 
cessary to provide us. — I am anxious 
that this Letter should find your Excelly 
and the Executive Council at Hills- 
borough, exerting all your Authority and 
Influence to supply your almost fam- 
ish'd Troops — Flour and Rum are the 
Articles most in request in this Climate, 
which bad water contributes to render 
more unwholesome — Rum is as neces- 
sary to the Health of a Soldier as good 
Food — Without these, full Hospitals 
and a thin Army will be all that your 
State or the Congress can depend upon 
in the Southern Depart — for my own 
part, I have never lost one Moment in 
pressing the Army forward from the In- 
stant I join'd it to this Moment ; and 
when I can do more, more shall be 
done — Depend not, Sir, upon Com- 
missaries, they will deceive you — depend 
only upon honest Men of sound Whig 
Principles — and whose Souls are supe- 
rior to sordid Gain — General Stevens, 
with the Virginia Militia, is halted at 



Buffalo Ford, Fifty Miles in my Rear, 
and cannot proceed for Want of Pro- 
visions — I march To-morrow at Day- 
break. I am &c, 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Governor Nash. 

P S General Rutherford's Division 
have Tents — I hope those I wrote for 
to your Excellency are in a fair Way to 
be sent forward. 

No. 29 

Camp Masks* Ferry West side of Peedee 

3d August 1780 

I have not received any answer to the 
Letters I had the Honor to write Your 
Excellency from Hillsboro. Since I 
joined the Army upon Deep River, my 
Distress has been inconceivable, of 
which the enclosed Copy of a Letter of 
this Days Date to Governor Nash will 
Convince your Excellency. I wish I 
could say the Supplies from Virginia 
had been a reproval to North Carolina. 
I am ashamed to say, their Backward- 
ness rather countenances, than disgraces, 
their Sister State. What can the Execu- 
tive Councils of both States believe will 
be the consequences of such unpardon- 
able Neglect. I will yet hope your 
Excellency is doing all in your Power 
to supply your half starved Fellow Citi- 
zens. Flour, Rum and Droves of Bul- 
locks should without Delay be for- 
warded to this Armyy or the Southern 
Department will soon want one to 
defend it. It has rained furiously for 
several Days, and our Militia are still 
without Tents ; therefore I expect De- 
sertions and the Hospital will s])eedily 

leave Genl Stevens without any Com- 
mand. I wish I could present your 
Excellency with a more pleasing Account 
of the Public Affairs this Way, but the 
Duty I owe to the United States obliges 
me to represent Things truly as they 
are. Colonel Harrison of the Artillery 
has been severely wounded in the Leg 
by a kick from a Horse, which splintered 
the Bone ; he was left at Buffalo Ford 
on Deep River, and I am this day 
informed, is worse than when I parted 
from him. As the Time of his Recovery 
is uncertain, I beg the favor of your 
Excy to acquaint Lt Colo Carrington 
that it is my orders he forthwith join 
this Army. I would also request your 
Excelly to order One Hundred Copies 
of the enclosed Proclamation to be 
immediately struck off and sent me by 
the Return of this Express. 
I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Governor Jefferson 

No. 30 

Peedee 3d August 1780 

The Governor will acquaint you with 
the Reason for my desiring your imme- 
diate Attendance in Camp, at the Time 
of writing to him, I was too much 
engaged to write to you particularly. 

Before you leave Richmond, I desire 
you will see all the Musket Cartridges 
prepared and the Flints I mentioned to 
you sent forward with a Conductor. I 
hope to see you as soon as possible 
being with sentiments of Esteem, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 

To Lieut Colonel Cairington of Artillery 



will be exerted to obtain success in a 
Conquest, that must redound so much 
to your Honor and prove in its Conse- 
quences so beneficial to the United 
States. — I must likewise recommend to 
your particular Attention the Situation of 
those unfortunate Men who have been 
obliged to take the Oath of allegiance to 
the then prevailing Power of Great 
Britain — to whom you will be pleased to 
follow the Line of Conduct laid down in 
my Letter of Instructions to the officers 
Commanding Militia Regiments in this 
State. — In a firm Belief that you will do 
everything that the best officer can do 
to obtain success, 

I rest &c 

H [or A tig] G[ates] 
To General Harrington 

No. 37 

Head Quarters near Anderson's Creek 
Cross Roads, 7th Augt 1780 
Dear Colo 

After a rapid March of Forty Miles 
in two Days, we have arrived within 
Fourteen Miles of the Enemy's Post at 
Lynch's Creek, but they have prudently 
thought proper to decamp last night for 
Camden. We here form'd a junction 
with Major Genl Caswell whose numer- 
ous Division is well found well arm'd 
and accoutred and eager for Action. — 
Upon the Whole we form an army fully 
sufficient to drive our late insulting Foes 
to Charles Town, without the consider- 
able Reinforcements which are commg 
up. — General Gates (who now commands 
in chief in the Southern Department) de- 
sires to be particularly acquainted with 
your Situation, and any Late Intelligence 
you may have collected. He would 

therefore be glad if you would send him 
a Confidential Officer, well instructed 
upon the necessary Points, immediately 
— If you should not be able to spare an 
Officer, you will be pleased to write fully, 
but so as to be calculated for accidents 
— The State of Provisions in your neigh- 
borhood, should be particularly attended 
to, and Intelligence concerning it, imme- 
diately sent. I am &c 

By order of Genl Gates, 

Pinckney, Major 
To Colonel Sumpter. 

No. 38 


Camp Lynch's Creek 
8th August 1780 

You will be pleased to proceed imme- 
diately on the Rout which the Enemy 
have taken, with the Virginia Troops, 
the Light Infantry of General Caswell's 
Division, and the Detachment of Cav- 
alry which is ordered to join you, under 
your Command. Your object will be to 
hang upon the Enemy's Rear ; to harrass 
them as much as lies in your Power, and 
to take every Advantage which Circum- 
stances may offer. — I place so entire a 
Confidence in your Military Abilities, 
Prudence and Courage, that I leave the 
conduct of your operations altogether to 
your own Discretion, not doubting that 
you will distress the Enemy as much as 
lies in your Power ; without hazarding 
too much the Troops under your Com- 
mand. I shall order a Body of 600 men 
to march early in the evening to support 
your Detachment. — A Deserter who 
is lately come in, gives Intelligence 
that the Enemy halted this Morning on 
an Eminence four miles beyond Little 



Lynch's Creek ; where they purpose to 
remain till the cool of the Evening. 

[I am &c] 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Colonel Porterfield 

No. 39 

Head Quarters 9 th August 1780 

The Object to be effected by the 
Detachment under your Command, is to 
support Lt Colo Porterfield, who is 
advanced with a Body of Light Troops, 
to harrass the Enemy's Rear. You will 
therefore be pleased to proceed Six 
Miles, on the Road leading to Camden 
by Little Lynch's Creek ; where you 
will take an advantageous Position, and 
remain till you shall receive further 
Orders from me, or shall find it necessary 
to advance in support of Colonel Porter- 
field. Colonel Senf, Chief Engineer will 
proceed, with a Party to reconnoitre the 
Ground and fix an Encampment for the 
Army ; to which I shall advance as soon 
as the whole is in a proper situation to 
march. [I am, &c] 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Colonel Hall 

No. 40 

Head Quarters American Army 

So Dept 

9th August, 1780 

The Baron de Kalb has communicated 
to me a Letter which he had the Honor 
of receiving from Your Lordship, on the 
subject of Captain McCallister's Con- 
duct while within your Lines with a 
Flag of Truce. The Accusation gave 
me much pain — from which I was happy 
in being released, by Captain McCallis- 

ter's Explanation of his Transactions. 
The Letter addressed to Mr. Rugely on 
which the Suspicions were chiefly 
founded, he assures me was Nothing 
more than a short Introductory Letter 
unsealed, from Major Pinckney of South 
Carolina to Mr. Rugely, recommending 
Captain McCallister to the Common 
Offices of Hospitality, from which the 
Character he was in, certainly did not 
preclude him — and of which the Want of 
Public Accommodations upon the Road 
induced him to make Use of. On Capn 
McCallister 's Arrival at Mr. Rugely 's, 
escorted by one of your officers, he 
delivered the Letter in Question to a 
Lady, whom he mistook for Mrs. Rugely, 
but on being apprized of his mistake, 
desired her to restore ijt, with a View of 
delivering it to Mr. Rugely, if he should 
meet with him. Major Pinckney, who 
is now in my Family, likewise assures 
me that he gave a Letter to Captain 
McCallister to the above purport, and 
contained nothing more. With respect 
to discourses held by this Gentleman 
with any Person within your Lines, he 
declares that he spoke with nobody 
whatever unless by your Lordship's Per- 
mission with Doctor Charlton, in pres- 
ence of a british Officer — and to some 
Persons on the Road, who came up and 
address'd him, in presence and within 
hearing of the Officer who was sent to 
escort him. I have thought it necessary 
to be thus particular in the Detail of 
Circumstances, as well for the Honor of 
the American Army, as to obviate any 
Imputation which may be cast on a 
Young Gentleman of Character, who has 
received Marks of Favor from Congress, 
for his distinguished Exertions in the 



all possible Despatch hkher : — to en- 
deavor to fall upon some Plan, in con- 
junction with the Legislature of this 
State, for the Defence of so much thereof 
as it is yet possible to save from the 
Enemy — I shall immediately Despatch 
a Flag to Lord Comwallis to know the 
Situation of our wounded — the number 
of Prisoners and Condition in his Hands 
— I Send this Letter open to the Gover- 
nor of Virginia, that he may take proper 
measures in the present Emergency. 
He will Scale and forward it immediately 
by the Bearers Colo Senf and Major 
Magill my Aid de Camp — who are well 
acquainted with all the Circumstances 
of my march, from where I joined Gen- 
eral de Kalb, to the unfortunate Hour 
of the Defeat. The Distresses of the 
Campaign previous thereto, almost ex- 
ceed Description. Famine, Want of 
Tents for the Militia, and of every Com- 
fort necessary for the Troops in this 
unwholesome Climate, has no doubt, in 
a Degree, contributed to our Ruin. Had 
it been practicable to have rallied the 
Militia at any given Distance from the 
Field of Battle, and could I have even 
Collected Ammunition and a Magazine ; 
there was no making a Post properly 
defencible ; as I had not any Intrench- 
ing Tools — a Want which I so long rep- 
resented. We lost only Eight Pieces of 
Cannon in the Action. Baron de Kalb 
having been obliged to leave the Rest 
on the East Side of Roanoak, and at 
Hillsborough, but most assuredly the 
small arms are gone, for those that the 
Enemy did not take are carried off by 
the Militia. I mention this that proper 
Measures may be taken to supply Arms. 
It is a considerable Copsolation to my 

Mind, that I never made any Movement 
of Importance, or took any considerable 
measure, without the consent and appro- 
bation of all the General officers, and 
particularly in the Night of the 15 th, 
after the First attack of the Enemy — 
they gave their unanimous opinions, 
that there was no retreating with Safety, 
and that a Battle must be fought at all 
Events. — Seized with a violent Disorder, 
occasioned by the 'Fatigues I have under- 
gone, I must entreat the Indulgence of 
Congress, for the defects of this Letter, 
and have therefore sent Colonel Senf 
Chief Engineer and my Aid de Camp 
Major Magill to answer any Questions 
and clear up every Doubt, that can be 
suggested — to whom I beg leave to refer 
your Excellency and that Honble Body. 
With Sentiments of the greatest Regard 
& Respect &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To the President of Congress 

No. 43 

Hillsborough 2 2d August 1780 
Dear Genl 

Upon my Arrival at Charlotte the 
Night of the i6th Instant, I reflected 
there were neither Army Ammunition 
or Intrenching Tools, and that to think 
of maintaining that post without these 
was risquing a Second Loss perhaps 
greater than the First. I therefore re- 
solved to proceed directly hither, to 
give Orders for assembling the Conti- 
nental Troops on the March from Vir- 
ginia, to direct the Three Corps of Horse 
at X Creek to cover the stores &c there, 
and to urge the Resources of Virginia to 
be drawn forth for our Support. I also 
have forwarded some Volunteer Horse 



towards P. D. and upon other Roads 
Westward, to succour our People and 
Waggons retiring from the Enemy. 
Captain Richmond informed me last 
night you had halted at Charlotte, and 
was assembling Militia there. I may be 
mistaken but with all deference to your 
opinions I think Salisbury a better 
Position ; as it brings our Force, and 
that what we hope to collect, more within 
supporting Distance of each other, and 
certainly covers the Country more 
effectually. Now should the Enemy 
march out with a superior force to Char- 
lotte, wanting the proper Means of 
Defence, you must be obliged to retire, 
which I hope you will then be able to 
do towards Salisbury. I hope Colonel 
Sumpter is yet on the West Side of the 
Wateree, as I am confident he gives the 
Enemy infinitely more jealousy by re- 
maining there, than he can possibly do 
by joining you, for in that Case they 
would have only one Object to attend 
to. My Despatches to Congress, the 
Governor of Virginia, &c, went off yes- 
terday by Colonel Senf and Major 
Magill. Governor Nash, the Speaker of 
Assembly, and part of the Legislature, 
are assembled here. I have conferred 
with them, and believe such powers will 
be immediately lodged in the Executive 
Council as will be absolute for the Time. 
Mr. Mallet declines taking any more 
State Paper, or acting officially as a 
State Commissary Genl. I shall there- 
fore deposite in His Hand such 
Draughts, &c as will enable him to 
carry on the Business upon the Conti- 
nental Account. Whatever you recom- 
mend upon this Head, I will do, and 
your opinion of the places where pro- 

vision and carriages should be collected 
shall have full Weight with me — for the 
present I have mentioned Salisbury, 
Hillsborough and X Creek, and the 
East Side of Taylor's Ferry, but as the 
last depends upon Virginia, I have 
recommended that Measure to the Ex- 
ecutive of that State. While I continue 
in office will exert my utmost to serve 
the public Interest, but as unfortunate 
Generals are most commonly recalled, I 
expect that will be my Case, and some 
other Continental General of Rank, sent 
in my Place to Command. When he 
arrives I shall give him every Advice 
and Information in my power — in the 
Mean Time I doubt not Sir, that the 
Candour and Friendship, that has sub- 
sisted between us, will continue, and 
that you are infinitely superior to the 
ungenerous Custom of the many who 
without benefiting themselves constantly 
hunt down the unfortunate. I shall be 
happy to hear from you by the First 
Express — who, you will be careful, is 
properly escorted. — Every Reinforce- 
ment from Virginia and the Eastern 
Parts of this, State shall be collected, 
and your opinions in the Disposal 
thereof, shall have due Weight. 
I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Major General Caswell 

No. 44 

Hillsborough 24th August 1780 
Dear General 

Upon my Arrival here, I instantly 
Despatched Messengers to Congress, to 
the Governor of Virginia, and to every 
Post and Person that the Public Service 
required to be sent to. Upon consult- 



ing with the Governor and Executive of 
this State I am convinced it is highly 
proper I should immediately determine 
to make this place the General Ren- 
dezvous of the Southern Army, from 
whence and only from whence we can 
be provided with what is absolutely 
necessary, for our Acting offensively or 
defensively as occasion shall offer. I 
must therefore request you will March 
the Maryland Line, and such of the 
Artillery Officers and Men, as may be 
with you, by the Rout of Guilford Court 
House, directly to Hillsborough. I am 
happy, as my misfortunes will permit 
me to be, in hearing of yours and Gest*s 
Safety, and so many of my ever Hon- 
ored Continental Friends have escaped 
from the Enemy. 

I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To Brigadier Genl Smallwood 

No. 45 

Hillsborough 27th August 1780 


I have this Moment seen your Letter 
of the 2 2d Inst to Govr Nash, and find- 
ing from thence, that you are in a con- 
dition to make a stand upon the East 
Side of the Yadkin, near the Ford, I 
revoke my orders to you in my Letter of 
the 24th Inst and request you will con- 
tinue in that Position. I have a Letter 
dated the 12th of this Month from 
Governor Jefferson ; he writes therein 
that General Muhlenberg had just 
equipped 500 Continental Troops who 
would march in a Day or two to join the 
Southern Army. I shall send an Ex- 
press to meet them, and order the Com- 
manding officer to march directly to the 

Yadkin. The instant he arrives you 
will march hither to be equip'd. I have 
sent Purchasers to every Place, where 
anything that is proper for Cloathing the 
Continental Troops can be procured. 
My respectful Compliments waite on 
General Gist and the Gentlemen of the 
Maryland Line. 

I am, &c 

H[oRATio] G[atks] 
To Brigadier Genl Smallwood 

P. S. 234 of the Continental are 
come into this place. 

No. 46 

Hillsborough 28th August 1780 

It was only yesterday that I had the 
Honor to receive your Excellency's 
Letter from Philadelphia, dated the 6th 
July last — I am happy to acknowledge 
it so immediately — I shall in a few 
Days write very circumstantially, and 
particularly upon the Subjects your Ex- 
cellency wishes to have explained — In 
the mean Time I must beg you to have 
reference to my Letters to Congress and 
General Washington, which President 
Huntington will Communicate to your 
Excellency — We have had a severe 
Rebuke, but our affairs are by no means 
desperate — Long before the great de- 
cisive Strokes are struck at New York 
and in the West Indies — all will be re- 
instated in this Quarter — Your Excel- 
lency is both a Soldier and a Politician, 
but it hardly comes within your Expe- 
rience or your reading to match the 
Variety of Wants and Difficulties I 
have met with in this Campaign — The 
fall of that excellent Officer, the Baron 
de Kalb — so much to be regretted by 



France and the United States, has 
made my Misfortunes more poignant, 
but I believe the Day is fast Approach- 
ing when our Enemies will have little 
Reason to rejoice in the Victory they 
have gained. 

Colonel Malmady requests I would 
make him the Bearer of this Letter — 
but he has no further Commission from 
me to your Excellency. With Senti- 
ments of the highest Esteem, &c., 

H[oRATio] G[ates]. 
His Excellency 

Le Chevallier La Luzerne. 

No. 47 

Head Quarters 29th August 1780 

By this Flag I take the Liberty to 
request your Lordship will please to 
permit the Bearer, Doctor Johnson, 
Physician and Surgeon of the General 
Hospital of the Army, and Captain 
Drew, of Lt Colo Porterfield's Corps, to 
visit and attend the Sick and Wounded 
Officers and Soldiers that were taken 
by your Lordship in the Action of the 
1 6th inst, and afterwards from Colonel 
Sumpter — Both of these Men are of 
strict honor and probity, and I can be 
answerable they will not in any the 
Smallest Instance forfeit the Indulgence 
you are pleased to grant them — I must 
further entreat the Favor that your 
Lordship will please to permit Lieut. 
Colo Dubuysson, Aid de Camp to the 
Baron de Kalb, to go to Philadelphia 
upon Parole, as he has the Baron's Dy- 
ing Directions with Regard to his pri- 
vate Family Concerns as well in France 
as America — The Baggage and Papers 
belonging to the Baron are sent thither, 

where they are to remain until Colonel 
Dubuysson 's Arrival — I am to thank 
your Lordship for the Attention and 
Tenderness with which Captain Hamil- 
ton assures me the Wounded and Pris- 
oners have been treated at Camden — 
It has been an invariable Rule with me 
to observe the like Generous Lenity to 
all that have fallen into my Hands. Of 
this Fact Doctor Macnamara Hayes is a 
good Evidence 

With Sentiments of high Respect &c, 

H[oRATio] G[ates], 
M Genl & Comr in Chief 

Southern Army. 
To Lord Cornwallis. 

No. 48 

Hillsborough 30 August 1780 

I have the Honor to enclose you for 
the Perusal of Congress my Letter of 
this Date to General Washington — I 
beg it may be Sealed and sent with the 
First Despatch to His Excy. — I have 
made application to this State and Vir- 
ginia for each of them to furnish the 
Articles mentioned in the inclosed List 
The Govr and Legislature of this State 
will meet here this Day — I have the 
strongest Assurances from Governor 
Nash that my Requisition will without 
Hesitation be complied with. I leave 
the Vote of Men to be raised entirely 
to the States, thinking they will not in 
the present Emergency require any In- 
centive more pressing to prevail upon 
them to provide sufficiently for the pub- 
lic Service — I must request Congress 
will make such a Requisition from the 
State of Maryland as they can most 
conveniently comply with consistent 



with the Damands for the supply of 
the Main Army and the Fleet of our 
Allies — as there is a ready Naviga- 
tion to Petersburgh in Virginia from 
all parts of Chesapeak Bay and River 
Potowmack — Such Grain and Corn as 
can be spared for the So Army may at 
Times be safely sent there — In answer 
to a Letter from his Excy the Ambas- 
sador of France, which I received the 
Day before yesterday, I have refered 
him to Yr Excy for the Perusal of my 
Letter to Congress and Genl Washing- 
ton, and acquainted the Chevallier that 
I shall in a few Days endeavor to an- 
swer him very particularly, to all and 
every Part of his Letter to me. This 
Letter goes with a flying Seal, open to 
the Governor of Virginia ; he will pe- 
ruse and forward it to Yr Excellency. 
I am &c, 

H[oRATio] G[ates]. 
To His Excellency 

the President of Congre^ss 


No. 49 
Hillsboro 30th August 1780 

The inclosed Pacquets for Congress 
and General Washington I send with 
flying Seals, that you may peruse them ; 
but I must request they may not be de- 
layed, but sent forward with the utmost 
Despatch to Philadelphia. — Your Excy 
will please to be careful to put the proper 
papers to each, in the right cover, and 
seale only the cover you send them in to 
Congress. •The Requisition addressed 
to your State I cannot but believe will 
as soon as possible be furnished. This 
State, Governor Nash assures me, will 
not hesitate an instant in supplying their 

Part. General Stevens informs me he 
has wrote frequently since our unfortu- 
nate Defeat to your Exclly — he marched 
from hence yesterday, with what remained 
of your Militia (about 400) they are to 
be stationed for a Time at Guildford 
Court House. Four Hundred deserted 
in the last two Days they were here — 
and the General is apprehensive, he shall 
very soon be left by many of those that 
went with him from hence — In your 
Letter of the 12th Instant you mention 
500 Regulars, being just fitted, and ready 
to march from Petersburgh. I wish they 
were here — but as yet I have no Intelli- 
gence of their being upon the march. — 
I beg Sir, they may be expedited to this 
Place. I shall do my utmost to procure 
the best Intelligence of the Motions of 
the Enemy — of which Sir you may de- 
pend upon my giving the earliest Infor- 
mation in my power. 

I am &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To His Excy Governor Jefferson. 

No. 50 

Hillsborough 30th August 1780 

My public Letter to Congress has 
surely been transmitted to yr Exclly — 
Since then, I have been able to collect 
authentic Returns of the killed wounded 
and missing of the Officers of the Mary- 
land Line, Artillerist and those of the 
Legion under Colo Armand. They are 
inclosed. The Militia broke early in the 
Day, and Scattered in so many Direc- 
tions upon their Retreat, that very few 
have fallen into the Hands of the Enemy. 
— By the Firmness and Bravery of the 
Continental Troops the victory is far 



from Bloodless on the part of the Foe ; 
— they having upward of 500 men with 
officers in proportion killd and wounded. 
I do not think Ld Cornwallis will be 
able to reap any advantage of conse- 
quence from his Victory ; — as this State 
seems animated to re-instate and support 
the Army. Virginia I am confident, will 
not be less patriotic — and by the joint 
Exertions of the two States, there is 
good Reason to hope, that should the 
Events of the Campaign be prosperous 
to your Excellency ; all South Carolina 
might be again recovered. Ld Corn- 
wallis remained with his Army at Cam- 
den, when I received the last accounts 
from thence ; — I am cantoning ours at 
Salisbury, Guilford, Hillsborough and 
Cross Creek. The Marylanders and 
Artillerists,, with the General Hospital, 
will be here. The Cavalry near Cross 
Creek and the Militia to the westward. 
This is absolutely necessary, as we have 
no Magazines of Provisions, and are 
only supplied from Hand to Mouth — 
Two Days after the Action of the i6th 
ulto — Fortune seems determined to con- 
tinue to distress us — for Colonel Sumpter, 
having marched near Forty Miles up the 
River Wateree, halted with the Waggons 
and Prisoners he had taken the 15 th. 
By some Indiscretion the men were sur- 
prised cut off from their arms — the whole 
routed, and the Waggons and Prisoners 

What encouragement the numerous 
Disaffected in this State may give Lord 
Cornwallis to advance further into the 
Country ; I cannot yet say. Colonel 
Sumpter since his Surprise and Defeat 
upon the West Side of the Wateree, has 
reinstated and increased his Corps to 

upward of 1000 men. I have directed 
him to continue to harrass the Enemy 
upon that Side. Lord Cornwallis will 
therefore be cautious how he makes any 
considerable movement to the Eastward, 
while this Corps remains upon his Left 
Flank — and the Main Army is in a man- 
ner cantoned on his Front. Anxious 
for the Public Good I shall continue 
my unwearied Endeavors to stop the 
Progress of the Enemy — to reinstate our 
affairs — to recommence an Offensive 
War, and recover all our Losses in the 
Southern States. But if being unfortu- 
nate is solely a Reason sufficient for re- 
moving me from Command I shall most 
cheerfully submit to the Orders of Con- 
gress ; and resign an office few Generals 
would be anxious to possess — and where 
the utmost skill and Fortitude is so sub- 
ject to be baffied by the difficulties which 
must for a Time, surround, the Chief in 
Command here. 

That your Excellency may meet with 
no such Difficulties — that your Road to 
Fame and Fortune may be smooth and 
easy is the Sincere wish of &c &c 

H[oRATio] G[ates] 
To His Excelly Genl Washington. 

P. S. Your command in respect to the 
Virga Line shall be obeyed. 


No. 51 
Hillsborough 31 August 1780 

I had the Honor to receive your 
Letter of ist Inst., with that from His 
Excelly Genl Washington inclosed, dated 
1 8th July. I am glad you opened the 
General's Letter, as it gave you the 
earlier his directions for the Re-estab- 
lishment of the Virginia Line — ^lest 



there should be any Mistake, I now re- 
turn you His Excellency's Letter, and 
request that you will with the nicest Ex- 
actness obey his Orders. The Governor 
acquainted me in his Letter of the 12th 
Instant that 500 Continentals, under 
Colonel Gibson, would be ready to march 
in a few Days to join this Army — I 
desire, Sir, no Time may be lost in push- 
ing forward this Reinforcement, as we 
are in great Want of them. I pray you 
to repeat your Orders to Colonel Gibson 
upon this Head — and shall be pauch 
obliged to you to inform me from Time 
to Time the progress you make in col- 
lecting the New Levies. 

With sentiments &c, 

H[oRATio] G[ates]. 
To General Muhlenberg 


Orders issued by Major Genl Gates 
while commanding the south- 
ERN Army, July 26th to 
August 31ST 


Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D. 

Head Quarters Buffalo Ford 

July 26th 1780 

Parole t The United States. Countersi^^ 


Of the Day Tomorrow, . . Colonel Hall. 

The standing orders of Major General 
de Kalb to be obeyed. The Troops to 
hold themselves in readiness to march 
at an Hour's warning. 

The Army may be satisfied that such 
Measures are taken, and have for some 
time past been taking by Congress and 

the Executive Authority of all the 
Southern States from Delaware inclu- 
sive, that plenty will soon succeed the 
late unavoidable Scarcity — Provisions, 
Rum, Salt, and every Requisite will flow 
into Camp, which shall then with a lib- 
eral Hand be distributed to the Army. 

The General thanks the Troops for 
the Patience and perseverance with 
which they have endured the wants and 
hardships of the preceding part of the 
Campaign, and is satisfied that the future 
will add still more Lustre to the Renown 
they have acquired, and give Glory and 
Triumph to the American Arms. 

The General congratulates the Army 
upon the amazing Efforts making by our 
High Allies in the West Indies and 
Europe, and in Conjunction with His 
Excellency Genl Washington's Army 
against New York, everywhere superior 
in Ships and Men, there is every Reason 
to Hope that this Campaign will decide 
the War, and give peace and Freedom to 
the United States. 

As great Bodies of Militia are in full 
March from all Quarters to join the 
Army, the General earnestly recom- 
mends it to every Officer and Soldier in 
the Continental Service, to show the 
utmost Cordiality and Brotherly affec- 
tion to them. Citizens, who not only 
contribute to every Expence of War, but 
do also upon every pressing Emergency 
fly to Arms in defence of their invaded 
Country, deserve every Kindness, and 
will doubtless meet with every Friendly 
Indulgence from disciplined Troops. 

All Parties detached from the Army 
are to be called in immediately. 

The First Maryland Brigade furnishes 
the Captain's Picquett tomorrow. 



Each Brigade of the Maryland Divi- 
sion will form a Camp Guard of a 
Subaltern's Command. 

The Second Maryland Brigade will 
furnish a Subaltern's Guard for the 
Commander in Chief Tomorrow. 

After Orders 

July 26th 1780. 

The Troops will strike their Tents 
tomorrow at half an hour after 3 o'clock 
when the Baggage is to be loaded and 
the Whole to march by the Right, 
cross the Ford near to the present En- 
campment and proceed on the Road 
leading to Spinks's. — The Artillery and 
Baggage will march in the Rear of the 

Capn Marburg D Q M Gl will march 
in Advance of the Infantry with the 
Quarter Masters, Pioneers, and Camp 
Colour Men escorted by Colo Armand's 
Corps to Spinks's, where he will lay out 
the Encampment, and prepare for the 
arrival of the troops — Colo' Armand 
upon his arrival at Spinks's will recon- 
noitre the Roads and passes leading 
from thence to Cottons as well as west- 
wardly and Northwardly from Spinks's. 
He will post Guards and Videtts, in 
proper places, in advance of the Camp, 
taking himself the most advantageous 
Position for the Encampment of his own 
Corps. Col Marian, with the Volunteers 
Horse of So Carolina, will march with 
and attend the General. — When the 
Baggage arrives at Spinks's the Tents 
are to be pitched, but previous thereto 
the Guards and Pickets are to be posted 
by the Deputy Adjutant General, who 
will receive the Generals orders for that 

The Troops are this evening to receive 
Flour to serve them to the 28th inclu- 

Such Stores, Forage &c as cannot 
be remov'd from the present Encamp- 
ment must be left under a proper Guard, 
and remain until further orders. 

The Prisoners to be march'd as usual 
under the Camp Guards. 

Colonel Senf Chief Engineer will at- 
tend the General — Major Genl the 
Baron de Kalb, will please to lead the 
Line of March, and in all respects com- 
mand and direct his Division, as hereto- 
fore in the Grand Army. 

As the Troops are advancing towards 
the Enemy, the General requests the 
Baron de Kalb will direct the Brigadiers 
General to command every Officer and 
Soldier to keep his Platoon, Post, and 
Station, with the nicest exactness. 

Head Quarters Spinks's 
July 27th 1780. 

Parole^ Congress. Countersign^ Washington. 

Of the Day to-morrow, . . Lt Colo Comt 


The Second Maryland Brigade fur- 
nishes the Picquett Guard Tomorrow. 

The Quartermaster of Colo Armand's 
Corps will present his Returns for Pro- 
visions to the issuing Commander of the 
First Maryland Brigade, who is directed 
to issue thereon as soon as the Flour 
and other provisions arrive. 

The Army marches by the Left To- 
morrow Morning at 3 o'clock. The 
Artillery in the Rear of the Infantry, 
and the Baggage will follow in like 
order. The D Q M Genl with the Qur 



Masrs Pioneers &c, will precede the 
army by the nearest Rout to Cottons. 
Colonel Armand will march in front as 

H Q Cottons 
July 28th 1780 

ParoU^ France. Countersign^ Spain. 

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colo 
Comt Woodford. 

The Troops to march To-morrow 
Morning by the Right, at the same 
Hour and in the same Order as they 
march 'd from Deep River. 

The near approach to South Carolina 
will incline the officers to be particularly 
attentive in preserving an exact and 
regular Line of March — As the Late 
and present Scarcity of Flour has been 
unavoidable, the General is happy to 
declare that he has reason to believe the 
ensuing Plenty will enable him to afford 
a generous supply to the Army. 

The First Maryland Brigade furnishes 
the Picquett to-morrow. 

H. Q. Kimborough's 
29th July 1780 

Parole^ Guichen. Countersign^ Jamaica. 

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colonel 


The Troops will refresh and clean 
themselves to-morrow at the present 
Encampment. The officers command- 
ing Regiments and Companies will make 
a Minute Inspection into the State of 
the Arms and Accoutrements, Ammuni- 
tion Flints &c have them put into the 
best order, and see that all Deficiencies 
are immediately supplied by Returns to 
the Conductor of Military Stores. 

H. Q. Kimborough's, 
30th July 1780. 

Parole^ D'Estaing. Countersign^ New York. 

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colo 


The General is much dissatisfied to 
see almost every good Regulation in the 
order of March continually violated, by 
Arms and Accoutrements being fre- 
quently thrown into the Waggons, and 
this by some of the Baggage Guard, and 
even by the Sentinels — Women fre- 
quently permitted to ride in the Wag- 
gons — sometimes two in one Waggon — 
This exclusive of the Delay it occasions 
to the Line of March is an Incumbrance 
to the teams, and much fatigues the 
Horses — It is positively forbid in Future 
— None but very sick Men should at 
any Time have this Indulgence. The 
order and Compactness of the Line of 
March is shamefully broken by the 
Waggoners being Sometimes suffered to 
halt for frivolous Reasons — This throws 
out the weak Teams which cannot for 
the Whole Day afterwards recover their 
Distance. The Waggon Masters are to 
be answerable that this does not happen 
again — Their Neglect of Duty is the 
main Cause of most of the Irregularities 
and Breaches in the Line of March — 
they must reform or be dismissed the 
Service. The General wishes the Com- 
manding Officer of Artillery would so 
conduct his March as to Keep the Guns 
and their Trains close in the Rear of the 
Infantry, very bad Consequences may 
happen from their falling so far behind. 

The General requests the Brigadiers 
Genl the Field officers and every othet 
Officer commanding a Platoon or Divi- 



sion, to be exact in reforming every 
abuse, that has crept in, to the prejudice 
of Good Order and Discipline a great- 
er Disgrace cannot fall upon Regular 
Troops, than to be found by their 
Enemies in Disorder. The General 
trusts those under his Command will 
not be so dishonored. 

Lieut William Pendergast of the Fifth 
Maryd Regt, is appointed Commissary 
General of Issues to the Southern Army 
— He is to be respected and obeyed as 
such. The Troops to march To-morrow 
Morning at three o'clock by the Left. 
The Depy Q M Genl Captain Marburg 
will see that the Pioneers are not suf- 
fered to be negligent in the Execution 
of their Duty — that they repair all bad 
Places in the Road and do their Utmost 
to expedite the March of the Artillery 
and Waggons. The Commanding Offi- 
cer of Artillery and Colo Armand will 
each of them furnish the D Q M Genl 
with two Empty Waggons with the 
Drivers and teams belonging to them, 
they are to be delivered to the Command- 
ing Officers of such Corps whose Baggage 
yesterday by the failure of their Teams 
unavoidably left by the Way. 

H. Q. Kimborough's 
July 31st 1780 

Parole^ Caswell. CounUrsign^ Rutherford. 

Of the Day To-morrow, .... Major 


The Violence of the Storm obliging 
the Troops to be halted to-day. They 
are to be prepared to march in the order 
and at the same Hour to-morrow Morn- 
ing as was directed in yesterday's Or- 

Camp at Mask's Ferry, 
Peedee River ist August 1780. 

Parole^ Maryland. C4?»ff/^m^ff, Annapolis. 

Of the Day Tomorrow, . . . Major An- 


The Second Maryland Brigade will 
cross the Ferry this afternoon. The 
First Brigade, with the Artillery will 
encamp on the East Side of Peedee. 

H. Q. Masque's Ferry P. D 
2d August 1780 

Parole^ Jersey. Countersign^ Philadelphia, 

Of the Day Tomorrow, . . Major Deanr 

The General feels most sensibly the 
Scarcity the Troops are at present obliged 
to suffer which is entirely occasioned by 
the violent Rains having stop'd the Sup- 
plies coming from the Eastward, but 
this Grievance as it is entirely accidental 
the troops will bear with that manly For- 
titude which has always distinguished 
the Maryland Line — No Distress or 
Wants in the Generals Power to remedy 
shall ever be known to them. 

When the First Brigade and all the 
Artillery and Baggage have pass'd the 
Ferry, they are to halt and encamp — 
The weather being fair the whole will 
march To-morrow Morning at five 
o'clock to De Luis, 10 Miles — 

Colonel Porterfield's Regiment will 
march as soon as it clears away to De 

When the General beats Colo Armand, 
with his Corps, will march in Front of 
the Line. — The General views with 
anxiety the amazing Loads of Baggage 
that is dragg'd after the troops ; he re- 
quests that the Brigadiers General will 
digest a plan for lessening it immedi- 



be occasionally appointed by D A Genl 
and posted by him or the officers of the 

Camp Guards, consisting of a Subal- 
terns Guard to each Brigade to be imme- 
diately established, and proper Centinels 
posted in Front and Rear of each 

The Guards are to have the Parole 
and C Signs, and to be visited by the 
Officers of the Day. 

All Waggons of the Army are to be 
uniformly drawn up in the Rear of the 
respective Brigades to which they belong, 
and a Sergeant's Guard appointed to 

One Brigadier General, one Field 
Officer, and one Brigade Major of the 
Day to be appointed in future. — The 
Grand Parade will be occasionally 
appointed in Orders, where the officers 
of the liay will attend and see the 
Guards properly relieved. 

Whenever the Troops are to march, 
the New picket Guard will join and 
Form the Vanguard of the Army. The 
Old Picquette in like Manner are to 
form the Rear Gud. 

The Brigade Camp Guards will march 
immediately in the Rear of their respec- 
tive Brigades, and will be employed 
occasionally as Flankers. All other 
Guards whatever (except the Commis- 
sary's Bullock Guards), are to join the 
Corps to which they belong at beating 
of the General ; and all Officers are 
strictly enjoined to pay the most exact 
Obedience to this order. 

Every Guard in the Army is to be 
relieved at Troop beating Daily, or once 
in two Days at farthest. 

As the pursuit after the Enemy will 

be rapid, and should be facilitated with 
the least possible Obstruction, the Gen- 
eral desires the Maryland Division will 
prepare to send off all heavy and super- 
fluous Baggage to Charlotte. 

All the Sick and Convalescent Officers 
and Soldiers are to go to the Town of 
Charlotte, where a General Hospital will 
be forthwith established. — General Cas- 
well will please to give the like Orders 
in his Division, with this only Differ- 
ence, that the place to which he chooses 
to send his Superfluous Baggage and 
Invalids, is left to his option. 

Colonel Armand with his Legion, Col 
Porterfield's Infantry, and the Light 
Infantry of Major Genl Caswell's Divis- 
ion, will immediately proceed to Lynch's 
'Creek. And the Army will march by 
the Left To-morrow Morning. The 
General will be at 3 o'clock. The As- 
sembly at half an Hour after, and the 
March as soon as the Troops are 

Head Quarters 
Camp Lynch's Creek 

8 August 1780 

ParoU^ Saratoga. Countersigns^ West Point, 

Stony Point. 

Of the Day To-morrow . . . Brig Genl 

Smallwood, Col Adams, B. M. 


A Detachment of the Army will 
assemble this afternoon at Sunset in the 
Main Road by Head Quarters, to be 
commanded by Colonel Hall, who will 
wait on the Commander in Chief for 

The Troops are to receive One and an 
half pound of Beef per Ration till fur- 
ther Orders. 



As much may depend upon the Com- 
pactness and Regularity in which the 
Army encamps, the Troops will con- 
stantly march to the Ground mark'd for 
their Encampments; they will there 
draw up and remain under arms ; and 
the officers will remain with their 
respective commands until the Regi- 
ments and Guards are posted. The 
General requests the General Officers 
commanding Divisions and Brigades will 
be exact in occupying the Ground only 
which is marked out for their Encamp- 

Head quarters Camp Lvnch's 
Creek 9th August 1780 

PaivUf York. Countersigns^ Newport, Fairfield. 

Of the Day To-morrow, B. Genl Gist, 
Col. WooLFORD, B. M. Brice. 
The Detachment under Colonel Hall 
will march this Morning. Major Deane 
will take charge of the Sick and heavy 
Baggage of the Maryland Division, and 
conduct the whole to Charlotte. — The 
Sick to be attended to by Doctor War- 
field, who is appointed to Superintend 
the Hospital at Charlotte till further 
Orders — All Persons bringing Flour, 
Meale, Cattle, Rum or Salt are immedi- 
ately to report the Quantity and Quality 
to the Commissary Genl of Issues, Wm. 
Pendergast, Esqr, that a fair and equal 
Diotribution may be made of the Same 
to all Officers and Soldiers, without any 
preference or partiality to particular 
Corps — Every General Officer and 
Officer Commanding must see the Just- 
ness and Propriety of this Order; the 
General has not therefore the least sus- 
picion that any Person whatever will 
endeavor to counteract it — 

The Troops are to be prepared to 
march at the Shortest Notice — They 
will march by the Right, General Small- 
wood's Brigade in Front. 

After Orders. 

The Troops are to March To-morrow 
Morning at 4 o'clock — The General 
will beat at half an Hour after 3 o'clock. 
Major McGill is appointed an Extra 
Aid de Camp to the Commander in 
Chief, and is to be obeyed as such — 
The Troops will this Evening receive 
an equal Proportion of Meal or Flour, 
according to the Quantity arrived in 

Head Quarters Lynch's Heights 

loth August 1780 

Parole ^ Ireland. Countersipts^ Dublin, Limerick. 

Of the Day To-morrow, B.Genl Ruther- 
ford, Colo. Ford, B. M. Lewis. 

The Commanding Officer of Artillery 
will order a six pounder to be fired at 
Sunset, when all the Drums of the Dif- 
ferent Regiments are to beat the Retreat 
in the Front of their respective En- 

The General does in a particular 
Manner direct all Officers Commanding 
Regiments to be exact in examining 
their Arms and Ammunition, and ex- 
pects they will carefully report all De- 

At five o'clock this Evening the Arms 
that have been loaden, and cannot be 
drawn, are to be discharged in a Volley 
at the Front of each Division — and 
no person is to presume to fire but 
in that Order, or by command of his 



After General Orders 

The Sick the Extra Artillery Stores, the 
heavy Baggage and such Quarter Masters 
Stores as are not immediately wanted to 
march this Evening under Guard for 
Waxhaws, to this order, the General re- 
quests the Brigadiers General to see 
those under their command pay the most 
exact and Scrupulous Obedience. 

Lieut Colonel Edmonds, with the 
remaining Guns of the Park, will take 
post and March with the Virginia Bri- 
gade under General Stevens. He will 
direct, as any Deficiency happens in the 
Artillery affixed to the other Brigades, 
to supply it immediately — His Military 
Staff and a proportion of his Officers 
with Forty of his men, are to attend 
him and awaite his Orders. 

The Troops will be ready to march 
precisely at lo o'clock in the following 
order — viz. Colonel Armands Cavalry 
commanded by Colonel Armand — Colo- 
nel Porterfield*s Lt Infry upon the Right 
Flank of Colonel Armand in Indian File, 
Two Hundred Yards from the Road — 
Major Armstrong's Light Infantry in the 
Same Order of Colonel Porterfield's upon 
the left Flank of the Legion. Advance 
Guard of Fort composed of the advanced 
Picquets^ — First Brigade of Maryland — 
Second Brigade of Maryland — Division 
of North Carolina — Virginia Division — 
Rear Guard — Volunteer Cavalry upon 
the Flanks of the Baggage equally di- 
vided. In this Order the Troops will 
proceed and thus March this night. In 
case you attack the Enemy's Cavalry in 
Front, the Light Infantry upon each 
Flank, will instantly march up, and give 
and Continue the most galling Fire upon 
the Enemy's Horse — this will enable 
Colonel Armand not only to support the 

Shock of the Enemy's Charge, but finally 
to rout them — The Colonel will there- 
fore consider the Order to stand the At- 
tack of the Enemy's Cavalry be their 
Numbers what they may, as positive. — 
General Stevens will immediately order, 
one Captain, two Lieutenants, one En- 
sign, three Sergeants, one Drum and 
sixty Rank and File to join Colo Porter- 
fields Infantry. These men are to be 
taken from the most experienced woods- 
men every way fitted for the Service. 
General Caswell will likewise Compleat 
Major Armstrong's Lt Infantry to their 
Original Number. These must be imme- 
diately marched to the advance Post of 
the army. The Troops will observe the 
profoundest Silence upon the March, and 
any Soldier who offers to fire without the 
Command of his officer must be instant- 
ly put to Death — ^^Vhen the grouud will 
admit of it, and the near approach of the 
Enemy may render it necessary — the 
army will, when ordered, March in Col- 
umns — The Artillery at the Head of 
their respective Brigades, and the Bag- 
gage in the Rear — the Guard of Heavy 
Baggage will be composed of the re- 
maining Officers and Soldiers of the Ar- 
tillery one Captain two Subalterns, four 
Sergeants, one Drum and sixty Rank 
and File. And no person whatever is to 
presume to send any other Soldiers upon 
that Ser\'ice. All Batmen waiters &c 
who are Soldiers taken from the Line 
are forthwith to join their Regiments and 
act with their Masters while they are 
upon Duty. The Tents of the whole 
Army to be struck at Tattoo. 

(Ilere follows a blank page in the Order Book,) 

Head Quarters Hillsborough 

31 August 1780 

Parole^ Arch. Countersign^ Attention. 




— — ^ 

Vol. V NOVEMBER 1880 No. 5 



THE following paper has been prepared as an attempt to preserve 
some of the more noteworthy features of the ordinary life of this 
remarkable tribe. The facts given have been carefully arranged 
with a double view ; to specify such traits and usages as best mark them 
as a tribe, and also to afiord data for comparing them as to their char- 
acteristic usages with other of the prominent Indian families of the 
country. This course, next to the study of their language, affords the 
best means for determining their remoter affiliations, and the matter 
might have been amphfied indefinitely had space permitted. The 
sketch is of necessity brief, but I trust not unimportant. Taken with a 
paper published in a previous number of this Magazine [IV., 241], it pre- 
sents the fullest statement that has yet appeared in relation to the Paw- 
nees. It is a peculiar fact concerning them, that they seem destined to 
pass away, and leave no special impress. The large and valuable terri- 
tory so long held by them now affords evidence of their former presence 
and history in scarcely a single name that they have given to any object 
or locality in it. Literally ' their place knows them no more.' In this 
respect their fate is singularly unlike the fate of the old tribes of the 
east, who in passing away have left innumerable mementos of them- 
selves behind. This evanescence, however, in the case of the Pawnees 
must not be attributed to any lack of character or power in them, for 
both they possessed in an eminent degree. It is due rather to the nature 
of the country, to the peaceful attitude they have ever maintained, 
which has tended to withdraw them from general notice, and especially 
to the unappreciative indifference of those who have so readily and 
entirely usurped their place. 

§ I. Trade. This was never very extensive. Their implacable 
warring with neighboring tribes necessarily precluded any general com- 


mercial intercourse. Their trade was confined, therefore, to the few 
tribes with whom they were on terms of amity, /. e.^ the Arikaras. the 
Mandans and Wichitas. From the latter they obtained horses and bois 
d*arc\ from the two former eagles* feathers, a commodity in great 
demand among the Pawnees, and red pipe stone. The articles given m 
exchange to the Arikaras and Mandans were horses, salt from the plains 
of the upper Arkansas, and to the latter sometimes corn. To the 
Wichitas they bartered pipe stone, and to some extent eagles* feathers. 

With the whites also their trade was limited, never having been suf- 
ficient to induce the establishing of a permanent trading post among 
them. The nearest stated establishment of this kind was at Bellevue 
on the Missouri, and here their dealings were comparatively light. Per- 
haps there is no instance of another tribe equally large whose trade in 
all directions was so restricted. The isolated condition in which they 
lived, shut in on all sides by unforgiving foes, seems in a considerable 
measure to have disused them to the thought of any such relations, and 
taught them to rely only or chiefly upon themselves. 

§2. Food, The proverb, ra'-5/-r/ fts'-ak-i, he tu'-ra-he ciks'-iit Ijlk'-u 
wa-zva, " even the dogs, it is well (for them) to eat in peace,** seems to 
indicate that to the Pawnee eating was an act which claimed something 
of deferential respect. Without inquiring whether the apparent spirit 
of this maxim was always observed, it may at least be truly said that 
the question of what he should eat was perhaps as potent as any other 
that influenced him during life. It demanded ever his serious thought, 
provoked his ingenuity, taxed his energy, and largely controlled his 
movements during the entire year. When traveling they had but one 
meal a day, at the close of the day's march ; but when at home they 
cooked and ate as often as hunger prompted. The ability and readiness 
to eat whenever occasion offered was in their estimation an exponent 
of health, and if an invalid failed to take food at all, hope of recovery 
was immediately relinquished. 

Their food was in the main coarse, but wholesome. The staple 
article of daily fare was buffalo meat and corn. The flesh of smaller 
game, and when on the hunting grounds that of the buffalo also, was 
eaten fresh ; but for the greater part of the year they had only the dried 
flesh of the latter. Dried meat was frequently eaten raw, a mouthful 
of lean and of fat alternately to facilitate mastication and degluti- 
tion; and in case of exigency fresh meat was so taken; but usually 
both were cooked. The more common way of preparing was by 
boiling. Hence one of the most important articles of household furni- 


ture was a large vessel for this purpose. Prior to coming in contact 
with the whites they used rude pottery of their own manufacture. Such 
ware was in use in cooking with the poorer portion of the tribe till 
quite recently. Their favorite method was to boil the meat alone, or 
with corn and beans, till the whole was reduced to a pulpy mass, and 
eat it as a thick soup with spoons. If time or appetite did not permit 
this, it was simply boiled. Fresh meat, and sometimes dried meat 
if sufficient fat adhered, was also broiled by being held in suitable pieces 
over coals. Another usual way of preparing the former was to cover 
large pieces in a bed of coals till sufficiently cooked. This method was 
in high repute, as it preserved most of the native juices in the meat and 
rendered it especially palatable. 

With regard to meats m general, there was a current saying among 
them, that the flesh of the carnivorous animals and rapacious birds should 
not be eaten. The food of the most of these animals was believed to 
render them unclean. This dictum, however, must not be interpreted 
too strictly ; for the flesh of some of them, as the bear, otter and skunk, 
was in high esteem. A fatted dog also constituted a most delicious 
repast. Formerly a dog dance accompanied by a dog feast was a fre- 
quent occurrence; now it is become rare, and is observed quietly, 
apparently that it may not attract the attention of the whites. Till 
recently, since the government has undertaken to subsist the tribe, 
they were very rigid in refusing to touch pork in any form, but this 
scruple has now entirely disappeared. 

. Dried corn was boiled alone, or with beans, forming a sort of succo- 
tash ; when thus prepared buffalo tallow was put in freely to season it. 
Matured corn was sometimes boiled as hominy, but more frequently 
was ground in a mortar and boiled as mush, or made into cakes and 
baked in the ashes or on hot stones. The corn was sometimes parched 
before triturating, and by this means the flavor of the food was much 
improved. Beans and pumpkins, green or dry, were prepared by 
simple boiling. 

N There were a number of wild plants, the root or fruits of which af- 
forded a partial subsistence at certain seasons. The poorer people were 
sometimes obliged to live almost entirely upon food of this kind. Among 
the edible roots were the wild potato (JpomoeaPanduratd)^ wild turnip 
{Arisaema Triphyllum), pomme blanche (Psoralea Esculenta), ground bean 
{Apios Tuberosa), cucumber root {Medeola Virginica), a sort of artichoke 
{Helianthus Doronicoides)^ and some others that I was never able to 
determine. A species of mushroom growing freely in some localities 


on the prairies was sometimes gathered in considerable quantities. The 
umbels ot the large milkweed {Asclepias Cornuti) were cut when in bloom 
with the tender extremities of the stalks and boiled as a relish. When 
traveling in the summer they often picked and ate as a preventive 
against thirst the fruit of the ground plum {Astragalus Caryocarpus). 
Various wild fruits, as strawberries, plums, cherries (especially the sand 
cherry) and grapes were gathered in their season and eaten fresh, or 
dried for preservation. In the latter state they were much used in fla- 
voring other dishes. 

§ 3. Feasts. During their stay in the villages or encampments, if food 
was plenty, much of the time of the men was spent in feasting. Any 
one was at liberty to make a feast as he had the means. These enter- 
tainments were usually had in the early part of the day ; still they might 
occur at any hour. It was not infrequent that guests were called from 
sleep in the dead of night to attend a feast, and seemed to participate 
with unimpaired zest. When ' a man had resolved to give a feast, he 
ordered his wife to hang the kettle over the fire and fill it with com and 
beans, or meat, and water sufficient for boiling. This was done in the 
evening. If several courses were to be served, the viands were all set 
to cook in different kettles. Early the following morning he called 
in two acquaintances, who were to serve on the occasion. After 
smoking with them, he bade one to go and invite the first chief of the 
band, or, in his absence, the second. The chief was expected to bring 
his pipe and a supply of tobacco. After all had smoked, the host com- 
municated his intention to the chief, who thereupon directed the two 
apparitors to go about the village and invite such persons as he named. 
The kettle (or kettles) was now taken from the fire and placed in readi- 
ness near the entrance of the lodge. All women and children were 
dismissed, not to return till the guests were all departed. When the 
apparitors returned, after smoking together again, they were sent out to 
borrow dishes, if the host had not sufficient of his own. These dishes 
were usually calabashes made from large gourds, and each containing a 
gallon or more. As the guests arrived each remained standing just 
inside the entrance till his place was assigned by the chief, who acted 
as master of the feast. If numerous, they were seated in two circles 
one immediately about the fire and the other nearer the wall of the 
lodge. Sometimes, if those invited already proved not enough, more 
were called in. After these preliminaries the master designated those 
who should make speeches, a number of which were expected on every 
such occasion. Frequently two or three old men were allowed to be 


present, with the understanding that they should do most of the 
haranguing. One of them beg^n by making a speech in commendation 
of the entertainer, the chief and other guests, and if there was any 
business to be transacted, he closed by stating it, and expressing his 
views concerning it. He was followed by the master of the feast, and 
after him by any distinguished person who chose to speak. After the 
laudation was finished and the business dismissed, an old man made a 
prayer, and the talking was ended. The company was then counted to 
determine into how many portions the food should be divided, and 
some one appointed to distribute the contents of the kettle equally in 
the dishes. One dish filled was dispatched as a present to some one of 
the medicine men. Another was placed before the master of the feast, 
who carefully raising a spoonful, drained it and returned the spoon to 
the person making the distribution. He refilled the spoon from the 
kettle, covered it with one hand, reverentially raised it toward the 
entrance or east, stepped across to the opposite side directly in front of 
the master, and poured the contents in two places on the ground, in one 
place three-fourths, in the other the remainder ; the larger portion an 
ofifering to the buffalo, the smaller to Ti'-ra-wa. From the time of assem- 
bling thus far the pipe and tobacco of the master were kept busily circu- 
lating. The dishes, all filled from the kettle, were now distributed to 
the guests, one to each, or one to every two, as proved most convenient. 
The contents were soon devoured, and the distribution repeated till the 
courses were all served. The dishes were then collected by the appari- 
tors, and such as were borrowed returned at once to their owners. The 
company expressed their compliments to the entertainer and withdrew. 
Not infrequently it was arranged that two or more feasts should suc- 
ceed each other, the guests passing from one directly to another. Sev- 
eral series of such feasts might also be going on at the same time under 
the conduct of different chiefs. 

It was a usage that a guest should eat or carry away all that was set 
before him. The latter alternative, however, rarely occurred, as a 
Pawnee's digestive capacity was quite equal to any such requirement ; 
or an accommodating friend seated near, of greater powers, would 
kindly devour whatever a guest might for any reason be compelled to 
leave uneaten. Once in a while, when going through a series of feasts, 
a guest might be seen sedulously endeavoring to settle the contents 
of his already overloaded stomach by placing his clenched left hand 
closely against the lower part of the breast, and striking heavily upon 
it with the right, shifting the position of the left hand during the pro- 


cess from side to side across the gastric region. By means of this 
pounding it was imagined that room might be secured for further 
indulgence. Such was an ordinary social feast. The routine could be 
varied somewhat, according to circumstances or the choice of the 
master; but the general features remained identical. The religious and 
ceremonial feasts had each a character peculiarly its own. One or two 
may be sketched briefly as illustrations. 

A young man devoted the first buffalo that he killed to Ti-ra-wa. 
The entire animal was carried to the lodge of some prominent person,, 
who thereby became master of the feast. He invited in a dozen or 
more old men to feast with him, and assist in the observances of the 
occasion, and other special guests. They began at sunset. The meat 
was cut in small pieces and set over the fire to boil, except the heart 
and tongue, which were carried without the lodge and burned as a sac- 
rifice. While the meat was boiling, and the sacrifice was burning, the 
medicine bundle {tlt^i'-rd) was taken from its place, opened, its contents 
inspected and placed out in due order. Various ceremonies were per- 
formed over them, puffing smoke upon them, stroking them with the 
hand, talking or praying to them, etc., by the members of the company. 
Speeches were then made by certain of the old men, the burden of 
whose remarks was laudation of the slayer of the buflfalo, the master of 
the feast, etc., and finally a prayer was offered. The meat, having thor- 
oughly cooked meanwhile, was now apportioned among all present, 
each of whom had opportunity to gorge himself to the utmost. After 
the eating the sacred things were gathered together, replaced in the 
bundle, and suspended again in place. 

One of the most important and generally observed feasts was held 
annually, immediately after returning to the villages from the winter 
hunt. The aim of it was to secure a healthful season, good crops and 
success in all enterprises. Both old and young men participated in this 
feast, and its celebration was usually observed in several lodges in each 
village at the same time. From ten to thirty men were assembled in 
each lodge early in the day. Several of them were sent through the 
village by the master of the feast to collect dried buffalo hearts and 
tongues, and from thirty to sixty of each were brought in. The sacred 
bundle was taken down, its contents inspected and placed out in order. 
In its proper place with them was set the skull of an old buffalo bull. 
Some red paint was prepared in a dish with tallow by some one 
appointed for the purpose, and handed to the master, who proceeded 
to paint his face, breast, arms and legs. He then divided the paint in 


two dishes, passing one to his neighbor on the right, the other to the 
neighbor on the left. They decorated themselves in like manner, and 
passed the paint to those next, and so on till all were painted. Some 
one was then designated to paint the bull's skull. The person named to 
this office took his place behind the skull, passed his hand smeared with 
the pigment three times from its nose back over the central part of the 
forehead. One hand was then passed on either side from the corner of 
the mouth back to the base of the horn, and thence to its tip. Five 
rods about a yard long were now whittled out and painted. To the 
end of each was attached a fragment of the scalp of an enemy as large as 
a quarter of a dollar piece. Four of the rods were taken out and set in 
the ground outside of the lodge, one toward each cardinal point of the 
compass, with the bit of scalp at the top. The fifth was set up inside 
directly in front of the painted skull. Next came the ceremony of 
smoking the sacred pipe. The smoke from it was puflfed up toward the 
sky, down toward the earth, to the four points of the compass, upon 
the sacred things, upon the bull's pate, etc., by the master and all others 
present consecutively. Two persons were then named to offer a sacri- 
fice. One of them took up a buffalo tongue and heart and passed out, 
bearing also the sacred pipe ; the other followed with a bundle of fag- 
gots. They went to one of the rods before set up, arranged the faggots 
m a pile before it, and after placing upon them the heart and tongue, 
set the pile on fire. The same rite was repeated at each other rod. 
The man bearing the pipe then returned to the interior, while the other 
continued without till the piles were entirely consumed. During these 
services several speeches were delivered by different persons within, 
and a prayer offered. The proceedings thus far would occupy till 
noon. To preserve interest meantime the contents of two large kettles 
of boiled corn, or corn and meat, were at convenient stages distributed 
among the guests. A portion was also each time set before the bull's 
skull. When the corn was at last all eaten, the hearts and tongues 
were cut up, boiled and dealt out, being about as much to each as a 
man should eat in two days. After feasting thus gluttonously, the 
sacred things were packed up and put in place, and the company dis- 
persed. The proceedings lasted commonly till late in the afternoon. 

§ 4. Hunting. The Pawnees made yearly a summer and winter 
hunt ; the former from the last of June till the first of September, the 
latter from the last of October till early in April. The general direc- 
tion of the hunting expeditions was to the southwest into western 
Kansas, but sometimes the summer hunt was confined to western 


Nebraska. The entire distance traveled on an expedition varied greatly, 
from 400 to 900 miles, according as the game proved plenty or scarce. 
The exact time of departure from home was generally fixed by a tribal 
council. Prior to starting all goods that they did not choose to take 
along were carefully cached, and every man and beast called in. When 
the day for setting out arrived all articles not previously disposed of 
were packed upon horses, each family as it was ready fell into line, and 
the bustling villages were left utterly desolate. They traveled in 
Indian file, and of necessity the line was often several miles in length. 
The men rode in advance and upon the flanks, keeping a diligent look- 
out over the country through which they were passing. The women 
and children walked in the trail, each leading one or more pack animals. 
Children too small to walk were carried by their mothers, or bestowed 
upon some convenient horse. It occasionally happened that an animal 
became frightened or restive, broke away from its leader, kicked about 
till it had freed itself completely from its load, and galloped away at 
full speed. The unfortunate woman who had it in charge must then 
follow it till caught, bring it back, gather together the scattered load, 
replace it upon the horse, and regain her place in the line, if indeed 
it was not already in camp. All the recompense she had for the 
fatiguing exertion was quite probably a severe chiding from her hus- 
band, who perhaps had witnessed the whole occurrence and made sport 
of it. 

The aged and infirm were obliged to travel with the line and worry 
along as best they might. Such persons were accustomed to start 
earlier than the main body, so that they might arrive in camp in good 
season. Old age and decrepitude with the Indians was the dark day of 
life. While at home they were tolerably cared for, but on these hunts 
they endured extreme hardship and privation. Instances have been 
known where persons, who felt unable to accompany their bands, chose 
to remain or were left behind in the villages. A supply of provisions 
was given them, which in summer they might easily supplement by 
gathering wild fruit and various edible roots. Those in this condition, 
however, were almost sure to fall victims to prowling Dakotas, who 
regularly, during the absence of the tribe, visited the villages to perpe- 
trate whatever maliciousness they could see their way to. 

In winter the daily march did not ordinarily begin early, but in 
warmer weather they set out at dawn or sooner, and advanced till from 
eleven to four o'clock, as circumstances dictated. The distance daily trav- 
ersed was from eight to twenty miles. For two or more hours after the 


advance had halted the line would continue to pour into the camp, which 
was fixed where wood, water and forage were plenty. As soon as a family 
arrived the women unpacked the horses and turned them loose to graze, 
while they themselves pitched the lodge (a work in which they were 
so expert that but few minutes were required for its performance), 
brought wood and water, and prepared the daily meal. Sometimes 
they traveled all day, reaching the place selected for camp just at night- 
fall. On such occasions the scene which transpired beggars description. 
The horses were unruly, the children hungry and petulant, the women 
vexed and weary, the men ill-natured and imperious. Horses whinnied 
and pranced, dogs yelped and snarled, children teased and cried, women 
scolded and men threatened ; no one heeded and everything went 
wrong. Tongue and ears at such a time were of little avail. 

As soon as they arrived on the buffalo grounds the greatest cir- 
cumspection was exercised in their daily progress. Men regularly 
appointed, known as la-rt-pUk' -us (soldiers), were kept constantly on the 
watch, and when a herd was discovered all its movements were 
cautiously watched. After the camp had been moved as near as might 
be from the lee side without alarming the game, a council was called to 
determine whether all indications were favorable to an instant hunt. 
In these councils the ku'-ra-u (doctors or medicine men) played a promi- 
nent part, and sometimes postponed action for several days with no 
further reason than the bare assertion that // was not good. If, however, 
the result of the deliberation was favorable, the proclamation of a hunt 
was duly made by a herald. All who wished to participate in the sport 
caught their fleetest horses and equipped. A number of the soldiers 
were assigned, whose business it was, in conjunction with the chiefs, to 
have charge of all the preliminaries, as also of the final chase. Two of 
them, curiously pamted and wearing a variety of fantastic accoutre- 
ments, rode out, bearing the soldiers* escutcheon and took position, 
with about a dozen armed attendants, upon some convenient eminence 
till the body of the hunters had assembled. They then moved forward, 
and the hunters followed. Two old men with rattles and medicine bags 
ran on foot in front, singing and shaking the rattles. A person, who 
should have the temerity now to dash ahead of the soldiers, would 
scarcely escape with life. He would at least secure to himself a most 
merciless flogging, even rank not availing to avert the penalty. This 
regulation was so strict that it would not screen from summary pun- 
ishment a person who should go out and kill a buffalo, and alarm the 
herd before the regular hunt, were he even to plead in extenuation that 


it was done to save his family from starving. This was a wise usage, 
though it may seem uselessly severe. In this manner the troop pro- 
ceeded till they were come as near as possible without startling the 
herd. The hardly repressed excitement at this moment was intense. 
Halting, the hunters were quietly drawn up in line, facing the game, so 
that all might have an equal chance. The word was given, and with a 
loud cry they sped away, each urging his trained steed to the utmost 
that he might first overtake and secure a victim. The horses in these 
tharges were guided by the knees of the rider, his hands being busied 
with bow and arrows. In a few minutes each hunter might be seen 
nearing the animal that he had selected. (Till the buffaloes were two 
and a half years old there Was little choice between the sexes. After 
that age the flesh of bulls became distasteful, and was rarely taken, 
unless in a time of great scarcity. It was owing to this fact that bulls 
were in excess in many herds.) Just before coming abreast of it he 
discharged an arrow, endeavoring to strike it high in the flank between 
the projecting hip and ribs, so that the shaft should take a course 
obliquely forward toward the vitals. A single arrow sent with skill 
and force in this direction, even if not immediately fatal, caused such 
distress as to soon bring the buffalo to a standstill. If one did not suf- 
fice, others were used. As soon as the animal ceased running, the 
hunter passed on to another, and sometimes a third, fourth, and even 
a fifth was brought to by one man in the course of half an hour. The 
entire number slaughtered in a single chase frequently exceeded three 
hundred. The Pawnees seldom resorted to a surround, attacking 
from all sides at once. This method was more tedious and dan- 
gerous, and was regarded as less huntsmanlike. When the chase 
ended the hunter returned upon his track, and despatched the wounded 
buffalo that he had left on the way, if indeed they were not already 
dead from loss of blood. If still alive they were usually found lying 
down, but on being approached would instantly rise and show fight. 
The carcasses were now skinned, cut up, packed on spare horses that 
had been brought up meantime by the women, and conveyed to camp. 
There a scene of the greatest activity ensued. The hides were stretched 
upon the ground with pegs to dry. The meat was carefully cut in thin 
strips or sheets suitable for drying, and laid upon a framework of poles 
over a slow fire. When the exposed side became dry enough to cause 
the meat to begin to roll or crumple, it was placed upon the ground and 
trampled or beaten with billets of wood till completely flattened out. 
The other side was then exposed, and the process repeated till the meat 


was dry. The design of the trampling or beating was to preserve the 
meat in the best form for packing in bales for transportation. Some- 
times it was dried in the sun alone, but was not then so good. Several 
days were usually required for drying the meat of one slaughtering* 
No salt was used in either case, but with proper care the meat could 
be preserved without apparent deterioration for years. 

Almost every part of the buffalo was utilized. The skin answered 
many purposes. The horns were made into spoons. The flesh, vitals, 
and even the intestines, all had their place in the Pawnee cuisine. The 
small entrails were carefully separated, freed from their contents by 
being passed rapidly between the fingers, then braided together and 
dried with the adhering fat, forming in this condition a favorite relish. 
The integument of the paunch was preserved and eaten. The liver 
was frequently eaten raw while retaining its natural warmth, and was 
deemed a delicacy. The larger bones, after the flesh was removed^ 
were roasted, split open, and the marrow extracted. If a buffalo or 
any game animal was killed during gestation the foetus was carefully 
saved, boiled in the accompanying amniotic fluid, and eaten as a choice 
dainty. The tongue and heart were dried and preserved for special 
purposes {cf. §3). The tongue and heart of certain of the buffalo 
killed were set apart as tu-wa'-rUks-H (sacred), and taken in charge by the 
doctors. Sometimes they laid claim to the whole of the first cow 
killed, and all its flesh was dried and preserved by them. It was not 
altogether improbable, however, that this meat was reserved under a 
sacred name for profane use, 1. ^., as a provident supply against any day 
of want that might befal them. 

The Pawnees were excellent horsemen, and in the buffalo hunt their 
consummate equestrianism was displayed to the finest advantage. 
Without hesitation they would rush at full speed over the roughest 
ground, into the midst of masses of buffalo which were surging along 
in the wildest confusion, single out and separate their victims, and 
repeat the manoeuvre at pleasure. But sometimes accidents of the most 
distressing nature happened. In an unguarded moment a hunter might 
be overtaken by a charging buffalo ; or a horse going at full gallop might 
step into the burrow of some animal, and with its rider be hurled head- 
long. In many places on the prairie the ground is so cut up by the bur- 
rows of the prairie dog {Cynomus Ludovicianus) that a person cannot ride 
over it at an ordinary pace without great care, while at a rapid gait nec- 
essary precaution is impossible. Mishaps from one of these sources, not 
infrequently resulting in death, were almost inevitable m every chase. 


The weapons employed in this hunting, as already stated, were the 
bow and arrow. The facility with which they could be managed on 
horseback, and their much greater efficiency in the work of destruc- 
tion, were unanswerable recommendations. A buffalo wounded with a 
ball in a vital part might run a great distance. On the other hand, a 
single well-directed arrow, securely lodged, so sickened and distressed 
the animal as to bring it soon to a stand. An arrow could be sent with 
such force as to pass entirely through a buffalo, in case it did not 
encounter a bone, and stick in the ground on the other side ; but the 
aim was rather to lodge it firmly in the body, as its effect was then 
more marked, and also the presence of the shaft would serve to indicate 
to whom the carcass rightfully belonged. 

In the winter hunt they killed what meat they needed as soon as might 
be after arriving on the hunting ground, before the buffalo became 
poor. They went into winter quarters in some place where water, 
wood and unburnt grass in abundance for the horses were to be had. 
Here they remained till forage became scarce, when another place was 
sought. If grass could not be found in sufficient quantity, they cut 
cotton-wood trees, and subsisted the horses on the bark and tender 
twigs. The return to the villages did not take place till young grass 
was started in the spring. In the summer hunt they remained away no 
longer than was necessary to procure the requisite supply of meat. By 
the time this was accomplished their corn was ready for drying, and 
required immediate attention. As their calendar was not very exact, 
they were sometimes in doubt as to just when was the proper time to 
return home. In such cases they were accustomed to examine the seed 
in the pods of the large milkweed. A certain maturity in these was 
thought to mark roasting-ear time. 

They also hunted other game, as elk, deer and antelope. While the 
buffalo was hunted mainly as an indispensable means of subsistence, 
these smaller animals were sought rather for their skins. Though their 
flesh was eaten, that of the buffalo was preferred ; but for the manufac- 
ture of articles of clothing, as moccasins, leggings and shirts, buck, elk 
or antelope skin was far superior. They were taken by stiU-hunting or 
stalking with bow or firearms. As they had opportunity and inclina- 
tion, beaver and otter were sought for their pelts, which were used m 
making fancy articles of clothing. Bears, when to be found, were 
eagerly hunted for their skins, flesh and claws. Panthers were also in 
constant request. A bow-case and quiver of panther skin was a cov- 
eted possession. Skunks were esteemed for their flesh and skins. The 



latter, after being taken off as nearly entire as possible, was buried in 
loose earth for two or three days to divest it of the native odor. It was 
then dressed and used as a tobacco pouch or medicine bag, the mouth of 
the animal serving as the opening. The boys were very expert in cap- 
turing prairie chickens and quails. When one of these was started up 
on the prairie, the exact spot of its lighting was noted. Armed with a 
withe five feet long, a boy cautiously crept up to within a few feet of fhe 
crouching bird, and then darting. forward, struck it down with a well- 
directed blow as it attempted to rise on the wing. 

§ $. War, Notwithstanding many assertions to the contrary, the 
Pawnees were in instinct and in history thoroughly warlike. Not only 
did war furnish an inexhaustible theme of tradition, oratory and song 
but the proud ambition to gain distinction as a warrior, next to the 
securing of a living, was with them the most potent active principle of 
life. To be sure, in obedience to the supposed restrictions of the treaty 
of 1833, for several years thereafter they refrained from any aggressive 
hostilities, and to a considerable degree even remitted defensive meas- 
ures; still this was an obvious divergence from the ordinary tenor of 
their life. The original conquest of their late domain, and the mainte- 
nance of their prestige and position in the midst of jealous and ever 
active enemies, afford an unimpeachable evidence of their martial emi- 
nence. With not one of the powerful tribes about them were they ever 
on terms of continued friendship. All, the Dakotas, Cheyennes, Ara- 
pahos, Crows, Comanches, and Osages, were avowed foes, and were 
repeatedly made to feel the weight of the Pawnee arm. On no other 
ground may we so reasonably explain the insatiable hatred of these 
tribes toward them ; and what was their opinion of Pawnee prowess 
may be sufficiently evidenced by the fact that never in a single instance 
have any of them ventured an attack upon Pawnee warriors, unless 
with overwhelming advantage in numbers. Alone or in troops the 
Pawnee was to them an irrepressible b^te noir. Such was their reputa- 
tion as fighters, that for over half a century the Omahas, Otoes and 
Poncas, the latter famous as warriors, preferred to live under an 
acknowledged Pawnee protectorate against their own kinsmen, the 

In common with all Indians, the Pawnees were afraid of death to an 
extreme degree, and, therefore, personal exposure or peril was most 
anxiously avoided as long as possible. Hence much of their warfare par- 
took in some measure of cheap bravado, to the partial suppression of 
earnest purpose to win victory by sheer courage. Still their achieve- 


ments fully equal, if not surpass the deeds of the most noted Indians in 
the West, and instances are by no means few in which individuals and 
parties have displayed a genuine heroism, which should evoke unquali- 
fied admiration wherever known. One peculiarity of their military 
enterprises was, that whatever was done should be done quickly. They 
rarely hung around to worry an enemy. After one resolute efiFort, suc- 
cessful or otherwise, they immediately withdrew. 

Unlike most Indians of the plains the Pawnee war parties usually 
made their forays, even when they extended to a great distance, on 
foot. Dakota, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico and Northern Texas 
not infrequently acknowledged their presence and work. Tradition 
states that they had penetrated as far as the frontiers of Mexico. 
Whether any such expeditions were ever made or not, their knowledge 
of the prominent geographical features of the country in that direction 
was remarkably accurate.' Just what was their reason for making their 
excursions on foot may not be definitely ascertainable ; but we may be 
sure that there was some weighty consideration, else we can scarcely 
conceive that such fond equestrians should have foregone their wonted 
privilege. They sometimes explained their conduct on the ground that 
their movements on foot, though not so swift for a sudden dash, 
could be kept more secret and unerring. Besides they claimed that, 
in case of a hard struggle, there were certain advantages in being dis- 
mounted ; they could not then be so easily stampeded, and all devel- 
opments could be kept better in hand. But however this may be, it 
was a noteworthy fact that these parties almost invariably returned 
home mounted, and frequently with not a few horses to spare, securing 
thereby to themselves a far-reaching and well-deserved name as a tribe 
of inveterate horse stealers. 

Parties of this kind were always under command of some chief of 
recognized ability and bravery, who controled every movement at will. 
Much time was often spent before setting out in performing various 
evolutions, as fighting imaginary battles, deploying, reassembling, etc., 
all at the beck of the chief, who occupied some elevation, from which 
every signal given by him was easily discernible by all. The precision 
and apparent ease acquired in these exercises was almost marvelous. 
When at last the party was completely organized and trained, a war 
dance was held, in which a special sacrifice was offered for the safety 
and success of the expedition. The Pawnee war cry was shriller than 
that of many of the other trfbes, consisting of a series of short, broken 


Many of the most daring adventures were made by braves, who, 
unaccompanied, penetrated the enemy's country, and watched oppor- 
tunity to inflict some signal stroke by surprise. This was a favorite 
mode of warfare, and sometimes several scalps were brought back as 
the trophies of one such exploit, and secured for the adventurer a life- 
long notoriety. Trips of this character might be extended hundreds of 
miles, and require weeks of absence in their accomplishment. 

The return of a successful war party was an occasion of most 
extravagant demonstration. Men, women and children united in wel- 
coming the victorious braves. The following night a scalp dance was 
celebrated, in which each one had opportunity to magnify his exploits. 
Prisoners, unless women and children, were rarely taken, and hence 
scenes of fiendish delight in inflicting exquisite torture were unusual. 
If, on the contrary, the party had been unfortunate and suffered loss, 
its return was quiet, and gave rise to dejection and unrestramed 
lamentation on the part of the friends of the lost. 

The armor of a fully equipped warrior comprised the bow and 
arrows, tomahawk, spear, and shield, — the latter circular, and about two 
feet in diameter. It consists of a tough piece of heavy rawhide, from 
the neck of an old bull, sometimes double, stretched tightly over a hoop. 
Against any ordinary missile it was a sufficient protection. Of late 
years these weapons have all been discarded, except the tomahawk, for 
fire arms. 

§ 6. Medicine. — All knowledge of the art of healing was believed to 
be vested in the guild of Doctors {Ku'-ra-u-riik^r'-u)^ a secret order. To 
become a recognized member of the fraternity, a certain period of pro- 
bation was required. A person might assume the dignity of doctor 
without submitting to the prescribed routine; but unless he could 
achieve some remarkable success, he was generally regarded as a pre- 
tender and discountenanced. The duration of the pupilage varied 
according to the candidate's aptitude in mastering the mysteries of the 
craft. A considerable initiatory fee was demanded, and an additional 
fee at certain stages of the course. The convocations of the fraternity, 
or members of it, were shrouded in the most impressive secrecy, and so 
strictly was this secrecy maintained that I never knew of one not a 
• member being admitted. The principal business of these conclaves 
seemed to be the concocting of drugs, comparing and discussing certain 
curatives, interspersed with sundry ceremonial performances. Their 
great ordinance was the medicine dance, celebrated with the utmost 
formality at certain seasons, and continuing from one to four days. So 


far as may be judged by appearances, the great object of this dance, 
with its numerous ritual details, was to reassure themselves and awe the 
people. Candidates who had passed the requisite preparation, were 
formally admitted to the body on these occasions. 

The distinctive mark of a doctor was tfie wearing of the robe with 
the hair side out, and the ever-present medicine bag, curiously wrought 
and ornamented. In it were carried his nostrums, and it was often 
claimed to be possessed of healing properties which might be imparted 
by touch. Doctors were quite numerous in the different bands, and as 
a matter of course most of them were arrant knaves. So far as con- 
cerned any insight into the real nature of disease, they knew nothing. 
The general theory was that sickness was caused by malign spiritual 
influences. Occasionally after pretending to discover the location of 
the disturbing spirit in the body of the patient, the only remedial agency 
employed consisted in incantations for exorcising it. The following is 
a correct account of the treatment administered to a man who had been 
badly burned : 

The sufferer was brought home in the evening and a doctor sum- 
moned at once. For some reason he delayed answering the call till the 
ensuing morning, — quite possibly to add something of impressive impor- 
tance to his coming. He was accompanied by another doctor. On 
entering the lodge they did not deign to notice any one, and sat down 
in silence, and remained motionless till a pipe was filled and handed to 
them. The elder received it, held it up at arm's length over his head 
for a moment, muttered some unintelligible sounds, lowered it, carefully 
took from the bowl with his thumb and forefinger a small portion of the 
tobacco and placed it on the edge of the hearth before him. One of the 
family then held a brand from the fire to the pipe till it was lighted. 
The doctor slowly puffed the smoke two or three times upward, down- 
ward, and toward each of the cardinal points, and taking the pipe by 
the bowl passed it to his companion, who went through the same form ; 
and this was repeated till the contents were consumed. The pipe was 
then handed to the one who had lighted it. He emptied the ashes upon 
the hearth so that they should entirely cover the particles of tobacco 
before taken from it and deposited there. He then touched the tips ot 
his fingers to the ashes and passed his hands in succession over the pipe 
from the bowl to the end of the stem, and returned it to the owner, who 
did the same. The doctors now proceeded to inspect the patient's 
injuries, and after the examination was completed, began their practices. 
One of them took a mouthful of water from a calabash placed beside 


him, groaned, beat his breast, crept backward and forward on his hand, 
and feet, took up some dust from the ground, rubbed it in his hands 
made various intricate gestures, and then pretended to vomit the water, 
which all the while had been in his mouth, upon the hearth. Again 
he filled his mouth, and after going through an even more elaborate 
r61e, parted the hair upon the head of the patient, blew the water in 
small quantities upon the scalp, breast and other parts of his body. 
This was repeated several times. He then applied his mouth, pre- 
viously filled with water, to the sick man's head, and with groans 
seemed to be endeavoring with all his might to suck something from 
it. When this had continued some minutes, all at once he started 
back, and approaching the hearth, squirted the mouthful of water upon 
it as if drawn from the invalid's head. The same operation was 
repeated on several parts of his body. He then took up some of the 
ashes emptied from the pipe, rubbed them in his hands, and blew 
them upon the patient's head, breast, and wherever the suction had 
been tried. After all this operose detail he took a minute quantity of 
dark powder from his medicine bag, sprinkled it on the burns, and de- 
parted. During all this performance the other doctor was busily shaking 
his rattle, parading his medicine bag, and dancing with great violence 
over the sufferer, the occupants of the lodge looking on in profound at- 
tention and awe. These absurdities were repeated twice a day so long as 
the unfortunate man lived. The night he died, four days after receiving 
the injuries, when he was actually in articulo mortis^ the doctors were 
sent for, and with redoubled fury began their elaborate parade of juggling, 
and by the noise and confusion to all appearance expedited dissolution. 
This will serve as a fair specimen of their therapeutic treatment. 
Though the producing cause of the ailment was not directly recog- 
nized as spiritual, the appliances were essentially the same. In case 
of ordinary disease suction, and whatever other applications were made, 
was directed to the part of the patient's body in which the disturbing 
spirit was claimed to be located — usually where the most pain was felt. 
The doctor would often after long sucking expectorate a pebble, a frag- 
ment of bone, or even an arrow-head, which he pretended to have 
drawn from the spot. Sometimes violent friction, pressure, or a sort of 
kneading of the ailing parts was tried. At other times they attempted 
to frighten away the disturbing spirit by noises, as muttering, yelling, 
barking or growling; or by strange posturing as of a wolf, a buffalo, or 
bear; or by angry demonstrations, as brandishing a war-club or a tom- 
ahawk, and threatening to strike the affected part. 


This system of jugglery may well enough be called senseless ; but to 
the mass of the Indians it was otherwise. The mere physical effort on 
the part of the doctors was often so intense as to provoke in themselves 
profuse perspiration, and so protracted as to induce complete exhaus- 
tion. The uninitiated regarded all their ceremonies with the most defer- 
ential awe ; and so strong was this feeling that it sufficed to invest the 
persons of those who had performed any (pretended) remarkable cure 
with a sort of glamor which enabled them to assume an almost unlimited 
authority in the general affairs of their bands. It was believed that 
some of them could, if they chose, exercise powers of witchcraft over 
any who had incurred their displeasure. They could negative a con- 
templated war party ; and when on a hunt, though thousands of buffalo 
might be immediately about the camp, they could delay a chase indefi- 
nitely, assigning no other reason than that // was not good. 

It has been asserted that remedies were never administered internally. 
It may be true to a large extent; but as an absolute statement it is 
certainly a mistake. Just what the simples were I never learned, as 
the doctors were very chary of saying aught concerning the secrets 
of the profession, unless they were liberally paid. Of external treat- 
ments, other than that already described, a few means may be speci- 
fied. Cauterising was not infrequent. It was done by inserting a bit of 
the stalk of the achillea millefoliutn, about an inch long, in the skin and set- 
ting fire to the exposed end, and allowing it to burn down into the 
flesh. Sometimes several pieces were inserted near each other at once. 
Blistering was produced by rubbing the skin with the bruised leaves 
of an acrid plant, the name of which I never knew. Blood-letting was 
accomplished by applying the lips directly and sucking the blood 
through the skin ; or the skin was scarified with a knife, and the blood 
drawn by means of a horn prepared for that purpose. 

In treating wounds, contusions and sprains, such as are of frequent 
occurrence, some of the doctors were quite skillful. The same cere- 
monies as already described were of course had, but the subsequent 
treatment seemed to be more intelligent. Amputation was unknown ; in 
fact, there was a deep-seated, superstitious prejudice against maiming 
of any kind. Broken bones were sometimes well set. Probing and the 
extraction of foreign bodies from wounds were not much practiced. 
Major North, who commanded for several years the Pawnee scouts in 
the service of the Government, and is in all respects well qualified to 
pronounce an opinion, while expressing unbounded contempt for their 
general clinical practice, stated to me that he would prefer the treat- 


ment of a good Pawnee doctor for a wound to the care of an ordinary 
surgeon. Among others he related the following remarkable cures 
effected by one of these doctors : 

In July, 1867, the horse of one of his Indian scouts fell while run- 
ning a race near Fort Sedgwick, on the upper Platte. The rider was 
thrown violently, his thigh broken and hip dislocated. He was at once 
sent to the military hospital and kept under treatmeirt for several weeks. 
The dislocation could not be restored, nor was the fracture healed, and 
the case was given over as hopeless. The thigh was then swollen to enor- 
mous size and badly inflamed. At the invalid's urgent request Major 
North sent him by railroad home to the Pawnee reserv^e, to die — as he 
supposed. But in the ensuing December the man returned to the com- 
mand and resumed his duties, with no mark of his injuries except a 
slight shortening of the leg. In June, 1869, while serving in General 
Carr*s command on the Republican, the hand aud fore arm of another 
scout were badly shattered by the accidental discharge of a carbine. 
The wound was cared for by a surgeon, who advised amputation. To 
this the Indian would not consent. In the hardships of active service 
the hurt could not be properly treated ; in a short time the patient began 
to decline and the wound filled with maggots. This man also was sent 
home, in an army wagon to Fort McPherson, and thence by railroad, to 
all appearance to die. The following November, however, he had 
recovered with the practical loss of the use of three fingers. Both these 
men were restored by Pawnee doctors after the cases were pronounced 
hopeless. One further instance will illustrate the usual surgical 
quackery prevalent among the doctors: In 1874, /^//'-^z-/f-^//^r-//, head 
chief of the tribe, was wounded in the thigh by a revolver. The physi- 
cian at the agency did not consider the hurt dangerous, and under his 
care the chief was progressing favorably. But unfortunately, one of 
the doctors advised that the treatment must be changed. The chief con- 
sented, and he at once proceeded to plaster over the affected part with 
a heavy coating of moist clay. This of course stopped suppuration and 
brought on a fever, from the effects of which the chief soon died. 
Examples of such malpractice were only too common. 

The materia medica of the doctors was nominally quite extensive. 
Considerable time was apparently spent in searching for and preparing 
their drugs. Fossil bones of certain kinds were carefully sought and 
preserved. The Artemisia Ludaviciana, Acorus Calamus^ Monarda Fistu- 
losa and Punctata, Mentha Canadensis, and many other herbs and roots 
were esteemed for their real or fancied virtues. Some herbs were gen- 


erally known and used outside of the profession as specifics. Artemisia 
and Monarda were in general use as disinfectants and cosmetics. In the 
latter use they were bruised or macerated and rubbed over the person, 
Decoctions of the Artemisia were also drunk by women at certain 
periods. The sedative property of the Argemone Mexicana was known, 
and they were also familiar with the cathartic qualities of some 

The charges made for treatment, if not previously stipulatCv'!, 
depended somewhat upon the issue. If successful, and the head of the 
convalescent's family was able, the charges were sometimes quite exor- 
bitant, amounting in the aggregate to several ponies. If unsuccessful, 
the}' were moderate, and sometimes nothing at all was received. Doc- 
tors occasionally became very wealthy by their practice. This fact was 
no doubt a provocation to some to endeavor to enter the profession as 
an easy method of securing a living. 

One hygienic usage the Pawnees (as also many other tribes) had, 
that no doubt did much to counteract the prejudicial influences of their 
uncleanly mode of life. In slight indisposition, and frequently in 
health, the vapor bath was resorted to. A small framework of withes, 
about six feet in diameter and four in height, was built. Several of 
these might at any time be seen in dififerent directions in a village. 
Whenever any one wished to enjoy a bath, several large heated stones 
were placed in one of these frames, and the framework covered heavily 
with blankets or skins. The person then crept within, taking along a 
vessel full of water. By sprinkling this slowly upon the stones, the 
interior was soon filled with dense steam, which might be enjoyed as 
long as desired. The frequent use of these sudatories produced most 
beneficial results in maintaining and stimulating the activity of the 
secretory system. 

Women spared no effort in caring for their husbands and children 
during sickness. Each morning and evening in pleasant weather they 
would carry them out of the lodge to enjoy the sunlight, assist them in 
changing positions, endeavor to gratify every momentary caprice, and 
prepare any delicacy they could to tempt their appetite. There is no 
doubt that this last often aggravated sickness. Children, particularly 
when ailing, were kept alternately stuffing and vomiting to their mani- 
fest detriment. As long as an invalid could eat, there was supposed to 
be hope, and so there was a natural tendency to keep oflFering, and even 
urging food. Women, as a rule, did not when sick receive as solicitous 
attention, though instances were by no means wanting of men showing 


tender attention to invalid wives. It has been charged that men have 
been known to drag away sick wives when helpless, and leave them in 
out of the way places to languish unattended ; but this, if true, is only 
of recent occurrence. Aside from this consideration of affection, there 
was some reason for a husband receiving more care in sickness than a 
wife ; for to a wife the death of her husband might entail the temporary 
loss of home, while the husband might expect easily to replace a 
d jceased wife. 

Some of the foregoing details, as their proneness to indulgences of the 
appetite, and the extreme facility with which they suflFered themselves 
to be duped by the shallow trickery of the merest charlatans, are not 
attractive traits in Pawnee character. They are, however, not peculiar 
to the Pawnees alone, but are common to all forms of Indian life ; and 
the only wonder is that when controlled to such extent as they were by 
these practices, they should have succeeded in developing and retaining 
the many nobler traits that they possessed. At a future day some fur- 
ther facts may be presented in another paper, and with it this series, so 
far as relates directly to Pawnee manners and history, will be closed. 


' A friend, who has had much experience with the Indians of the Southwest, informed me that 
he is inclined to believe that the Lipans of Mexico are of Pawnee stock. They have, in times past, 
exchanged frequent hospitalities with the Wichitas, or Pawnee Picts, and the two. understand each 
others' dialect readily. The name Lipans he explains as IV-pa-nrs, i. e., the Pawnees, This deriva- 
tion is interesting, and so far as a single word can afford evidence, is very satisfactory. The clue 
at least deserves careful investigation, and may lead to important results in determining the remoter 
ethnological relations of the Pawnees. Unfortunately I have not been able after repeated efforts 
to obtain any vocabulary of the Lipan language by which the worth of the conjecture might be 
finally judged. If such kinship does really exist, though the Pawnees themselves make no such 
daim, it would sufHce to explain the fact of their apparent familiarity with the geography of the 
country toward Mexico. 


The family of Pitalesharu has long been eminent in the Cau'-i band 
of the Pawnee tribe. As nearly as can be ascertained, Pitalesharu, the 
subject of this sketch, was bom in 1823, and throughout his entire life 
he was a fine example of the true Indian. His father, of the same name, 
gained a wide notoriety in his day for the heroism and energy he dis- 
played in endeavoring to suppress the custom of human sacrifices in the 
Ski'-di band of the tribe. From him the son mherited a character 
marked by great earnestness and honesty, and singularly devoid of 
aught that savored of pretension. In early life he was naturally ambi- 
tious of position and influence, but sought them by the only legitimate 
means, personal prowess. Frequent stories have been rife m the tribe 
illustrative of his youthful intrepidity. The exact truth of many of these 
is now unattainable, and some are no doubt apocryphal. The reality of 
the following, however, is reasonably certain, as it is current among 
the Ski'-di themselves. After the resolute measures of Pitalesharu's 
father the oflFering of human sacrifices by this band to the morning star 
{Ito-pir' 'Ukuts\ as a public ceremonial, was discontinued ; but on a few 
occasions the inhuman rite was repeated unbeknown to the remamder of 
the tribe. Being informed of this, Pitalesharu immediately headed a 
movement for its entire abolition, and persisted in his effort till success- 
ful, though thereby he incurred the violent resentment of the whole Ski'-di 
band. Once he thwarted a contemplated immolation after the prelimina- 
ries were already begun by direct personal interference. Amid an angry 
throng of Ski'-di braves, whose bows were drawn and guns actually 
raised, he commanded a cessation of further proceedings, and secured it. 

So generally were his merits recognized that on the death of the 
first chief of the tribe in 1852, Pitalesharu, by a sort of compromise 
between the son of the deceased, the rightful heir to the head chief- 
taincy, and the second chief who also aspired to the position, was 
chosen first chief. From that time, relinquishing all other aims, 
he made the promoting of the welfare of the whole tribe the one purpose 
of his life. Rightly discerning that the whites were the great power 
he continued the policy of his predecessor and sought by a consistent, 
honorable course in all relations with them to conciliate their friend- 
ship and interest in his people. Ca'^-riks-ta-ka tUt-d-ru-rUk'ta' -pi-dUhu-ru, 
"• The white people I love," was a frequent expression with him. He 
was the most prominent of the tribe in negotiating the treaty of 1858, 
and accompanied by several chiefs, visited Washington in connection 


with its ratification. The honorable treatment he received while there 
was a source of great satisfaction to him ever afterwards. In his later 
days he was much pained that when chiefs from other tribes, whose 
only claim to notice was their hostility, were permitted to visit the seat 
of the Government, he was no longer invited. On one such occa- 
sion he remarked, " If I were only to perpetrate some outrage, as he 
(Spotted Tail) has done, 1 should be asked to go ; but now, because a 
friend, 1 am neglected." Unfortunately the keen sarcasm of the observa- 
tion was too true. It was mainly through his advice and cooperation that 
the companies of Pawnee scouts were enlisted and maintained several 
years in the service of the United States for the protection of the line of 
the Pacific Railroad, and for other operations against the hostile Dakotas. 

When the proposal was made for the removal of the tribe from their 
reserve in Nebraska to the Indian Territory in 1872, he first spoke 
unfavorably of it, believing that they had already made sufficient con- 
cessions in giving up their vast domain under former treaties. Still he 
seemed to realize fully that it was becoming extremely difficult for the 
tribe to continue where they were, and at times was much dejected in 
view of it. " Aha," he once said to a friend, " every way I turn I see 
the white man crowding upon me." Accordingly, he sent his son, La- 
ru^'-ctik'd'le'Shar'U (Sun Chief), to examine the proposed locality, and 
after hearing his report he seemed more favorably inclined, but still 
hesitated. The agitators who advised the removal, fearing that his 
influence would finally be cast against them and defeat the scheme, are 
charged with having procured his death. In the summer of 1874, while 
on his way early one morning from the agency to the village, he was 
wounded in the thigh by a pistol shot. The common report makes the 
shot purely accidental from his own pistol ; but it is quite confidently 
asserted, also, that the shot was from another hand and with malicious 
intent. The wound was not considered dangerous, but, under the per- 
verse treatment of a medicine man, gangrene set in and death ensued. 
Immediately after the tribe was hurried away to the Territory. 

In person Pitalesharu was well developed, standing slightly over six 
feet. Though not compactly built, his presence was fine, and he possessed 
great physical powers. His face was deeply pitted by small-pox, from 
which he suffered in 1838, and his features were large and very expressive. 
The accompanying engraving affords an excellent likeness of him as he 
appeared during his later years when in full dress. When young he was 
extremely vain of his personal appearance, and spent much in elaborate 
costumes. This fondness for dress he retained in some degree through life. 


The engraving represents him in his most finished toilet. The headdress 
and trail oi eagle's leathers, as has been stated elsewhere, is a tribal mark, 
and as such he took special pride in it. The other parts of his costume 
are very finely wrought, but by no means so gaudy as might often be seen. 

In character he was throughout a most noteworthy man. His 
elevation to the dignity of first chief at the age of twenty-nine years 
seems to have contributed much toward maturing and giving final stamp 
to his subsequent career. Endowed by nature with great abilities, he 
thence-forward employed them steadfastly in advancing the best interests 
of his people. So entirely did he identify himself with them that he 
always spoke of their common interests in the first person. His name, 
which had been assumed when quite young, he wished should be under- 
stood as indicating somewhat of the position he aimed to occupy among 
them, i. e., pit' -d-leshar-u, a chief of men. (It will be observed that 
philologically this name is the exact equivalent of the choice Homeric 
epithet, ava^ aySpcov). Though in some special relations one or two 
other chiefs wielded greater influence, yet they uniformly deferred to 
him as the chief. To those nof well acquainted with the tribe, his quiet 
and imperturbable demeanor sometimes carried the impression that he 
was deficient in force and decision. Wisely he preferred to influence 
his tribe usually by suggestion and persuasion, and so skillful was he in 
the appliance of these means that he oftentimes controled without his 
presence or desires being felt ; but when occasion required he could 
easily assume imperial attitude and authority. As an orator he excelled. 
In speaking he was deliberate ; his manner was dignified and graceful, 
and his words commanded fixed attention. When advocating a cause 
m which he was specially enlisted, he could become passionately earnest 
and impressive. His disposition, as already intimated, was eminently 
humane, and his conciliatory manners made his chieftaincy a period of 
general quiet and friendliness in tribal affairs. The government agents 
always found in him a discreet and generous counsellor, and an active 
co-worker in all measures of reform in the administration of their official 
duties. In personal intercourse he was dignified, but affable. When 
with intimates he was often humorous and jovial, and many anecdotes 
and bon-mots attributed to him are still in circulation in the tribe. 

Pit' 'd-leshar-u tukS'te'^sa-kit-au-l tu'-ra kit'-u a w/'tuks-ta-rl-kuts ; 
" Pitalesharu ruled all the bands, and was (confessedly) a great man,'* 
was his brief but expressive encomium from the lips of a Ski'-di brave. 




In the selection of sites for the manufacture of objects and imple- 
ments for domestic use, war, hunting and fishing, the primitive peoples 
of this region were mainly influenced by the inherent advantages of 
localities. Facile access to the raw material and to food and water, and 
opportunity for disposing of the manufactured articles, entered largely 
mto the calculations of the aboriginal artificers, and determined their 
particular fields of operation. 

While it is true that the Indians generally were capable of fabri- 
cating such implements, utensils and ornaments of stone, clay, bone, 
shell, wood and copper as were in common use among them, it is 
equally certain that in each community or tribe there were individuals 
possessing unusual skill and experience, who in a great degree monopo- 
lized the manufacture of given objects, and were regarded in the light 
of special workmen and traders in their particular products. By them 
were large stocks of manufactured articles frequently accumulated, and 
lodged for safe-keeping in the ground in localities known only to the 
fabricators, whence they could be taken and ofiFered for barter as occa- 
sion required. Sometimes the spade or the plough-share even now 
uncovers these neglected hoards. When the demand at home proved 
insufficient for the consumption of them, long journeys were undertaken 
by these artificers that they might distribute their merchandise to distant 
peoples, and in exchange bring back articles desired by the members of 
the communities to which they belonged. The avocation of the primitive 
manufacturer and the aboriginal merchantman was thus often united in 
the same individual. His occupation at home was recognized as useful 
and honorable, and when abroad upon his commercial expeditions the 
knowledge of his mission, and a desire to procure his manufactured 
articles, secured for him a welcome among and hospitable treatment by 
the tribes visited. To him was free passage accorded through the 
territory of strange peoples. Such recognition of the importance and 
services of the primitive workman and trader is worthy of note. By 
means of streams and well-defined trails trade relations were established 
with distant peoples, and the products of special localities widely dis- 
seminated. Rivers at that remote period, being not only the great 
sources whence supplies for subsistence were obtained, but also the 


marked highways for inter-tribal and commercial communication, we 
are not surprised at the manifest tokens of former life and labor still 
existent at various points in their vicinity. 

As an illustration of the establishment and maintenance for centuries 
of factories for the manufacture of objects requisite for successful 
hunting and fishing, we refer to the traces of numerous and extensive 
open-air workshops along both banks of the Savannah river, where it 
laves the counties of Richmond, Columbia, Lincoln and Elbert in 
Georgia, and the opposite counties in South Carolina. Here milky- 
quartz, chert, jasper, green-stone and soap-stone abound. The materials 
from which certain objects were to be fashioned were at hand, and the 
supply was practically inexhaustible. The Savannah river and its 
numerous tributaries were filled with fishes. Its islands and margins, 
adjacent forests and dependent swamps afforded ample cover for game 
of various sorts. At that early period the woods and waters of this 
region were far more replete with animal life than they are at present* 
Then the Savannah was a limpid stream. At appointed seasons the shad 
and sturgeon ascended and descended in countless numbers, while all the 
year perch, bream, catfish, trout, suckers, garfish, sunfish, eels and 
other varieties of fishes dwelt in abundance. These waters teemed also 
with turtles and mussels, which constituted favorite articles of food 
among the primitive peoples of this region. The buffalo, the black 
bear, the deer, the raccoon, the opossum, the wild cat, the wolf, the 
mink, the otter, the beaver, the squirrel, the rabbit, and other wild ani- 
mals, the wild turkey, the eagle, the fish-hawk, the owl and various 
birds had here their habitats. Reptiles — some sorts of which were 
eaten — swam in the waters and crawled beneath the shadows of the 
forests. The mulberry, plum, haw, crab-apple and other native fruits 
and berries yielded their annual tribute, while from the nuts of the 
walnut and hickory trees were obtained generous supplies of oil. 

It was a region quite attractive to man in a state of nature. The 
soil, too, was fertile, and maize could Ije successfully cultivated. Here 
under temperate skies the battle for life was not severe. Intermediate 
the mountain ranges of C